Priming the Representation of Left

LAS0010.1177/0023830919849081Language and SpeechYan et al research-article8490812019

Language Original Article and Speech

Language and Speech 19–1 Priming the Representation of © The Author(s) 2019 Article reuse guidelines: Left-Dominant Sandhi Words: A sagepub.com/journals-permissions https://doi.org/10.1177/0023830919849081DOI: 10.1177/0023830919849081 Shanghai Dialect Case Study journals.sagepub.com/home/las

Hanbo Yan School of Chinese Studies and Exchange, Shanghai International Studies University, China

Yu-Fu Chien Department of Chinese Language and Literature, Fudan University, China

Jie Zhang Department of Linguistics, University of Kansas, USA

Abstract The paper aims to examine how the acoustic input (the surface form) and the abstract linguistic representation (the underlying representation) interact during spoken word recognition by investigating left-dominant tone sandhi, a tonal alternation in which the underlying tone of the first syllable spreads to the sandhi domain. We conducted two auditory-auditory priming lexical decision experiments on Shanghai left-dominant sandhi words with less-frequent and frequent Shanghai users, in which each disyllabic target was preceded by monosyllabic primes either sharing the same underlying tone, surface tone, or being unrelated to the tone of the first syllable of the sandhi targets. Results showed a surface priming effect but not an underlying priming effect in younger speakers who used Shanghai less frequently, but no surface or underlying priming effect in older speakers who used Shanghai more often. Moreover, the surface priming did not interact with speakers’ familiarity ratings to the sandhi targets. These patterns suggest that left- dominant Shanghai sandhi words may be represented in the sandhi form in the mental lexicon. The results are discussed in the context of how phonological opacity, productivity, the non- structure-preserving nature of tone spreading, and speakers’ semantic knowledge influence the representation and processing of tone sandhi words.

Keywords Priming, spoken word recognition, tone sandhi, tone spreading, Shanghai Wu

Corresponding author: Hanbo Yan, School of Chinese Studies and Exchange, Shanghai International Studies University, 550 West Dalian Road, Building 2, Room 418, Shanghai, China. Email: [email protected] 2 Language and Speech 00(0)

1 Introduction During spoken word recognition, speakers decode the acoustic signal and map it onto the stored representation to recognize words. However, factors such as talker characteristics, coarticulation, speaking rate, and phonological alternation often lead to a mismatch between the surface and stored representations (Weber & Scharenborg, 2012). Variability in speech has been challenging theories of speech perception and spoken word recognition in that invariance of acoustic cues for a certain phoneme or word seems impossible to find. Therefore, there is not a perfect match between the two representational levels. Although unsystematic variability could be detrimental to spoken word recognition, words undergoing predictable phonological processes may not be as difficult to retrieve since speakers can make inferences regarding the stored representations based on phonological environments. For example, Gaskell and Marslen-Wilson (1996) showed that both phonologically appropriate variants, such as leam bacon, and their citation counterparts, such as lean bacon, facilitated participants’ lexical decision in a cross-modal priming experiment. Gaskell and Marslen-Wilson (1998) argued that such a priming effect is due to the fact that speakers utilize the rule of place assimilation to retrieve the underlying form of the variants during lexical access. Unlike segmental processes (Gow, 2001, 2003; LoCasto & Connine, 2002; Ogasawara, 2012; Snoeren, Seguí, & Hallé, 2008), the processing and representations of words undergoing phonological alternations at the suprasegmental level have received considerably less attention. Zhou and Marslen-Wilson (1997) proposed two representational views regarding how tone sandhi words are stored in the mental lexicon. The surface representational view states that tone sandhi words are represented based on the surface form, while the canonical, or underlying representational view considers the abstract linguistic representation to be what speakers accessed during spoken word recognition. The latter view is more consistent with the assumption of traditional generative phonology that the surface form of a tone sandhi word is assumed to be derived from an underlying representation using a tone sandhi rule (Chen, 1987, 2000; Shih, 1997). More recent psycholin- guistic studies, however, have demonstrated that both underlying and surface representations may contribute to the processing of tone sandhi words depending on the frequency of the sandhi word and the productivity of the sandhi process (e.g., the rate of sandhi application in novel words estimated from wug tests). Chien, Sereno, and Zhang (2016) used an auditory-auditory priming lexical decision experiment to examine the representation of Mandarin Tone 3 sandhi words (T3 + T3 → T2 + T3). They found a facilitation effect when monosyllabic primes and the first syllables of disyllabic Tone 3 sandhi targets were matched in the underlying representation. When they were matched on the surface, no effect was observed. Moreover, word frequency of Tone 3 sandhi words does not modulate the effect of priming. According to their results, Mandarin Tone 3 sandhi words are represented in the underlying representation (/T3 + T3/). While Mandarin Tone 3 sandhi has been reported to apply without exception to novel words in a wug test and is hence extremely productive (Zhang & Lai, 2010),1 Taiwanese tone sandhi is not as productive, producing approximately 40% (512 → 55) to 80% (24 → 33) of expected sandhi outputs for novel words in a similar experiment (Zhang, Lai, & Sailor, 2011). The lower productivity of Taiwanese tone sandhi may be due to its circular chain-shift nature (i.e., the tone undergoes regular changes according to this circle: 51 → 55 → 33 → 21 → 51; 24 → 33, whenever it appears in non-phrase-final positions regardless of the tone in the final position). Chien, Sereno, and Zhang (2017) conducted a follow-up study investigating the processing and representation of less productive Taiwanese tone sandhi words. For the more productive 24 → 33, a strong facilitation effect was observed when monosyllabic primes and the first syllable of disyllabic sandhi targets shared Yan et al 3

Table 1. Shanghai disyllabic left-dominant sandhi for open or sonorant-closed syllables.

σ1 σ2 T1 [53] T2 [24] T3 [13]

T1 [53] 55-31 T2 [24] 33-44 T3 [13] 22-44 the same underlying representation, but a weaker facilitation effect was found when they were overlapped on the surface. For the less productive 51 → 55, a reverse pattern was obtained, showing a strong surface facilitation effect but little underlying contribution to priming. Moreover, both sandhis showed an interaction between familiarity and prime type in their priming effect, indicating that familiarity may modulate the type of priming effect observed. Based on these priming results, Chien et al. (2016, 2017) suggested that the representation and processing of tone sandhi words are influenced by the nature of the sandhi pattern. Although there are differences between Mandarin and Taiwanese sandhi patterns in term of productivity, both keep the base tone of the final syllable in a sandhi domain, while the preceding syllables undergo sandhi. This is known as right-dominant sandhi (Yue-Hashimoto, 1987; Zhang, 2007). On the contrary, in Shanghai Wu, the base tone of the first syllable extends to the entire sandhi domain (Xu, Tang, & Qian, 1981; Zee & Maddieson, 1979). This is illustrated in Table 1, in which the first column represents the base tone on σ1, the first row represents the base tone on σ2, and the body of the table represents the sandhi forms of disyllable words. For example, when 53 in open or sonorant-closed syllables is combined with a syllable carrying any other tone, it undergoes the sandhi 53 + X → 55 +31 (“X” refers to any tone among T1 to T3), with 53 spreading to the whole disyllabic domain. This is known as a left-dominant sandhi pattern. Notice that the sandhi tones 55 and 31 do not exist in Shanghai monosyllables. Only the combination of them forms a legal disyllabic tonal output. According to Xu et al. (1981), modifier-noun ([M N]) compounds and a portion of the verb-noun ([V N]), verb-modifier, subject-predicate, and coordinate compounds undergo this left-dominant sandhi pattern. Zhang and Meng (2016) investigated the productivity of Shanghai tone sandhi in both disyllabic real and novel items and argued that the sandhi pattern is relatively productive. For [M N] words, although statistical comparisons indicated that the fundamental frequency (F0) curves of real and nonce words are usually significantly different from each other, with F0 curves of nonce words showing more tonal characteristics of the base tone than those of real words, the pitch contour over the disyllabic novel [M N] words generally represents the contour of the base tone of the first syllable. This suggests a relatively productive application of the rightward tonal extension sandhi. As a relatively productive sandhi pattern, Shanghai speakers may be able to derive the surface sandhi form from the underlying representation (base tone of the first syllable) through a computational mechanism, similarly to the findings for the highly productive Mandarin Tone 3 sandhi. If so, we may find a facilitation effect of underlying tones. However, the rightward-spreading nature of Shanghai sandhi dictates that both syllables lose the base tone and carry sandhi tones. These sandhi tones are non-lexical tones in Shanghai, and only when the two tones are combined will they form a legal disyllabic sandhi. In other words, the rightward-spreading tone sandhi pattern in Shanghai is non-structure-preserving. This makes the pattern different in an important way from those in Mandarin and Taiwanese, in which the initial syllable of a disyllabic word changes into another existing tone. Shanghai speakers, therefore, may prefer to treat the sandhi form as a whole, and consequently, we may find a facilitation effect of surface tones. 4 Language and Speech 00(0)

An additional complicating factor for Shanghai is that, due to the dominant influence of Mandarin Chinese as the lingua franca in China, native speakers of Shanghai vary greatly in their daily usage of the language. We can roughly divide the Shanghai speakers into two groups: infrequent users and frequent users. Infrequent users are usually younger Shanghai speakers, who are more used to speaking Mandarin instead of Shanghai, whereas frequent users are typically older speakers, who prefer to use Shanghai in their daily lives. It is difficult to separate usage frequency of the language from age, as it is practically impossible to find young speakers who use Shanghai as frequently as old speakers. It is possible that infrequent users may not be as familiar with the base tones of Shanghai in monosyllabic morphemes as frequent users. This would cause the two types of users to exhibit different priming behaviors. In particular, if the representation of left- dominant tonal spreading is based on the underlying tones, the infrequent users would likely show a weaker underlying tone priming effect; but if the spreading sandhi form is represented as a whole based on the surface tones, then we should expect to find surface-tone facilitation for both the infrequent and frequent users. Given that left-dominant tone sandhi has its distinct spreading nature of application from right- dominant sandhi, it is warranted to investigate the processing and representation of tone sandhi words in the domain of left-dominant sandhi system. To this end, the present study investigates how native Shanghai speakers, both infrequent and frequent users, process and represent [M N] words that undergo left-dominant spreading sandhi. The representation of [V N] items, in which the spreading tone sandhi may apply variably in a lexically specific manner, will be investigated in future research.

2 Experiment 1 An auditory lexical decision experiment with auditory priming was conducted with monosyllabic primes and disyllabic Shanghai tone sandhi targets. Each tone sandhi disyllabic target was preceded by a surface tone prime, which shared the same tone with the first syllable in the sandhi tone, an underlying tone prime, which had the same underlying tone as the first syllable, and an unrelated tone prime with a different tone from both the surface and underlying tones. All primes shared the segments with the first syllable of the target.

2.1 Methods 2.1.1 Participants. Thirty-nine native Shanghai speakers (27 females and 12 males) participated in this study. All participants were born and raised in the urban districts of Shanghai, ranging from 18 to 38 years old, with an average age of 20, and they were all living in Shanghai at the time of the experiment. All participants were paid 50 RMB (about 8 USD) for their participation. Three of them (two females and one male) were excluded from analysis due to low accuracy rates (56%, 66%, and 66%), suggesting that they might not have understood the task of the priming experiment. According to the language background questionnaires, although the participants claimed that they used both Shanghai and Mandarin at home, their average use (% of time) of Shanghai in their daily life was only 27%, and their average likelihood of using Shanghai to speak to another Shanghai speaker was only 47%.

2.1.2 Stimuli. Two left-dominant spreading sandhis (53 + 13 → 55 + 31, 24 + 13 → 33 + 44) were examined, and the second syllable was always tone 13 underlyingly to avoid any influence from repeating the base tone of the first syllable. We chose tone 53 and tone 24 as the base tones of the first syllable as they both only combine with voiceless consonants. It is therefore easier to Yan et al 5

Table 2. Examples of the three prime types for two types of sandhi targets.

Prime Type Target 53 + 13 → 55 + 31 Surface Prime [tɕi55] [tɕi55 dɛ31] /tɕi53 dɛ13/ Underlying Prime [tɕi53] “machine” “egg” Control Prime [tɕi24] “to remember” 24 + 13 → 33 + 44 Surface Prime [tshɔ33] [tshɔ33 di44] /tshɔ24 di13/ Underlying Prime [tshɔ24] “to bicker” “lawn” Control Prime [tshɔ53] “to transcribe” match the segments of the prime for these two tones. Eighteen disyllabic [M N] tone sandhi words were chosen from the Shanghai Dialect Dictionary (Li, Xu, & Tao, 1997) as critical targets (see Appendix). All stimuli were recorded by a 34-year-old female native speaker in a quiet room in downtown Shanghai, using a KOMPLETE Audio 6 recorder and an AKG MicroMic C544L condenser microphone with a 22,050 Hz sampling rate. Given the nature of the spreading sandhi, the surface tone primes did not exist as real monosyllables in Shanghai, but the other two types of monosyllabic primes were both real Shanghai words. All underlying tone primes, control tone primes, and the target stimuli were recorded first, and the speaker was asked to read them as naturally as possible. Afterwards, the speaker was instructed by the first author, who is an early learner of Shanghai, to produce the surface tone primes. Examples of the three prime types for critical targets in different tonal combinations are given in Table 2. An acoustic analysis was conducted in Praat (Boersma & Weenink, 2009) to ensure that the tone of the first syllable in the targets and the tone in surface primes were acoustically different from each other. An F0 measurement was taken at every 10% of the duration for the monosyllabic primes and the first syllable of the targets using ProsodyPro (Xu, 2005-2018).3 Based on visual inspection of all 18 pairs of comparison, the F0 curves of the surface primes are acoustically different from those of the targets’ first syllables. The average F0 curves across the stimuli of the same tonal combinations for the prime and target syllables are plotted in Figure 1 using the R package ggplot2 (Wickham, 2009). In addition to the 18 critical [M N] target words (53 + 13, 24 + 13), 18 [V N] in 53 + 13 and 24 + 13, 36 [M N] and 36 [V N] in 53 + 24, 24 + 53, 13 + 53, 13 + 24 combinations were included as filler words to balance the number of different morphosyntactic items and mask the purpose of the experiment. All target words undergo left-dominant spreading sandhi. For each tonal combination, six of them were primed by a surface tone with the same syllable, six of them were primed by an underlying tone with the same syllable, and six of them were primed by an unrelated tone with a different syllable. 108 nonword targets were also included with 18 in each of the six tonal combinations. The distributions of surface tone prime, underlying tone prime, and unrelated tone prime were the same as those used in real words. The number of tones was balanced across critical targets, filler words, and nonwords.

2.1.3 Procedures. An auditory lexical decision experiment with auditory priming was imple- mented in Paradigm (Tagliaferri, 2015). Twelve practice trials were presented first, followed by the 216 main trials in a randomized order. The 18 critical [M N] target words were presented in a Latin Square design and each participant only heard each critical [M N] once, preceded by its 6 Language and Speech 00(0)

Figure 1. F0 data for the surface tone primes and the targets’ first syllables. The dotted line represents the average F0 curve for the surface tone primes, and the solid line represents the average F0 curve for the sandhi tones on the first syllables of the targets. Shadows indicate the 95% confidence interval of the F0 data.

Figure 2. Flow chart of the experiment procedure. corresponding surface tone prime, underlying tone prime, or control prime. The other 90 filler words and 108 nonword trials were shared across all participants. Subjects wore AKG headphones during the experiment. As shown in Figure 2, in each trial, the subjects first heard a monosyllabic prime; after a 250-millisecond (ms) interval, they heard the disyllabic target, and then they needed to judge whether it was a real Shanghai word or not as quickly and accurately as possible by clicking the left button (“real word”) or the right button (“nonword”) of the mouse. There was a 3000-ms interval between trials. Since there is no Shanghai spoken-word frequency corpus, a familiarity rating task was conducted after the priming experiment with the same participants to determine the subjective familiarity of the sandhi targets. All subjects rated the stimuli in a random order in Paradigm (Tagliaferri, 2015), with a response scale ranging from 0 (“this word is rarely used”) to 3 (“this word is often used”). To get the average familiarity rating for each target, the rating was Yan et al 7

Table 3. Reaction time likelihood ratio tests of Experiment 1: model comparison.

Model Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 A Not applicable (N/A) N/A N/A B Prime N/A N/A C Prime Familiarity N/A D Prime Familiarity Prime * Familiarity Model comparison χ2 df p-value B versus A 4.992 2 p = 0.08 C versus B 20.789 1 p < 0.001 *** D versus C 0.169 2 p = 0.919 averaged across different subjects. The justification of using subjective frequency ratings to estimate frequency comes from Balota, Pilotti, and Cortese (2001), who collected subject frequency ratings for 2,938 monosyllabic English words from different groups of adult English speakers with varying ages and educational backgrounds. The results showed that there was a tight correlation between subjective estimates and objective log frequency estimates (Baayen, Piepenbrock, & Gulikers, 1995; Kučera & Francis, 1967). Therefore, instead of using a corpus of Mandarin, whose word frequencies are most likely different from those of Shanghai, to estimate Shanghai word frequency, we collected subjective ratings to serve as an estimate for the relative frequency of exposure to a word in the dialect. The average familiarity ratings were included as an independent variable in the statistical analyses of the reaction time data from the lexical decision task. Since Shanghai shares the same writing system with Mandarin, to avoid the influence of Mandarin, the participants only heard the stimuli when performing the rating task without seeing the Chinese characters. The entire experiment including both the lexical decision and the familiarity rating tasks took around 40 minutes.

2.2 Results The reaction times and errors from the lexical decision task were examined. The overall error rate for the [M N] stimuli, including both critical and filler words, is 16% (311/1944 trials, 18 critical words and 36 filler words per participant * 36 participants). For the reaction time analyses on the critical words, inaccurate responses (17%, 107/648 trials, 18 critical words per participant * 36 participants) and responses over two standard deviations from the mean reaction time of critical words (1%, 7/648 trials) were excluded. The reaction times were log-transformed to reduce the skewness of the data set, and the logged reaction times were then modeled with a series of Linear Mixed-Effects models with participants and item as random effects, and prime (surface, underlying, control) and familiarity as fixed effects.4 For prime, the control prime was selected as the baseline to which surface and underlying were compared to investigate facilitation and inhibition effects. Likelihood ratio tests were conducted to evaluate the effects of prime, familiarity, and prime * familiarity. Four models (A, B, C, and D), including random-intercepts and by-subject random slopes for prime, were run and compared using likelihood ratio tests to determine the effects of the fixed variables, as shown in Table 3. All analyses were performed using the lme4 package in R (Bates, Maechler, Bolker, & Walker, 2014), and p values were estimated using the lmerTest package (Kuznetsova, Brockhoff, & Christensen, 2016). 8 Language and Speech 00(0)

Table 4. Fixed effect estimates (top) and variance estimates (bottom) for model results of logged reaction time in Shanghai disyllabic [M N] (Experiment 1).

Fixed effect Coefficient SE of estimate t p

(Intercept) 3.277 0.029 111.798 < 2e-16 *** Prime-Surface –0.023 0.012 -2.001 0.049 * Prime-Underlying –0.009 0.017 -0.531 0.599 Familiarity –0.071 0.012 -5.757 1.12e-05 *** Random Effects s2 Residual 0.010 subject (intercept) 0.002 subject Prime-Surface 0.001 subject Prime-Underlying 0.006 item (intercept) 0.001

*p ⩽ 0.05, **p ⩽ 0.01, ***p ⩽ 0.001.

Figure 3. Logged reaction time and error bars for control, surface, and underlying condition in the lexical decision task of Experiment 1.

Table 3 shows that adding prime (Model B) had a marginally significant improvement of the null model (Model A), and adding familiarity (Model C) significantly improved Model B; the prime * familiarity interaction on Model D did not significantly improve Model C, indicating that there was no interaction between prime and familiarity. The parameter estimates for Model C are given in Table 4. Table 4 shows that there was a significant effect of prime. With a negative coefficient value (-0.023), the surface tone facilitated the recognition of [M N] words more than the unrelated tone. However, the effect of the underlying tone was not significantly different from that of the unrelated tone, indicating that the underlying tone did not trigger a faster reaction time than the unrelated control. These can also be observed in Figure 3. Yan et al 9

Figure 4. Reaction time elicited in the underlying (+), surface (#), and control (*) prime conditions as a function of familiarity for Shanghai [M N] words in Experiment 1 (each point represents a target word primed by a certain type of primes, which was differentiated by symbols).

The coefficient for familiarity is -0.071, indicating that familiarity had a negative effect on reaction time. As we can see in Figure 4, in general, it took the participants less time to recognize more familiar [M N] words.

2.3 Discussion We found a significant facilitation effect due to the overlap between the surface primes and the first syllables of the disyllabic sandhi targets. It has been demonstrated in auditory-auditory priming experiments that facilitation effects emerge in tone-and-segment overlap and segment-only overlap conditions when primes and targets are all monosyllables (Sereno & Lee, 2015). When primes and targets were disyllables, facilitation effects were observed if primes and targets were identical or shared the initial morpheme (Zhou & Marslen-Wilson, 1995). In tone sandhi priming studies, Chien et al. (2016, 2017) showed facilitation effects when monosyllabic primes and disyllabic sandhi targets were matched in the underlying representation for highly productive sandhis; for less productive sandhi, a facilitation effect was observed when the prime and the target were matched on the surface. In the current experiment with monosyllabic primes and disyllabic sandhi targets, we observed a surface-match facilitation effect. This effect is likely due to the spread activation between the surface primes and the first syllable of the sandhi targets, indicating that for [M N] words, Shanghai speakers access the sandhi representation rather than derive the spread sandhi form from the underlying representations. One possible explanation for this pattern is that, due to less frequent usage of Shanghai, these speakers may not be aware of the base tone of the first syllable and only have representations for 10 Language and Speech 00(0) the disyllabic sandhi form in the mental lexicon. Their lexical processing of these forms is then also based on the disyllabic representations. In addition, because Shanghai shares a majority of disyllabic words with Mandarin, and disyllabic words account for 70% of all word types in Mandarin (Duanmu, 2012; Lancaster Corpus of Mandarin Chinese (McEnery & Xiao, 2004)), it is possible that these speakers may not be familiar with the base tones of the monosyllabic morphemes, but directly store the sandhi forms of the disyllabic words. To get a clearer picture of these speakers’ knowledge of monosyllabic tones, we conducted a post-hoc production experiment. We were able to invite 17 of the 36 participants who contributed data to Experiment 1 back in the lab (11 females and six males, ranging from 18 to 20 years old, average age: 19). These participants were asked to produce the initial syllable of the 18 critical items in isolation (9 tone 53 and 9 tone 24 monosyllables), together with 36 monosyllabic fillers (9 tone 53, 9 tone 24, and 18 tone 13 monosyllables) in a random order. The recordings were made by a KOMPLETE Audio 6 recorder and an AKG MicroMic C544L condenser microphone with a sampling rate of 22,500 Hz. The monosyllabic production data were then classified by a phonetically trained Shanghai speaker into “Correct” and “Incorrect.” An item was classified as “Incorrect” if either the segments or the tone was produced unexpectedly.5 Results showed that the overall accuracy rate was 89% (SD = 13%). The accuracy rate for critical items was also 89% (SD = 18%). These data suggest that although the speakers recruited in Experiment 1 do not use Shanghai dominantly in daily life, they are still aware of the monosyllabic tones that correspond to the base tones of the first syllables of the critical targets. It is thus more likely that the left-dominant tonal spreading pattern is what causes Shanghai disyllabic [M N] words to be represented in the surface form. For right-dominant sandhi such as Mandarin and Taiwanese, only the first-syllable tone changes into a different existing tone after sandhi application; the second-syllable tone still carries the base tone, demonstrating a one-to-one correspondence between sandhi tones and base tones. For Shanghai tone sandhi, the spreading pattern of the base tone involves tonal change on both syllables of a disyllabic sandhi word, and both syllables bear a non-existing tone. Only when processing these two non-existing tones together will the tonal pattern of the disyllabic word obey Shanghai phonotactics, which leads to the pos- sibility that the disyllabic sandhi form has a stronger impact on word recognition. The results of Experiment 1 must be interpreted with caution. Although the average monosyllabic production accuracy rate of the 17 speakers is 89%, these participants use Shanghai only 27% of the time in their daily lives, and they are less comfortable using Shanghai than using Mandarin. This could potentially affect the results. If we find the same results with speakers who use Shanghai more often and more comfortably, it would provide stronger evidence that tonal spreading patterns are indeed represented as the surface forms. But if we find different patterns, especially, underlying priming, for these speakers, the results of Experiment 1 may then have to be reinterpreted. Experiment 2 was designed to address this issue.

3 Experiment 2 Due to the fact that younger speakers generally use Shanghai less frequently, Experiment 2 includes older participants who use Shanghai above 50% of the time in their daily lives. This also helps minimize the potential influence from Mandarin.

3.1 Methods The methods of Experiment 2 were similar to those of Experiment 1, except that after the priming and familiarity rating experiments, participants were also asked to produce the 54 monosyllables Yan et al 11

Table 5. Reaction time likelihood ratio tests of Experiment 2: model comparison.

Model Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 A Not applicable (N/A) N/A N/A B Prime N/A N/A C Prime Familiarity N/A D Prime Familiarity Prime * Familiarity Model comparison χ2 df p-value B versus A 0.330 2 p = 0.848 C versus B 19.921 1 p < 0.001 *** D versus C 2.128 2 p = 0.345 described in §2.3 in a random order. Recordings were made by a TASCAM DR-100MKIII recorder using an Electro-Voice 767 microphone with a sampling rate of 22,500 Hz. The speakers’ production was then judged by the same phonetically trained Shanghai speaker as “Correct” and “Incorrect,” as in Experiment 1. Thirty-eight native speakers of Shanghai (30 females and eight males) participated in the experiment. Thirty-six of them were born and raised in urban districts of Shanghai. The remaining two were born elsewhere (one in a suburban area of Shanghai, and the other in North China), but moved to Shanghai urban areas before the age of 8. Both of them also have a native Shanghai-speaking parent. Participants ranged from 40 to 63 years old, with an average age of 54, and they all lived in Shanghai at the time of the experiment. All participants were paid 50 RMB (about 8 USD) for their participation. Two of them (one female and one male) were excluded from analysis because of chance-level accuracy rates (54% and 62%), indicating that they might not have understood the task of the priming experiment. According to self-reports, on average, the older speakers use Shanghai 71% of the time in their daily lives, and their average percentage of willingness to speak Shanghai to another Shanghai speaker is 96%. In other words, the speakers of Experiment 2 use Shanghai more frequently and more comfortably than those of Experiment 1.

3.2 Results The reaction times and errors from the lexical decision task were examined. The overall error rate for the [M N] stimuli, including both critical and filler words, is 9% (167/1944 trials, 18 critical words and 36 filler words per participant * 36 participants). For the reaction time analyses on the critical words, inaccurate responses (10%, 62/648 trials, 18 critical words per participant * 36 participants) and responses over two standard deviations from the mean reaction time of critical words (7%, 46/648 trials, among the 46 trials, 18 were inaccurate responses) were excluded. Data analysis was the same as that in Experiment 1. Likelihood ratio tests were conducted to evaluate the effects of prime, familiarity, and prime * familiarity. Four models (A, B, C, and D), including random-intercepts and by-subject random slopes for prime, were run and compared using likelihood ratio tests to determine the effects of the fixed variables, as shown in Table 5. Table 5 shows that adding prime (Model B) did not improve the null model (Model A), but adding familiarity (Model C) did significantly improve Model B; adding the prime * familiarity interaction in Model D did not significantly improve Model C, indicating that there was no interaction between prime and familiarity. To make the results more directly comparable to those of Experiment 1, 12 Language and Speech 00(0)

Table 6. Fixed effect estimates (top) and variance estimates (bottom) for model results of logged reaction time in Shanghai disyllabic [M N] (Experiment 2).

Fixed effect Coefficient SE of estimate t p

(Intercept) 3.243 0.027 120.124 < 2e-16 *** Prime-Surface 0.005 0.009 0.512 0.609 Prime-Underlying 0.004 0.010 0.413 0.682 Familiarity –0.072 0.012 –6.049 1e-05 *** Random Effects s2 Residual 0.008 subject (intercept) 0.004 subject Prime-Surface 0.0002 subject Prime-Underlying 0.001 item (intercept) 0.001

*p ⩽ 0.05, **p ⩽ 0.01, ***p ⩽ 0.001.

Figure 5. Logged reaction time and error bars for control, surface, and underlying condition in the lexical decision task of Experiment 2. we have opted to report the parameter estimates for Model C (Table 6), which includes both prime and familiarity as fixed effects. Table 5 and Table 6 show that, unlike Experiment 1, neither the surface nor the underlying tone triggered significantly faster reaction times than the unrelated control, indicating that neither was significantly different from the unrelated tone in priming the recognition of [M N] words. This can also be observed in Figure 5, which shows little difference among the three types of prime in the reaction time for the recognition of [M N] words. Yan et al 13

Figure 6. Reaction time elicited in the underlying (+), surface (#), and control (*) prime conditions as a function of familiarity for Shanghai [M N] words in Experiment 2 (each point represents a target word primed by a certain type of primes, which was differentiated by symbols).

To further compare the effects of surface and underlying prime, we reran Model C, but switched the base line from the control prime to the underlying prime. Results showed that there was no difference between the underlying prime and the surface prime (Coefficient = 6.373e-04, SE = 9.336e-03, t = 0.068, p = 0.946) or the control prime (Coefficient = -4.219e-03, SE = 1.021e-02, t = -0.413, p = 0.682). In other words, there was no priming effect difference between the surface and the underlying primes. There was only a significant effect of familiarity. With a negative coefficient value (-0.072), familiarity had a negative effect on reaction times, which replicates the finding in Experiment 1: more familiar [M N] words were recognized more quickly. This is also shown in Figure 6. The production study of the monosyllables showed that the participants of Experiment 2 were highly familiar with the base tones of monosyllabic morphemes: the accuracy rates of their production were 97% for all items (SD = 3%) and 96% for the critical items (SD = 6%). T-test comparisons showed that participants of Experiment 2 did not differ significantly from participants of Experiment 1 in the production accuracy of critical items (t = 1.52, p = 0.15), but they did differ significantly in the production accuracy of all items (t = 2.78, p < 0.05).

3.3 Discussion Our data provide converging evidence with Experiment 1 on the familiarity effect and the absence of the underlying priming effect in the recognition of tone sandhi words in Shanghai. More specifi- cally, even though these frequent users of Shanghai were quite familiar with the base tones of the first syllables of the critical targets, underlying tone still did not facilitate [M N] word recognition. 14 Language and Speech 00(0)

This indicates that the representation and processing of disyllabic sandhi words do not rely on the knowledge of the base tones of the first syllable, as these speakers were unable to use the base tone to facilitate the retrieval of the sandhi tone of the initial syllable in a disyllabic word. However, unlike Experiment 1, the surface tone primes had no facilitation effect in word recognition. This null result can be interpreted as follows. At the phonological level, when the monosyllabic prime overlaps with the initial syllable of the target in the surface tone, it facilitates word recognition, which is consistent with the surface tone facilitation effect demonstrated by young Shanghai speakers in Experiment 1. However, Shanghai tone-spreading sandhi lacks a one-to-one correspondence between the base tone and the sandhi tone on the syllabic level. For the tone- spreading pattern, the base tone on the first syllable spreads to a disyllabic sandhi domain, causing non-lexical tones on both syllables that must occur together to form a legal disyllabic sandhi melody. Consequently, a monosyllabic surface prime can activate a number of different disyllabic words with this tonal melody, which compete with the disyllabic target at the lexical level. For example, for the target word [tshɿ55 vɛ31] “glutinous rice roll,” the surface prime [tshɿ55] may activate a series of [tshɿ55-σ31] and compete with [tshɿ55 vɛ31] at the lexical level.6 In Experiment 2, it is likely that the facilitation effect at the phonological level was counteracted by the inhibition effect at the lexical level, as indicated by the absence of surface prime facilitation effect. Future studies should be conducted to evaluate the effect of lexical competition on priming for the spreading sandhi in order to further investigate the reasons for the null results we obtained with the older, frequent users of Shanghai. Analogous results have been found in priming studies in English, which showed that, when the prime and the target share the initial phoneme, the lexical competition effect is weak, and a facilitation effect in reaction time can be observed at the prelexical phonological levels; but when there are three overlapping phonemes between the prime and the target, the interference from competition at the lexical level overwhelms the phonemic facilitation effect (Slowiaczek & Hamburger, 1992; Vitevitch & Luce, 1998). The lack of such lexical competition in Experiment 1 may be due to the fact that younger participants have a smaller semantic knowledge base than older speakers in Experiment 2. This is further discussed in §4.

4 General discussion The current study examined how two groups of native Shanghai Wu speakers, a group of frequent users and a group of less frequent users, represent and process disyllabic words that have under- gone a left-dominant spreading tone sandhi using a priming method in which participants heard monosyllabic primes followed by disyllabic tone sandhi targets for which they had to make lexical decision judgments. The results of the current study contrast with those of earlier studies on right- dominant tone sandhi in two interesting ways. One is on the pattern of the priming effect, and the other is on whether frequency interacts with different prime types. First, for the priming effect, Chien et al. (2016) showed that underlying primes triggered a facilitation effect for Mandarin Tone 3 sandhi. For Taiwanese tone sandhi, surface primes have a greater facilitation effect than underlying primes for the 51 → 55 sandhi, but underlying primes facilitate word recognition more than surface primes for the 24 → 33 sandhi (Chien et al., 2017). Chien and colleagues argued that such priming patterns have resulted from the different nature of the sandhi patterns. Mandarin Tone 3 sandhi and Taiwanese 24 → 33 sandhi (phonotactically tone 24 cannot occur in the non-phrase final position) are phonotactically motivated, in which case the speakers are sensitive to the underlying representation; this yields more underlying priming. On the other hand, Taiwanese 51 → 55 is phonologically opaque7 (phonotactically tone 51 may occur in the non-phrase final position due to another sandhi rule 21 → 51), so speakers are less sensitive Yan et al 15 to the tone sandhi rule; this elicits more surface priming. Moreover, previous productivity studies reveal that phonologically transparent patterns are more productive than phonologically opaque patterns (Yan & Zhang, 2016; Zhang & Lai, 2010; Zhang et al., 2011; Zhang & Liu, 2011; Zhang & Meng, 2016; among others). Therefore, it is reasonable to interpret the results as more productive sandhi patterns eliciting more underlying priming, and less productive sandhi patterns eliciting more surface priming. These findings suggest that how speakers process and represent sandhi words may be modulated by phonological opacity and sandhi productivity. The left-dominant tonal spreading in Shanghai does not involve phonological opacity as the 51 → 55 sandhi in Taiwanese, and wug test results showed that it is also relatively productive (Zhang & Meng, 2016). However, underlying tone facilitation effect was not observed in the two groups of Shanghai speakers regardless of their daily usage or monosyllabic production accuracy. The lack of underlying tone facilitation effect in both groups is likely due to the nature of the tonal spreading pattern. The previous studies were conducted on tone sandhi patterns that involve paradigmatic tone substitution and hence have a one-to-one correspondence between the base tone and the sandhi tone on the syllabic level. The spreading tone sandhi under investigation here, however, involves the rightward spreading of the leftmost tone onto both syllables, and consequently, only by combining two non-existing tones together will a legal disyllabic sandhi melody be formed. The disyllabic sandhi form, therefore, may play a more important role in lexical decision. Surface primes, however, only showed a facilitation effect in younger speakers who use Shanghai less frequently, but not in older and more frequent users of Shanghai. We propose the following interpretation for this difference between the two groups. As argued above, for the older speakers, due to the nature of tonal spreading, the surface prime may activate a number of disyllabic words with the same initial syllable and the same sandhi melody. The inhibition effect at the lexical level counteracts the facilitation effect at the phonological level, erasing the surface priming effect. For the observed surface tone facilitation effect in younger speakers, it may have resulted from their smaller semantic knowledge base compared with older speakers.8 There are two reasons for the semantic knowledge difference. One is that our older speakers are more frequent and more comfortable users of Shanghai. Therefore, their vocabulary is likely larger than the younger speakers in Experiment 1. The level of lexical activation for the older speakers may also be stronger. Second, previous behavioral and neural studies have shown that semantic knowledge, such as vocabulary, accumulates across the life span with little or no deleterious effects of normal aging (Brickman & Stern, 2009; Nyberg et al., 2003; Park, Smith, Lautenschlager, & Earles, 1996; St-Laurent, Adbi, Burianová, & Grady, 2011). With a smaller semantic knowledge base, there is likely less lexical competition for the younger speakers in the lexicon decision task. This may allow the facilitation effect at the phonological level to emerge. Hence, we observed the surface tone facilitation effect in Experiment 1, but not in Experiment 2. Based on these results, we suggest that in addition to phonological opacity and productivity, if the alternation pattern creates surface representations that are non-structure-preserving, such as tonal spreading, it may also affect the representation of the phonological units undergoing the alternation. An anonymous reviewer suggested that the difference in priming effects between underlying and surface primes in Experiment 1 might be due a wordness difference between the two types of primes, in that the underlying prime was a real word and might activate other monosyllabic real words, leading to lexical competition and reducing the underlying priming effect, while the surface prime was a nonword and hence did not have this problem. We would like to offer two counter- arguments. First, in the Mandarin and Taiwanese priming studies, inasmuch the underlying prime, also a real word, had an effect on the recognition of the target word, the effect was always facilita- tive, not inhibitory (Chien et al., 2016, 2017). Second, if different priming effects between underlying and surface primes observed in Experiment 1 were indeed due to a wordness difference between 16 Language and Speech 00(0) the two types of primes, we should find the same result in Experiment 2 as well. We might even expect a larger difference between the two prime types given that there might be greater lexical competition for the underlying primes for more frequent users of the language. But instead, our results showed a lack of difference between the two types of primes. Therefore, we do not believe that the wordness difference between the underlying and surface primes can explain their different priming effects that we observed in Experiment 1. Our results showed that, despite the lack of underlying priming, familiarity did not interact with prime type in either experiment, and there was no significant difference between the familiarity ratings of younger and older speakers (t = 0.73, p = 0.47). This is a different pattern from what was observed for the phonologically transparent Mandarin Tone 3 sandhi, which showed an underlying priming effect and no frequency and prime type interaction (Chien et al., 2016) or that for the Taiwanese 51 → 55 and 24 → 33 sandhis, for which familiarity interacts with prime type, indicating that words with different familiarity ratings may be primed by different types of primes (Chien et al., 2017). Our interpretation of the Shanghai pattern is that, due to the spreading and hence non-structure-preserving nature of the sandhi, the disyllabic sandhi words are represented and processed in their surface forms, as argued above; moreover, the non-opaque form of the sandhi allows the representation and processing of the sandhi words to be consist- ently surface-oriented and unaffected by familiarity. These properties of Shanghai tone sandhi determine that it will pattern differently from both Mandarin and Taiwanese tone sandhi in the priming experiment. Finally, the current study only investigated the processing of [M N] items in Shanghai. [V N] items in Shanghai differ from [M N] items in that the spreading tone sandhi may apply to them variably in a lexically specific manner. For instance, /tɕʰi24/ “to rise” + / foŋ53/ “wind” means “to be windy,” and it can apply tonal spreading pattern as [tɕʰi33 foŋ44] and tonal reduction pattern, when the first syllable becomes a level tone and the second syllable maintains the base tone, as [tɕʰi44 foŋ53] variably. How different [V N] items are represented and processed in the face of the variation is an interesting question that we hope to explore in a future study. It has the potential to shed further light on the complexity of the representation and processing of linguistic units that involve phonological alternation. In conclusion, combining the results of the previous sandhi priming studies and those of the present study, we propose that models of spoken word recognition should acknowledge an abstract linguistic representation and an episodic representation for words undergoing phonological alternation. Different phonological alternations in different languages or even in the same language may weigh these two levels of representations differently based on the nature of the alternation pattern.

Acknowledgements We are grateful to the experimental participants in Shanghai for taking part in our study. Portions of this work were presented at the 176th Meeting of the Acoustical Society of America in Victoria, and we thank the conference participants for their feedback. We also thank the Editors Drs. Cynthia Clopper and Holger Mitterer, Associate Editor Dr. Sahyang Kim, and two anonymous reviewers from Language and Speech, whose com- ments substantially improved this article.

Funding This research was supported by the Shanghai Pujiang Program (17PJC091) and Shanghai International Studies University Young Scholar Grant (41002246). Neither the individuals and institutions cited herein nor the funding agency, however, should be responsible for the views expressed in this article. Yan et al 17

Notes 1. Although the contour shape of the sandhi tone is significantly different in real and nonce words, there is no categorical non-application of the Tone 3 sandhi rule in nonce words. 2. Chao’s (1930) system of tone numbers uses ‘1’ to ‘5’ to indicate pitch levels, with ‘1’ as the lowest pitch and ‘5’ the highest pitch. 3. ProsodyPro uses the automatic vocal pulse marking by Praat and removes spikes and sharp edges via a trimming algorithm (Xu, 1999). 4. Random effects were varied across different groups, and fixed effects were identical for all groups in a

population. For instance, “the model yij = αj + βxij (of units i in groups j) has a fixed slope and random intercepts, and yij = αj + βjxij has random slopes and intercepts” (Gelman, 2005, p. 21). Treating participants and items as random effects here allows us to generalize the results to a wider variety of stimuli and participants. 5. “Expected” productions are productions in accordance with Shanghai Dialect Dictionary (Li et al., 1997). Productions with the “expected” tones and documented variant vowel forms were also considered as “expected.” 6. According to the Shanghai Dialect Dictionary (Li et al., 1997), the 18 critical items have 12 homopho- nous lexical competitors on average. For example, including [tshɿ55 vɛ31] “glutinous rice roll,” there are eight disyllabic words in the sandhi pattern of [tshɿ55-σ31]. 7. A phonological rule P, A → B / C__D, is opaque if the surface structures are any of the following: (a) instance of A in the C__D environment, or (b) instance of B derived by P in environments other than C__D (Kiparsky, 1973). 8. Note that age is confounded with usage frequency of Shanghai in the current study since it is practically impossible to find younger speakers who use Shanghai as frequently as older speakers.

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Appendix. Critical target Shanghai left-dominant sandhi stimuli (Ranged from 0 to 3; higher familiarity rating indicates higher usage frequency).

Target IPA Averaged Familiarity Averaged Familiarity (Infrequent users) (Frequent users)

粢饭 tshɿ55 vɛ31h 2.78 2.64 师母 sɿ55 mu31 0.36 1.03 金条 tɕiŋ55 diɔ31 2.33 2.08 汤面 thɑ̃55 mie31h 2.14 2.22 猪油 tsɿ55 ɦiɤ31 2.17 2.14 山芋 sɛ55 ɦy31 2.78 2.36 边门 pie55 məŋ31 1.83 2.28 砂糖 so55 dɑ̃31 2.39 2.19 鸡蛋 tɕi55 dɛ31 3 2.94 顶棚 tiŋ22 bã44 1.53 2.61 指纹 tsɿ22 vəŋ44 2.36 2.25 蒜苗 sø22 miɔ44 2.53 2.67 吊桶 tiɔ22 doŋ44 1.61 2.97 小牛 siɔ22 niɤ44 1.39 1.06 记号 tɕi22 ɦɔ44 2.64 2.64 草地 tshɔ22 di44h 2.75 2.92 布鞋 pu22 ɦɑ44 1.75 1.69 火盆 fu22 bəŋ44 1.14 2.67