Network-Enabled Anarchy
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This toolkit was created through a collaboration with MediaJustice's Disinfo Defense League as a resource for people and organizations engaging in work to dismantle, defund, and abolish systems of policing and carceral punishment, while also navigating trials of police officers who murder people in our communities. Trials are not tools of abolition; rather, they are a (rarely) enforced consequence within the current system under the Prison Industrial Complex (PIC) for people who murder while working as police officers. Police are rarely charged when they commit these murders and even less so when the victim is Black. We at MPD150 are committed to the deconstruction of the PIC in its entirety and until this is accomplished, we also honor the need for people who are employed as police officers to be held to the same laws they weaponize against our communities. We began working on this project in March of 2021 as our city was bracing for the trial of Derek Chauvin, the white police officer who murdered George Floyd, a Black man, along with officers J. Alexander Kueng and Thomas Lane while Tou Thao stood guard on May 25th, 2020. During the uprising that followed, Chauvin was charged with, and on April 20th, 2021 ultimately found guilty of, second-degree unintentional murder, third-degree murder, and second-degree manslaughter. Municipalities will often use increased police presence in an attempt to assert control and further criminalize Black and brown bodies leading up to trials of police officers, and that is exactly what we experienced in Minneapolis. During the early days of the Chauvin trial, Daunte Wright, a 20-year-old Black man was murdered by Kim Potter, a white Brooklyn Center police officer, during a traffic stop on April 11th, 2021. -
Inside This Issue
Guild Notes Published by the NLG Foundation Volume 46, No. 1/2, Spring/Summer 2021 Inside this issue: • How Black Women Have Built Movements and Cultivated Joy • Commission of Inquiry on Systemic Racist Police Violence Against People of African Descent in the US Issues Report • Round-Up: 22 NLG Student Chapters Participate in Week of Mass Incarceration • Writing and Poetry by Jailhouse Lawyers ...and much more! IN THIS ISSUE President’s Column.........................................................................................................................................................3 Law Enforcement Targets Water Protectors at Treaty People Gathering Against Line 3 Pipeline; About 200 Arrested ..... 3 NLG Students Organize Dozens of Events for #WAMI2021...............................................................................................4-5 NLG-LA and Advocacy Organizations Release Report Documenting LASD’s Targeted Harassment of Grieving Families ....5 Commission of Inquiry on Systemic Racist Police Violence Against People of African Descent in the US Issues Report.... 6 In Memoriam: Thane Tienson, NLG-PDX and NLG International Member ..................................................................... 7 In Memoriam: Claude Cazzulino, NLG-Los Angeles Member ......................................................................................... 8 In Memoriam: Martin "Marty" Kantrovitz, NLG-Mass. Member......................................................................................8 NLG-Seattle Establishes -
In April 1917, John Sharp Williams Was Almost Sixty-Three Years Old, and He Could Barely Hear It Thunder
1 OF GENTLEMEN AND SOBs: THE GREAT WAR AND PROGRESSIVISM IN MISSISSIPPI In April 1917, John Sharp Williams was almost sixty-three years old, and he could barely hear it thunder. Sitting in the first row of the packed House chamber, he leaned forward, “huddled up, listening . approvingly” as his friend Woodrow Wilson asked the Congress, not so much to declare war as to “accept the status of belligerent” which Germany had already thrust upon the reluctant American nation. No one knew how much of the speech the senior senator from Mississippi heard, though the hand cupped conspicuously behind the right ear betrayed the strain of his effort. Frequently, whether from the words themselves or from the applause they evoked, he removed his hand long enough for a single clap before resuming the previous posture, lest he lose the flow of the president’s eloquence.1 “We are glad,” said Wilson, “now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included; for the rights of nations, great and small, and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy.” That final pregnant phrase Williams surely heard, for “alone he began to applaud . gravely, emphatically,” and continued until the entire audience, at last gripped by “the full and immense meaning” of the words, erupted into thunderous acclamation.2 Scattered about the crowded chamber were a handful of dissenters, including Williams’s junior colleague from Mississippi, James K. -
How Black Lives Matter Changed American Museums
University of Mary Washington Eagle Scholar Student Research Submissions 4-26-2021 “Interrupt the status quo”: How Black Lives Matter Changed American Museums Jessica Lynch Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.umw.edu/student_research Part of the American Studies Commons Recommended Citation Lynch, Jessica, "“Interrupt the status quo”: How Black Lives Matter Changed American Museums" (2021). Student Research Submissions. 397. https://scholar.umw.edu/student_research/397 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by Eagle Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Research Submissions by an authorized administrator of Eagle Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Interrupt the status quo”: How Black Lives Matter Changed American Museums Jessica Lynch AMST 485 Dr. Erin Devlin April 26, 2021 1 Abstract Black Lives Matter protests in 2020 were the catalyst for change in many institutions, particularly in museum collections and interpretive methods. This was especially true in museums located in Washington, District of Columbia; Atlanta, Georgia; Portland, Oregon; Los Angeles, California, and Minneapolis, Minnesota. Prior to the protests, most art and history museums upheld a Eurocentric worldview that diminished the contributions of Black Americans. Widespread Black Lives Matter protests, however, forced the discussion of racial equality to the forefront of the American consciousness, encouraging many museums to take a public stance and incorporate Black collective memory into their collections. This thesis analyzes case studies from five American cities that show how museums have utilized the Black Lives Matter Movement’s momentum to create new content for the public. “I hereby declare upon my word of honor that I have neither given nor received unauthorized help on this work.” -Jessica Lynch 2 “If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor.” --Desmond Tutu Few sectors of public life have avoided the reach of Black Lives Matter protests in 2020. -
Agrarian Anarchism and Authoritarian Populism: Towards a More (State-)Critical ‘Critical Agrarian Studies’
The Journal of Peasant Studies ISSN: 0306-6150 (Print) 1743-9361 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fjps20 Agrarian anarchism and authoritarian populism: towards a more (state-)critical ‘critical agrarian studies’ Antonio Roman-Alcalá To cite this article: Antonio Roman-Alcalá (2020): Agrarian anarchism and authoritarian populism: towards a more (state-)critical ‘critical agrarian studies’, The Journal of Peasant Studies, DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2020.1755840 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2020.1755840 © 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 20 May 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 3209 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 4 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjps20 THE JOURNAL OF PEASANT STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2020.1755840 FORUM ON AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM AND THE RURAL WORLD Agrarian anarchism and authoritarian populism: towards a more (state-)critical ‘critical agrarian studies’* Antonio Roman-Alcalá International Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, Netherlands ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This paper applies an anarchist lens to agrarian politics, seeking to Anarchism; authoritarian expand and enhance inquiry in critical agrarian studies. populism; critical agrarian Anarchism’s relevance to agrarian processes is found in three studies; state theory; social general areas: (1) explicitly anarchist movements, both historical movements; populism; United States of America; and contemporary; (2) theories that emerge from and shape these moral economy movements; and (3) implicit anarchism found in values, ethics, everyday practices, and in forms of social organization – or ‘anarchistic’ elements of human social life. -
Behind the Black Bloc: an Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism
Behind the Black Bloc An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Daveed Gartenstein-Ross, Samuel Hodgson, and Austin Blair June 2021 FOUNDATION FOR DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACIES FOUNDATION Behind the Black Bloc An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Daveed Gartenstein-Ross Samuel Hodgson Austin Blair June 2021 FDD PRESS A division of the FOUNDATION FOR DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACIES Washington, DC Behind the Black Bloc: An Overview of Militant Anarchism and Anti-Fascism Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 7 ORIGINS OF CONTEMPORARY ANARCHISM AND ANTI-FASCISM ....................................... 8 KEY TENETS AND TRENDS OF ANARCHISM AND ANTI-FASCISM ........................................ 10 Anarchism .............................................................................................................................................................10 Anti-Fascism .........................................................................................................................................................11 Related Movements ..............................................................................................................................................13 DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN MILITANT GROUPS ........................................................................ 13 Anti-Fascist Groups .............................................................................................................................................14 -
Independent Assessment of the Springfield Police Department Response to Demonstrations on July 29, 2020
INDEPENDENT ASSESSMENT OF THE SPRINGFIELD POLICE DEPARTMENT RESPONSE TO DEMONSTRATIONS ON JULY 29, 2020. Rick Braziel Police Response July 29, 2020 | P a g e Contents INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................. 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................................................................. 1 METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................................................................ 2 Document, Evidence, and Policy Review .................................................................................................. 2 Background ............................................................................................................................................... 3 INCIDENT SUMMARY & REVIEW ................................................................................................................... 4 INCIDENT SUMMARIES PRIOR to JULY 29, 2020 ....................................................................................... 4 June 6, 2020 .............................................................................................................................................. 4 June 8, 2020 .............................................................................................................................................. 5 June 22, 2020 ........................................................................................................................................... -
Violence and Restraint Within Antifa: a View from the United States by Nigel Copsey and Samuel Merrill
PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 14, Issue 6 Violence and Restraint within Antifa: A View from the United States by Nigel Copsey and Samuel Merrill Abstract In recent months recurrent calls have been made by conservative right-wing politicians to designate Antifa a “domestic terrorist organization” in the United States. Fixated on the spectacle of its Black Bloc tactics they have equated Antifa, what is essentially an ad-hoc, non-hierarchical, geographically dispersed social movement comprised of local autonomous activist groups, with organized violent extremists. And yet, the evidence for such an equation has been mostly limited to a handful of instances that usually bare the hallmarks of political exaggeration or are alternatively attributable to individuals loosely associated with the Antifa movement. Why is this so? How do militant anti-fascists in the US understand violence and exercise restraint in their use of it? This article seeks an answer to these questions based on interviews with activists from Portland’s Rose City Antifa, one of the United States’ most well-known Antifa groups, and an analysis of a collection of the group’s Tweets. It reveals that Antifa exercises considerable restraint, internally and externally, with regards to both the literal and rhetorical use of violence within its street and digital activism. In turn it calls upon others to exercise reciprocal levels of restraint by ceasing their labelling of Antifa as a “domestic terrorist” organization. Keywords: Antifa, anti-fascism, restraint, violence, terrorism, street activism, digital activism I would say if we describe violence as being like, you know, a Richard Spencer face punch, I would say based on simply being a fascist, all fascists deserve, at a minimum, a Richard Spencer face punch.[1] I don’t think that people necessarily will go off the handle. -
U.S. Far-Left Groups
U.S. FAR-LEFT GROUPS www.counterextremism.com | @FightExtremism U.S. FAR-LEFT GROUPS Key Points Far-left groups in the United States in the 20th century largely focused on issue-specific causes such as Puerto Rican independence or environmentalism. Modern far-left groups largely focus on social justice issues such as racial equality and immigration rights. These groups often align with socialist or anti-capitalist values out of protest against wealth inequity. Gun ownership is a central characteristic of far-left groups such as the John Brown Gun Club and Redneck Revolt, which believe they must arm themselves for protection from the far right. These groups appear at protests brandishing firearms and serving as security forces while instructing others on how to use guns. Today’s far-left groups largely do not have hierarchal or even organizational structures like their far-right counterparts. U.S. President Donald Trump has called Antifa a terrorist group, but it is less a cohesive group and more a broad ideological opposition to perceived fascism. Antifa’s lack of a uniform doctrine or organization results in followers presenting sometimes opposing ideals. 1 Far-left extremism in the United States largely centers around the notion of correcting an injustice but is otherwise broad in its ideological catchment. In the 20th century, U.S. left-wing extremism was synonymous with either communism or causes such as environmentalism. In the 1960s and ’70s, the Weather Underground declared war against the U.S. government and carried out a campaign of political violence.1 According to the FBI, far-left extremism in the United States was most active during the period between the 1960s and 1980s. -
The War for Southern Independence: a Radical Libertarian Perspective*
The War for Southern Independence: A Radical Libertarian Perspective* by Joseph R. Stromherg Department of History, University of Florida I. Introduction William Appleman Williams writes that history is a way of learning. If this is so, there certainly is much to he learned from a major crisis point like the War for Southern Independence. The conflict between North and South forced Americans to make not always clear-cut choices among values, and presented many fundamental issues still of interest to radicals and lihertar- ians. This paper will present a radical libertarian analysis of the War of 1861-65; as such, it will disagree in many ways with existing interpretations. It will be frankly evaluative in libertarian terms and will not assume that things "had to" turn out just exactly as they did @ace the Locomotive of History). The discussion will be no more "presentist" than couventional viewpoints (with their tacit statist premises). But by starting from entirely opposed principles we will, it is hoped, contribute to the understanding of our common past.' On the assumption that what happened may not have been the most desirable or the only possible outcome, I will offer a libertarian assessment of other options and might-have-beens for contrast; none of these will be outside the realm of possibility or violate known scient~ficor praxeological laws. This essay will address Schumpeter's "Marxist" query: "Who stood to gain?" and our own question: "What would have been a more libertarian path to the present?" (For present purposes I will assume a rough consensus on libertarian values and a hierarchy of these values in history.) If the present analysis contributes to a constructive reconsideration of the Confed- erate past, then perhaps Southerners, radicals and libertarians can begin using history "as a means of breaking the chains of the past."Z 11. -
Aradical Grounding for Social Disorganization Theory
Radical Criminology issue six ✶ fall 2016 ISSN: 1929-7904 I S B N 1 0 : 0-9982375-2-3 ISBN 13: 978-0-9982375-2-7 a publication of the !ritical !riminolo$% &o"'in$ ("oup at )wantlen +ol%tec nic ,ni-e"sit% .12666 72 /-enue, Su""e%0 B! 13W 2283 ***4"a5icalc"i#inolo$%4o"$ punctu# boo's ✶ ea"t 0 #il'% *a% ***4punctu#boo's4co# Radical Criminology ✶ Issue 6 November 2016 ✶ ISSN 1929-7904 General Editor: Jeff Shantz Advisory Board: Olga Aksyutina, Institute for African Studies of Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow; Davina Bhandar (Trent U.); Jeff Ferrell (Texas Christian U.); Hollis Johnson (Kwantlen Polytechnic U.); Michael J. Lynch (U. of South Florida); Mike CK Ma (Kwantlen Polytechnic U.); Lisa Monchalin (Kwantlen Polytechnic U.); Heidi Rimke (U.Winnipeg); Jeffrey Ian Ross (U.Baltimore); Herman Schwendinger, independent scholar Production Editor: PJ Lilley Cover Artist: Artact QC (see pg. 324) Unless otherwise stated, contributions express the opinions of their writers and are not (necessarily) those of the Editors or Advisory Board. Please visit our website for more information. ✶ Contact Us ✶ email: [email protected] website: http://journal.radicalcriminology.org Mailing Kwantlen Polytechnic University, address: ATTN: Jeff Shantz, Dept. of Criminology 12666 72 Avenue Surrey, BC, Canada V3W 2M8 ✶ Our website uses the Open Journal System, developed by the Public Knowledge Project at Simon Fraser University: journal.radicalcriminology.org Here, you may create your own profile to contribute to this project, or simply subscribe your email address to our low traffic mailing list, to receive notifications of important new content added to the journal. -
Copaganda-Toolkit-Police-Trials-As-A-Media-And-State-Kettling-Tool.Pdf
This toolkit was created in collaboration with MediaJustice and their ongoing work to combat disinformation as a resource for people and organizations engaging in work to dismantle, defund, and abolish systems of policing and carceral punishment, while also navigating trials of police officers who murder people in our communities. Trials are not tools of abolition; rather, they are a (rarely) enforced consequence within the current system under the Prison Industrial Complex (PIC) for people who murder while working as police officers. Police are rarely charged when they commit these murders and even less so when the victim is Black. We at MPD150 are committed to the deconstruction of the PIC in its entirety and until this is accomplished, we also honor the need for people who are employed as police officers to be held to the same laws they weaponize against our communities. We began working on this project in March of 2021 as our city was bracing for the trial of Derek Chauvin, the white police officer who murdered George Floyd, a Black man, along with officers J. Alexander Kueng and Thomas Lane while Tou Thao stood guard on May 25th, 2020. During the uprising that followed, Chauvin was charged with, and on April 20th, 2021 ultimately found guilty of, second-degree unintentional murder, third-degree murder, and second-degree manslaughter. Municipalities will often use increased police presence in an attempt to assert control and further criminalize Black and brown bodies leading up to trials of police officers, and that is exactly what we experienced in Minneapolis. During the early days of the Chauvin trial, Daunte Wright, a 20-year-old Black man was murdered by Kim Potter, a white Brooklyn Center police officer, during a traffic stop on April 11th, 2021.