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Caught in the Cross Fire : African Americans and Florida's System of Labor during World War II

James Anthony Schnur

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Recommended Citation Schnur, James A. "Caught in the Cross Fire: African Americans and Florida's System of Labor during World War II." Sunland Tribune: Journal of the Tampa Historical Society 19 (November 1993): 47-52.

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the USF Faculty Publications at Digital Commons @ University of South Florida. It has been accepted for inclusion in USF St. Petersburg campus Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ University of South Florida. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CAUGHT IN THE CROSS FIRE: AFRICAN AMERICANS AND FLORIDA’S SYSTEM OF LABOR DURING WORLD WAR II

By JAMES A. SCHNUR

The Second World War greatly altered promising them "complete franchise, Florida's social climate. The trends of freedom, and political and social equality." tourism, business progressivism, ur- Guards closely monitored activities in the banization, and industrial development that Scrub and other black areas of the Cigar evolved during the war and flourished in its City. In June 1918, the mayor of Miami aftermath competed with conventional ordered police to prohibit any gathering of agricultural and extractive enterprises. blacks in Colored Town because he feared Countless soldiers served on Florida's such an assembly might become rowdy and military bases, and many returned after the unmanageable. Police abuse, coupled with war in search of jobs and greater economic other forms of institutional bigotry and a mobility. Women answered the call to fill revived Ku Klux Klan, haunted blacks vacancies in wartime industries. The state's throughout Florida long after hostilities African American residents, however, were concluded on Armistice Day in 1918. The caught in the cross fire between the Klan reemerged in Florida during the early immediate labor demands of a nation 1920s and promptly became immersed in the transformed by war and the long-standing political hierarchy. Wherever klaverns traditions of segregation and paternalism appeared, violence soon followed. In this that had historically stifled their economic paternal culture, many of the white welfare. When the Pittsburgh Courier Floridians who rewarded blacks for announced its "Double V" campaign two deferential behavior would evoke terror to months after the attack on Pearl Harbor, it maintain their social and economic encouraged blacks throughout America to hegemony. Similar to abusive parents who fight for victory in two distinct wars: the excessively punish their children, Southern external struggle against Fascism and the whites considered it their duty to discipline internal culture of racism. This essay blacks for any infringement of customs and examines the precarious balance between traditions. Blacks who challenged the labor and race relations in Florida during division of labor that relegated them to World War II.1 low-wage, low-skilled jobs often endured acts of public humiliation, beatings, and, Despite their loyalty and patriotism, blacks occasionally, murder.2 in Florida encountered blatant discrimination and paternalistic race Florida's unbalanced scales of justice relations in the years prior to World War II. promoted a system of statutory bondage. In A story in a 1917 issue of the Tampa the years following the Civil War, Morning Tribune claimed that German authorities maintained a supply of cheap agents hoped to incite blacks to rebel by labor by instituting a convict lease program and enforcing debt peonage regulations. practice, even after the U. S. Department of Blacks constituted a majority of the convicts Justice and a committee assembled by Gov- leased from Florida's prisons to work for ernor Doyle E. Carlton conducted private companies. Though the state investigations during the early 1930s. In the officially ended this exploitative program in fall of 1936, newspapers throughout 1923, the custom of leasing prisoners America reported that 400 blacks remained persisted into the 1940s. A law enacted enslaved on a farm in Macclenny. One man during the 1919 legislative session remarked that "it would be easier for an considered it “prima facie evidence of the enemy of Hitler to operate in Germany than intent to defraud" if individuals accepted for a union organizer to attempt to set foot in any item of value -- such as transportation to one of these camps." By the end of the a labor camp -- but refused to fulfill their decade, Governor Fred P. Cone denied that obligations. White recruiters could mislead forced labor existed in Florida. When some- desperate and impoverished African one once asked Cone about the 1919 codes Americans by promising them free that reconstituted slavery, he replied: "It's a transportation, food, and accommodations if good law. Peonage? We have no peonage in they worked in the forests or plantations. In Florida. Our colored people are the happiest this modern form of indentured servitude, folk on earth-when the Yankees'll (w) let once new employees arrived at the labor them alone." Debt peonage served as an camps, the\ witnessed deplorable conditions important investment for Cone and the state and realized that they owed the company for of Florida. Authorities usually managed to their passage. The law offered no recourse capture laborers who escaped from the for the duped black laborers because it plantation, and judges placed the escapees required them to prove that the employer on chain gangs and forced them to build had misled them: Florida courts would never Florida's roads and infrastructure.4 permit blacks to make such accusations against the white businessmen who Despite federal intervention, peonage at bolstered the state's economy with captive turpentine camps continued throughout the labor.3 war years. A turpentine foreman told folklorist Stetson Kennedy during a 1941 Turpentine camps egregiously violated the camp visit that his authority allowed him to civil rights of black workers. Camp act as "the law, judge, jury, and authorities colluded with sheriffs, executioner.... even rank(ing) ahead of politicians, and civic leaders to keep African God." These plantations-often owned by Americans in a state of peonage. Beatings, Northern business interests -- used their attacks, and murders frequently occurred Southern brand of justice on any unwelcome within the guarded confines of these camps. interloper: Authorities even charged Federal Some rural law enforcement officers Bureau of Investigation agents with criminal arrested innocent people on vagrancy trespass for trying to investigate conditions charges to meet quotas established by at these camps. In 1945, a Marianna turpentine operators. Similar to the purchase turpentine operator falsely arrested and of a slave in the antebellum period, camp forcibly transported across the state a black administrators could secure additional man who owed him money. A similar case workers by assuming the accounts of of bondage prompted the U. S. Supreme indebted blacks from other camps. The Court decision that annulled the peonage government made no attempt to halt this statute. Emanuel Pollock received $5 after he agreed to pay off a loan by performing the South printed an article informing acts of labor. When Pollock failed to keep readers that the sugar industry needed 500 his promise, the judge levied a $100 fine and laborers during the upcoming season. This imprisoned him. story in an August 1942 edition of the Atlanta Daily World mentioned the same In Pollock v. Williams the Supreme Court "free" benefits that white recruiters had declared Florida's 1919 law unconstitutional promised to unsuspecting black men on because it violated the Thirteenth street corners. The paper asked interested Amendment and federal anti-peonage persons to contact the U. S. Employment statutes. But this 1944 verdict failed to curb Service, an agency that enlisted cane cutters de facto peonage. In 1949, the Workers' for sugar corporations. The Employment Defense League (WDL) claimed that 14 Service claimed it assumed no responsibility more forms of forced labor arc more widely for the welfare of the workers once they practiced in Florida than in any other state. entered the plantation.6 Its legislature by successive enactments has most consistently attempted to evade or The sugar industry modified its hiring ignore United States Supreme Court practices by 1943. A year earlier, U. S. decisions." During a visit to Alachua County Attorney General Herbert S. Phillips had in 1949, the WDL located fourteen zealously prosecuted U. S. Sugar. Although turpentine camps which flagrantly violated the court revoked a grand jury indictment workers' civil rights.5 that claimed U. S. Sugar forced field hands to toll under peonage, sugar corporations Atrocities also occurred on sugar plantations decided to halt the recruitment of blacks around Lake Okeechobee. The United States with United States citizenship to prevent Sugar Corporation (US Sugar) harvested its further litigation. Beginning in 1943, first Successful crop near the Everglades in Caribbean residents of African descent 1931. For the next eleven years, white replaced the black Americans who found agents recruited Southern blacks to cut cane employment opportunities in other areas by offering the false assurance that the during World War II. This non-native black company would provide free housing, food, population posed new difficulties for a medical care, and transportation. When region that staunchly adhered to segregation: America's entry into World War II seemed The government detained and deported inevitable, the sugar industry cloaked its many immigrants who challenged the exploitation under the guise of patriotism. discrimination found in the plantation Recruiters for U. S. Sugar and other firms system. In an October 1943 incident, staff at told prospective laborers that they worked U. S. Departments of State, Agriculture, and for the government and tried to convince Labor attempted to suppress public blacks that cane cutters served an important knowledge of the incarceration of nearly 900 role in national defense. Once again, Jamaicans. When the islanders refused to plantation managers conspired with sign a Jim Crow agreement given to them by government officials to enslave African Jamaican and American officials, authorities Americans. Local constables did nothing to notified the immigration office and prevent farm supervisors from attacking transferred them to jails in Tampa and their workers with guns, blackjacks, or Miami, as well as the penitentiary at machetes. Ironically, one black newspaper Raiford. An official dispatched from the that documented peonage cases throughout War Food Administration the following year discovered 25,000 West Indian recruits authorities for verification, and also offer it seething in near rebellion and heard that to employers in need of laborers.10 peace officers had arrested thousands of other Caribbean natives upon their arrival. "Work-or-fight" mandates prolonged black Slavery continued, only the birthplace of the peronage. In a sense, "wage slavers" could victims had changed.7 keep blacks in a subordinate role by regulating the status and location of their Long before Jamaicans replaced employment. If black workers protested too Afro-Americans on sugar plantations, whites loudly, authorities might threaten to invoke had erected barriers to fetter economic the Selective Service Act. Throughout mobility among blacks. New Deal programs Florida, law enforcement officers broadly often excluded blacks: While over 850 white interpreted vagrancy laws while patrolling in Floridians participated in the Civilian black neighborhoods to meet the demand for Conservation Corps in 1935, coercion by labor on the home front. Beginning in 1942, state and local officials limited the black St. Petersburg police mustered able-bodied enrollment to less then twenty. Similarly, men from black establishments. Police few African Americans profited from officers and city councilmen coordinated National Youth Administration work-study raids exclusively in the African American programs because Southern blacks could not community to coincide with the menial and enroll in white technical schools. As agricultural labor needs of local business America prepared for war, whites hoped to interests. The following year, a Key West forestall an exodus of blacks from Southern Judge vowed to investigate residents who farms to Northern industries.8 On editorial terminated their employment in Monroe urged blacks in Seminole County to "think County without a good reason and arrest twice" before leaving because: them for vagrancy. While citrus workers in some central Florida groves faced fines and (S)outhern darkies who have migrated jail terms for not appearing in the fields on (N)orth have lived to regret it... Only those Saturday, a Clearwater man served a ten-day with exceptional talents, or who manage sentence for missing one day of work. somehow to keep one jump ahead of the law for a short time, ever find living conditions By January 1945, Governor Millard E better off in the (N)orth ... The average Caldwell asked all sheriffs to eliminate (N)egro is far better off in the (S)outh where indolence. The Martin County sheriff he is among friends who understand him and promptly seized this opportunity to warn his problems and where the climate is much loafers that: "It is going to be the policy of more suited to his nature.9 this office to cooperate with farmers, saw-mill men, and others doing essential Whites denied black farmers membership in work-to see that they get all the help many agricultural organizations, even available." A month later, Hillsborough though they demanded that blacks contribute County's community war production more than their share to sustain wartime committee planned a drive to combat needs. By 1942, the St. Lucie Defense "idlers" in the city of Tampa. White Council encouraged blacks to enroll in a newspapers also supported the governor's labor pool that would assure the harvest of request when they waged an editorial war tomato and fruit crops. The council planned against loafing. The press exhorted to submit the list to St. Lucie County community leaders to confine "Indolent" blacks, cure any venereal diseases they may Clark exhibited malfeasance of office by possess, and haul them before local draft repeatedly seizing African Americans. By boards.11 1944 Clark had established an "enforced labor decree" that offered him full discretion State officials sought to supervise the to hold any person found idle on the streets. behavior of African Americans through Without providing a trial or any semblance economic and social coercion. By of justice, he gathered blacks from Fort considering themselves the final arbiters of Lauderdale's slums and placed them in proper moral behavior, politicians, bondage on a farm owned by the mayor of bureaucrats, law enforcement officers, and nearby Oakland Park. Although state members of the State Defense Council officials intended for "work-or-fight" assailed jook joints, social diseases, and regulations to apply to unemployed and other influences that might "sabotage" the unproductive adults, a substantial number of war effort. As early as August 1942, Clark's victims possessed jobs with stable Governor Spessard Holland and the state incomes. Some of the men also belonged to Board of Health negotiated with the federal labor unions. While the Workers' Defense government to secure land for detention League scorned the sheriff's actions and camps to house diseased prostitutes. The demanded an investigation by the Justice state planned to offer defense training to Department, law enforcement officers who women confined in these former Civilian admired Clark's successful tactics emulated Conservation Corps camps, and assign them them elsewhere in Florida. By the spring of to war industries upon their release. 1945, a similar "reign of terror" had Officials at the U. S. Public Health Service, appeared in Sebring; others soon followed.13 claiming the Florida possessed the highest venereal disease rate in the nation, asked "Jook joints" offered an obvious target. policemen to corral "professional disease These roadside drinking establishments, spreaders." Local authorities seized this often found in rural areas and frequented by initiative. Under the orders of Mayor John farm workers, rankled civic leaders who Alsop, Jacksonville police officers arrested feared that leisurely drinking sapped the 1140 prostitutes and place more than 200 of productivity of black laborers. Any them on a prison farm during the first nine expression of freedom -- even if confined to months of 1942. By July 1944, Alsop a segregated bar in the black community -- ordered the detainment of all un-escorted threatened white social control. A May 1942 women "who have no legitimate reason for report from the Florida State Defense being alone in the streets." Though officers Council blamed a decline in agricultural did incarcerate many white "Victory Girls," yields on the "vagrancy, laziness, and they tended to search for salacious behavior indifference" of blacks who often lived "in in black neighborhoods. A poor black the Negro quarters of various cities where woman, lacking the economic mobility they are not under such strict control and available to her white counterparts, offered a have amusements more to their liking." The much easier target than the white "Rosie the State Agricultural Labor Committee, a Riverters” that community leaders deemed branch of the Defense Council, believed that essential to the war effort.12 drinking by farm laborers amounted to "sabotage of the war effort." Rural whites One sheriff created a notorious "vagrancy agreed with this assessment. For example, a dragnet." Broward County Sheriff Walter May 1942 editorial in the Ocala Evening Star accused unscrupulous customers in compensation to help them return to South black jook joints of committing most of the Carolina.15 crimes in Marion County. While the Defense Council passed a resolution that Racism also hindered labor reform. Due to urged the closing of jooks in farming areas, the precarious nature of an economy municipal authorities often profited from historically based on tourism and keeping their saloons open. Frequent police agriculture, Floridians tolerated little raids in Pensacola, St. Petersburg, and dissension among workers. When the elsewhere provided laborers for the white Second World War redefined Florida's community.14 economic structure, business executives assiduously protected their financial Economic barriers stifled career interests. They manipulated the prejudices of opportunities for urban blacks. When jobs workers to subvert attempts by labor unions became scarce during the Great Depression, to organize. Business and community employers often replaced African Americans leaders refused to forsake their hegemony possessing years of loyal and reliable service over the state's developing economy at a with less-qualified whites. Edward D. Davis, time when military installations and indus- a prominent black Floridian who contributed trial enterprises proliferated throughout to the postwar civil rights movement, once Florida. These moguls would not condone estimated that ninety percent of Tampa's any overtures that resembled A. Philip black residents appeared on the relief rolls in Randolph's proposed March on Washington. the 1930s. Even though infusions of federal capital invigorated the economy in Labor organizations faced formidable Pensacola by the late 1930s, most barriers that federal authorities sometimes Afro-Americans in this port city on the failed to confront. Despite the protests of Panhandle continued to subsist in squalor. Tampa's National Maritime Union, ships Jim Crow traditions prevented black docked in the harbor continued to violate laborers from fully reaping the benefits of contracts by adamantly refusing to hire the wartime boom. White women secured blacks. At citrus plants in Bartow and better industrial Jobs than black men, and elsewhere, managers distributed brochures women of color discovered even fewer which implied that a vote for the union opportunities for economic mobility. A city would inevitably lead to racial equality. On ordinance in Miami discouraged blacks from the day the National Labor Relations Board seeking skilled or semi-skilled jobs outside sponsored a ballot at one company, officials of their residential neighborhoods; no sent all black workers home two hours similar law prevented them from shining before the election. White cronies patrolled shoes or cleaning houses in the white com- black neighborhoods and intimidated any munity. When one Tampa firm advertised laborer who tried to return to the plant and that it desperately needed workers, vote. The Fair Employment Practice twenty-four black carpenters from Committee (FEPQ offered limited assistance Columbia, South Carolina, dutifully during the wartime years due to a small answered this call for laborers. After the budget and constraints imposed by its parent carpenters arrived in Tampa, however, War Manpower Commission. When company officials refused to employ them President Roosevelt restructured and because of their race and offered no strengthened the FEPC in 1943, his actions angered Southern politicians who knew that blacks filed a majority of the complaints jeopardize their careers. Officials in investigated by this agency.16 Escambia County fired a principal who led the movement among Pensacola's teachers. Many whites loathed black civil servants They justified this action by deeming the and blamed the Roosevelt Administration principal "negligent in authority" because he for damaging race relations by allowing failed to prevent the beating of two white African Americans to compete for federal vendors who visited the campus, even positions. One Southerner epitomized the though the incident occurred off school sentiments of white supremacist Floridians grounds. This fight to equalize educational by saying to Stetson Kennedy that: "When salaries served as a skirmish in the larger the war's over we oughta (sic) take all the battle to improve educational opportunities Germans, Japs, Wops, Jews, and every for blacks.18 nigger who's worked for the federal government and pen'em (sic) all up behind The state's provision for segregated electrified barbed wire and keep'em (sic) education met the needs of white business there." Such a statement conflicted with the and agrarian interests. Boards of public maxims Americans repeated to people instruction in Florida subjected most blacks throughout the world as they waged a "war to inferior curricula, inadequate school for democracy."17 terms, appalling facilities, and poorly-trained teachers. Courses in home Despite the throes of Jim Crow, African economics, farming, and industrial arts American educators did win an important offered at Leon County's black high school victory during the war years. The struggle prepared graduates to serve as maids, office to equalize salaries, which began with a suit workers, and agricultural laborers. filed by a Brevard County principal in 1938, Abbreviated school terms hindered received support from civil rights educational opportunity by emphasizing organizations and garnered publicity from manual labor rather than academic the national Negro press. Blacks filed enrichment. Officials adjusted the duration lawsuits against boards of public instruction of classes in many schools so they would not throughout Florida when school officials conflict with agricultural needs. School repeatedly ignored their pleas for fair com- authorities aggravated this situation by pensation. While attorneys for the plaintiffs refusing to enforce compulsory attendance never questioned the premise of segregated laws. While some rural regions furnished education, they did request that only two or three months of instruction each administrators offer equal salaries to year, others failed to provide any facilities teachers working in black schools. During for black children. Teachers often lacked the early 1940s, Thurgood Marshall and adequate resources and proper training. other talented lawyers from the National They usually conducted classes with a Association for the Advancement of Colored paucity of materials in dilapidated shacks or People's (NAACP) Legal Defense Fund buildings abandoned by whites. Some successfully argued their cases in Florida teachers entrusted with the intellectual de- courts. Judicial decisions that compelled velopment of black children had never authorities to disburse wages "without completed fifth grade during their discrimination because of race or color" educational careers.19 encouraged educators in other counties to demand reform. Some participants did Labor reform and economic empowerment Section 12, of the 1885 state constitution. in the black community required educational When the landmark 1954 Brown v. Board of reform. As a number of college-educated Education declared segregation uncon- blacks entered the teaching profession, they stitutional, Florida responded by joined the Florida State Teachers constructing numerous black schools and Association – the counterpart to the junior colleges-and by designating Florida all-white Florida Education Association-and Agricultural and Mechanical College as a established regional chapters that worked full-fledged university-with the false hope with the NAACP and other civil rights that the Court would vacate its decision if organizations. In 1943, two years after its the state improved separate facilities.21 creation, the Palm Beach County Teachers Association successfully challenged an edict With the contemptible institution of to close black schools "in the interest of the segregation, blacks faced an unyielding national war effort" so children could menace that granted more liberties to harvest crops. Even though the board of prisoners of war than to a substantial public instruction in Palm Beach County number of American citizens. Although sought to close black schools, it allowed Nazi P.O.W.'s incarcerated in Florida did white schools to remain open. Due to their provide the state's lumber and agricultural efforts, African American teachers reversed industries with cheap labor, they often this order and even persuaded white received better treatment in detention camps administrators to abolish split school throughout the South than did black soldiers terms.20 in uniform. Amazingly, American military personnel even acquiesced to the prejudiced Moderate improvements in black education demands of German prisoners. Though throughout Florida during the Second World black and white soldiers shared a single War fostered greater reform in the postwar mess hall at MacDill Field in Tampa, Jim years. A progressive method of school Crow customs required that members of financing adopted by lawmakers in 1947 each race sit on a separate side of the benefited Afro-Americans. This measure building. When German prisoners in the created a Minimum Foundation Program kitchen refused to work because American that made no racial distinctions in the soldiers of both races shared the same dining allocation of school funds to individual center, military authorities appeased the districts. While black schools received less P.O.W.'s by removing blacks. Such an than forty-five percent of the instructional incident causes one to wonder which dollars provided to white schools in nation's ideals truly won the war in the short 1939-1940, that percentage increased to term.22 nearly seventy-eight percent by 19491950. But gross disparities remained. Despite Scholarship has neglected the economic Governor Caldwell's insistence on equal contributions of black Floridians during the educational opportunity regardless of race, Second World War. Fortunately, newspapers some blacks saw the perpetuation of seg- such as the Pittsburgh Courier, the Atlanta regated education as an obstruction to social Daily World, and the Baltimore equality. By seeking admission to the law Afro-American recounted the heroic efforts school at the University of Florida in 1949, of blacks on both the home front and the Virgil Hawkins openly defied the system of battlefield. After the Courier launched its Jim Crow schools mandated in Article XII, "Double V" campaign in early 1942, black journalists, intellectuals, and community leaders demanded greater social, political, City and Region, 1607-1980 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982), 188-189. and economic empowerment. Although veterans returning from the war discovered 3 Jerrell H. Shofner, "Forced Labor in the Florida that many of the same perverse Jim Crow Forests," Journal of Forest History 25 (January barriers continued to restrain their mobility, 1981): 14, 21; Vandiver, "Race, Clemency, and they viewed race relations differently: The Executions," 18-22; Jerrell H. Shofner, "Postscript to the Morton Tabert Case: Peonage as Usual in the democratic rhetoric of the Second World Florida Turpentine Camps," Florida Historical War compelled blacks to choose adept civic Quarter4y 60 (October 1981): 161-163. 4. leaders and to strengthen neighborhood institutions. During World War II, one 4 Shofner, "Peonage as Usual," 161-163; 168-170; 0. writer captured the essence of the emerging K. Armstrong, "Legal Peonage in Florida," Nation, 21 August 1937, 195-197. struggle to refine racial and labor relations in this brief passage: "It was as if some 5 Stetson Kennedy, Southern Exposure (Garden City, universal message had come through the NX: Doubleday, 1946), 50-51; Atlanta Daily World, great mass of Negroes urging them to dream 12 January 1944, 1, 18 April 1944, 1; Shofner, "Force new dreams and protest against the old Labor," 24; Shofner, "Peonage as Usual," 172. order." Victory against fascism instilled new 6 Alec Wilkinson, Big Sugar: Seasons in the Cane life in a struggle over the division of labor Fields of Florida (New York: Knopf, 1989), 5-6, 82, that had persisted since the days of slavery. 92-94,124-127, 134; David Philip McCally, "Cane However, blacks would continue to find Cutters in the Everglades," (M.A. Thesis, University themselves caught in this cross fire for many of South Florida, 1991), 36, 39; Atlanta Daily World, years after the Allied forces had secured 18 May 1942, 2, 27 August 1942, 2, 21 October 23 1942, 2. military victory. 7 Wilkinson, Big Sugar, 5-6; McCally, "Cane Cutters," 59-62, 69-70; Atlanta Daily World,. 26 ENDNOTES October 1943, 1; Frank E. Pinder, Jr., Pinder: From Little Acorns (Tallahassee, Florida A & M University 1 For a more detailed account of race relations in Foundation, 1986), 61-64.

Florida during World War 11, see: James A. Schnur, 8 "Persevering on the Home Front: Blacks in Florida John Morton Blum, V Was for Victory: Politics and During World War II," in Florida at War, ed. Lewis American Culture During World War II (San Diego: N. Wynne, (St. Leo: St. Leo College Press, 1993), Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976), 183; George 49-69. Philip Rawick, "The New Deal and Youth: The Civilian Conservation Corps, the National Youth 2 C. Peter Ripley, "Intervention and Reaction: Florida Administration, and the American Youth Congress," Newspapers and the United States' Entry Into World (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1957), War I," Florida Historical Quarterly 49 (January 138, 157, 231, 237, 259.

1971): 264; Paul S. George, "Policing Miami's Black 9 Community, 1896-1930," Florida Historical Sanford Herald, 15 November 1941, 2.

Quarterly 57 (April 1979): 441-442, 449-450; David 10 Chalmers, "The Ku Klux Klan in the Sunshine State: Florida Times Union, 11 November 1942, 6.

The 1920s," Florida Historical Quarterly 42 11 (January 1964): 209-211, 215; Atlanta Daily World 9 Kennedy, Southern Exposure, 56-61; Raymond 0. December 1944, 1; Margaret Vandiver, "Race, Arsenault, St. Petersburg and the Florida Dream, Clemency, and Executions in Florida 1924-1966," 1880- 19,50 (Norfolk: The Donning Company, (M. A. Thesis, Florida State University, 1983), 26-28, 1988), 305-306; Key West Citizen, I March 1943, 1; 35-37; Thomas D. Clark, The Emerging South (New Atlanta Daily World, 2 May, 1945, 1, 1 June 1945, 1; York: Oxford University Press, 1968), 182; David R. Stuart News, 25 January 1945, 1; Ft Lauderdale Goldfield, Cotton Fields and Skyscrapers: Southern Daily News, 28 February 1945, 1.

12 For a thorough examination of prostitution in 19 William McKinley Menchan, "Florida Public Tampa during World War II, see: Dawn Truax, Schools: How Negro Children Fare in This Rich "Victory Girls and Social Protection in World War II State," Crisis 31 (April 1926): 291; Scott, Education Tampa,” in Florida at War; ed. Lewis N. Wynne, (St. of Black People, 1-2; Frances A. Rhodes, "A History Leo: St. Leo College Press), 29-48. See also: Ocala of Education in Leon County, Florida," (M.A. Evening Star; 8 August 1942, 6, 15 August 1942, 1, 'Thesis, University of Florida, 1946),78. Bristol Fire Press, 20 August 1942, 1; Florida Times-Union, 4 September 1942, 8; 6 October 1942, 20 Davis, A Half Century, 131-132; Scott, Education 13; Atlanta Daily World, 8 July 1944, 2. of Black People, 2-3, 14-15, 74; Atlanta Daily World, 7 January 1945, 2; Charles Andrews to J. W. 13 Atlanta Daily World, 10 March 1944, 1; 8 Studebaker, 27 March 1944, Box 31, Charles 0. September 1944, 1, 31 October 1944, 1; 31 October Andrews Papers, 1936-1946, UF Special Collections. 1944, 1, 15 March 1945, 1, 7 April 1945, 1. 21 Scott, Education of Black People, 12, 39; Denton L 14 "Report of Meeting Held at Camp Osceola, Belle Cook, "Some State and Local Trends in Florida Glade, Florida ... for the Purpose of Discussing the Expenditures Affecting Negro Education," Field Labor Situation as it Affects the Everglades Area," 15 Study No. 2, (Ed.D. Dissertation, Colorado State Col- May 1942, 4-5, Box 1, Florida State Defense Council lege of Education, 1952), 209-210; Jack E. Davis, Papers, University of Florida Special Collections, "Shades of justice: The Lynching of Jesse James Gainesville; Florida Times-Union, 21 October 1942, Payne and Its Aftermath," (M.A. Thesis, University 6; Ocala Evening Star, I May 1942, 2; James R. of South Florida, 1989), 127; Leedell W. Neyland, McGovern, The Emergence of a City, in the Modern "State-Supported Higher Education Among Negroes South: Pensacola 1900-1945 DeLeon Springs, FL: E. in the State of Florida," Florida Historical Quarterly 0. Painter, 1976), 166-167; Arsenault, Florida 43 (October 1964): 117. Dream, 305-306. 22 Robert H. Brisban, The Black Vanguard: Origins 15 Edward D. Davis, A Half Century of Struggle for of the Negro Social Revolution, 1900-1960 (Valley Freedom in Florida (Orlando: Drake’s, 1981), 18-19; Forge: Judson Press, 1971), 164, Kennedy, Jim Crow McGovern, Pensacola 1900-1945, 136, 151; Lewis Guide, 125-126; Atlanta Daily World, 9 February N. Wynne, “Still They Sail: Shipbuilding in Tampa 1945, 1; Robert D. Billinger, Jr., "With the During World War II,” Sunland Tribune 16 (1990): Wehrmacht in Florida: The German P.O.W. Facility 39; Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma: The at Camp Blanding, 1942-1946," Florida Historical Negro Problem in Modern Democracy (New York: Quarterly 58 (October 1979): 161, 167, 171-172. Harper, 1962), 413; Atlanta Daily World, 21 May 1943, 6. 23 Atlanta Daily World, 26 January 1942, 6, 8 February 1942, 4; Pittsburgh Courier, 2 January 16 Ben F. Rogers, “Florida in World War II: Tourists 1943, 5, 22, 6 January 1943, 17; Davis, A Half Cen- and Citrus,” Florida Historical Quarterly 39 (July tury, 67; George Brown Tindall, The Emergence of 1960): 34-35; Peggy Flint, “Florida Anti-Labor the New, South, Volume 10, A History of the South Drive,” New Republic, 18 June 1945, 842; Atlanta (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, Daily World, 16 December 1945, 1: Blum, V Was for 1967), 694, 711; William G. Carleton, "Negro Victory, 196-197, 212, 214-215; Stetson Kennedy, Politics in Florida: Another Middle-Class Revolution Jim Crow Guide: The Way It Was (Boca Raton: in the Making," South Atlantic Quarter4y 57 Florida Atlantic University Press, 1990), 109-110, (Autumn 1958): 422. 113-114.

17 Kennedy, Southern Exposure, 57-58.

18 J. Irving E. Scott, The Education of Black People in Florida (Philadelphia: Dorrence and Company, 1974), 64-66; Davis, A Half Century, 136137; Ocala Evening Star, 21 July 1942, 1; Atlanta Daily World, 3 February 1942, 1, 26 July 1942, 1, 11 April 1944, 1.