Revista Mexicana de Estudios Canadienses (nueva época) Asociación Mexicana de Estudios sobre Canadá, A.C. [email protected] ISSN (Versión impresa): 1405-8251 MÉXICO

2007 Jorge Virchez / Ronald Brisbois A HISTORICAL AND SITUATIONAL SUMMARY OF RELATIONS BETWEEN AND THE : THE CASE OF THE COMMUNITY OF KASHECHEWAN IN NORTHERN Revista Mexicana de Estudios Canadienses (nueva época), otoño-invierno, número 014 Asociación Mexicana de Estudios sobre Canadá, A.C. Culiacán, México pp. 87-100

Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina y el Caribe, España y Portugal

Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México

http://redalyc.uaemex.mx A HISTORICAL AND SITUATIONAL SUMMARY OF RELATIONS BETWEEN CANADA AND THE FIRST NATIONS: THE CASE OF THE COMMUNITY OF KASHECHEWAN IN

JORGE VIRCHEZ Y RONALD BRISBOIS

Abstract It is very difficult to imagine that in Canada, which is a distinguished member of the G-8, G-10, a country that was considered by the United Nations for several years as having the best quality of living in the world, there are some aboriginal communities that have the conditions of the poorest countries in the planet. The lack of running water in the community and the presence of constant flooding is the reality of an aboriginal community in Northern Ontario - Kashechewan. The objective of this article is to discuss the conditions that prompt such a contradictory situation for First Nations in Canada. Key Words: First Nations, running water, flooding, Northern Ontario.

INTRODUCTION - HISTORICAL

anada’s first inhabitants, the First Nations, represent the Amerindians, the CInuit and the Métis. Five hundred years ago, a mass migration mainly from Europe would change the face of this country forever. As Natives noticed the increasing number of Europeans, they realized that their way of living would change forever (Boal et al., 1999). The Europeans were looking for more and more land and in order to justify their needs of land they forced the aboriginal people to sign treaties (Green, 1995). Most early treaties were military in na- ture, for example the Peace treaty of between the French and the Iroquois, yet as the British took control of the land, their relationship would change (Lacoursière et al., 1978).

RMEC / núm. 14 / otoño-invierno / 2007 REVISTA MEXICANA DE ESTUDIOS CANADIENSES

The Royal Proclamation of 1763 had the intention to delimitate large pieces of land for First Nations’ sole use and occupation. It also declared two basic principles that would govern the negotiation of treaties. The first principle was the binding respect of territorial rights for the First Nations, and the second implied that any renouncing of lands by the First Nations would involve finan- cial compensation. Without necessarily recounting the full history of the evolu- tion of treaties, negotiations started with the parcelling out of small units of land, and continued until many larger parcels had been surrendered, several unjustly (Montgomery, 2003). With this Royal Proclamation, the First Nations surrendered their rights to land in return of gifts, annual monetary subventions and financial compensations (Asch, 1988; Bartlett, 1990). After the Confederation in 1867, the need to link the country “a mare usque ad mare” by means of railroad superseded the need to respect the lands of the First Nations. This was the era of the better-known . During this period, the government also adopted the of 1876 to ensure the development of the country. Under this act, all kinds of gifts were promised: annual monetary subventions and annuities, financial compensations, and most of all, the traditional right to hunt and fish, allowing them to preserve their 88 traditional way of life. This act also defined the status of “Indian”, giving them the right to remain on reserves. It also determined that a band was the governing body of a group of Aboriginals living on a reserve. Certain policies were also used so that Aboriginals lost or renounced their reserves (Clark & Wallace, 2000).

THE PRESENT SITUATION OF THE FIRST NATIONS AND THE BROKEN PROMISE

The lands that now remain amount to a broken promise. Most of the reserves given to the Amerindians, and Métis were far too small, and often cut them off their traditional hunting and fishing grounds. We count today 2360 reserva- tions in Canada, claiming merely 27 500 km², which is less than 0.3% of Canada’s total area. With a population nearing 800 000 (3%), Aboriginals are often faced with inadequate agricultural space, lacking forests, fish, game and other resources that push them toward difficult choices. Their choices are simple, either stay with their families and friends, facing the hardships of unemployment and pov- erty, or move to an urban centre with the hopes of building a better economic future, abandoning their traditional way of life (Clark & Wallace, 2000). The First Nations’ situation on several reserves is precarious and their prob- lems have their roots in three major recurring themes: A HISTORICAL AND SITUATIONAL SUMMARY OF RELATIONS BETWEEN...

a) Territorial land claims and self-government. Traditionally, Aboriginals governed their own land before the coming of Europeans. Their system of gov- ernment was quite different and often misunderstood, leading to a paternal style of government making them “dependents” on the state, which removed their sense of control and human dignity (Montgomery, 2003). While many treaties and territories remain unresolved today, development projects on these parcels of Aboriginal sacred land provoked several recent conflicts such as: - Oka crisis in Québec (1990) - in Ontario (1995) - in British-Columbia (1995) - Caledonia conflict in Ontario (since February of 2006) b) Traditional way of life (right to fish and hunt). Aboriginals’ right to land is inseparable to maintaining their right to a traditional way of life, encompassed by the right to fish and hunt on traditional grounds. This lack of recognition has at times resulted in new conflicts that found different factions battling issues of territorial rights along with fishing rights of Aboriginals as demonstrated in the case of the Burnt Church Crisis in New Brunswick between 1999 and 2001. c) Access to quality water (equal services). The dawn of the 21st Century will probably become synonymous to the Aboriginal people of Canada as the time of 89 the great awakening. Plagued with multiple problems ranging from high rates of unemployment, suicide, drug and alcohol abuse, coupled with limited means of transportation and services such as health, education, among others, we could somehow find solace to the similarity of these problems with other Canadians (although rates have been recognized several times higher in some instances than the national average). The following is a unique situation comparable only to those of Third World countries: access to quality drinking water (Montgomery, 2003).

THE WATER PROBLEM IN ABORIGINAL COMMUNITIES IN CANADA

Canada boasts the largest supply of freshwater in the world, holding about 20% of this precious resource within its boundaries. However, its ability to provide quality drinking water was shaken in May of 2000 with the Escherichia coli (E. coli) outbreak in Walkerton, Ontario. Canada’s ability to provide quality drink- ing water resurfaced in October of 2005, where a mass emergency evacuation in the Aboriginal community of Kashechewan, Ontario, was issued. The following study incorporates a deplorable situation existing within a large proportion of Aboriginal communities throughout the country, where their access to water poses serious safety and health risks. In February 2006, CBC made available, REVISTA MEXICANA DE ESTUDIOS CANADIENSES

through access to information, an investigative report “Slowboil” where water audits of over 400 Aboriginal communities throughout the country were ranked or analysed between 2001 and 2002 with shocking results. The extensive study of water audit questionnaires and reports throughout the participating provinces and territory showed that the lack of a nationally recog- nized and standardized method of ranking water quality could in part contribute to a level of confusion resulting in improper assessment of water quality in Aboriginal communities. The problem of non-standardization has also been rec- ognized by the auditor general who outlines his greatest concerns by stating ‘there are still no laws or regulatory standards like those for non native commu- nities when it comes to drinking water in Canada’s First Nations’ (Seglins, 2006). The absence of laws and regulations in Aboriginal communities to ensure qual- ity drinking water suggests a second-class system marginalizing Aboriginal people. The non-standardization effect is especially prevalent when considering its rank- ing system and water boil advisories. In order to understand the various problems regarding drinking water in Aboriginal communities, Public Works and Government Services of Canada (PWGSC) established a ranking system in the form of a water audit questionnaire. 90 Although Ontario adopted this format, the provinces of Québec, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland, and Alberta would adopt comparable methods of ranking. The provinces of British Columbia and Saskatchewan and the territory of Yukon would omit the ranking system entirely from their water audit survey, relying on reports and various chemical, physical and biological analyses. The technical nature of this kind of information pro- vided is less accessible due to its more complicated and technical format. Non-standardization was also present with great variability when water boil advisories were considered in function of time. Consider for example Ontario where water boil advisories are noted for a period of one year, while Québec considers them for a period of five years. In other provinces and territories, no element of time is indicated except in the rare occasion when an advisory was permanent or long-standing. It was therefore difficult to establish the number of water boil advisories in function of time if the period lacked standardization. These above-mentioned discrepancies made the task to assess water quality in Aboriginal communities difficult. Out of 406 Aboriginal communities, slightly over a quarter (26.8%) of them were identified as high risk. Due to lack of ranking in exactly half the Aboriginal communities, the total number of commu- nities were normalized to 203, therefore establishing that nearly half (50.8%) could now be considered at high risk to health and safety, where over three quarters (40.4% of 50.8%) of high risk communities had experienced one or several water boil advisories. A HISTORICAL AND SITUATIONAL SUMMARY OF RELATIONS BETWEEN...

When considering the number of Aboriginal communities at medium risk without water boil advisories, its concern is more of an aesthetic than a health and safety one, as outlined in the Guidelines for Canadian Drinking Water Qual- ity (GCDWQ). A mere 47 (23.2%) communities retained a medium risk status. Where the contamination risk has been ranked low, just over a quarter (26.1%) of Aboriginal communities had obtained this rating where no significant risk to public health and safety were considered. It can therefore be considered that at the national level, nearly half the com- munities that took part in the water audit survey of 2001-2002 were considered at high risk, while the other half of communities were nearly equally divided between medium and low risks. The most staggering result was the fact that the proportion of water boil advisories issued in different Aboriginal communities greatly outnumbered even the considered safe drinking water as established by the low or medium risks at any one time, suggesting an ailing and continuing problem with Aboriginal communities’ quality water across the country.

THE WATER PROBLEM IN ONTARIO

The province of Ontario has been more recently stigmatized when it comes to 91 water quality, especially in the wake of the Walkerton and Kashechewan water crises. Although it enumerates eight Provincial and Federal regulations and guide- lines pertaining to the design and operation of water and sewage facilities, the situation on Aboriginal reserves of this province remains appalling. The insur- ances for quality drinking water by the province are as follow: - Ontario Water Resources Act - Ontario Drinking Water Protection Regulation (O.Reg 459/00) - Ontario Occupational and Safety Act - Guidelines for Canadian Drinking Water Quality – Sixth Edition (GCDWQ) - Guidelines for Effluent Quality and Wastewater Treatment of Federal Estab- lishments (GEQWTFE) - Canadian Labour Code – Part II - Ontario Regulation 435/93 - Ontario Clean Water Agency (OCWA) Following the Walkerton crisis, the Ontario Clean Water Agency1 had been approached by the Ontario First Nations’ Technical Services Corporation2 (OFNTSC) expressing its concerns as to the potential safety and health risks fac- ing the First Nations communities in this province resulting from water sup- plies, treatment and storage. By January of 2001, the Request for Proposal (RFP) by the OFNTSC for an Assessment Study of Water Supply, Treatment, and Storage REVISTA MEXICANA DE ESTUDIOS CANADIENSES

in Aboriginal communities was accepted. The objective was clear: determine the magnitude and scope of existing and potential problems in terms of health and safety where data collected would be analysed, followed by discussions and recommendations on issues such as optimization, maintenance, training, and the immediate need to purchase equipment if necessary. A standardized system of data collection was adopted through the Public Works and Government Services, Canada PWGSC’s “Risk Assessment Model”, where five major themes were ranked and considered in order to establish an overall ranking score. The themes of this model are: a. Water Source: typifies source of the water intake where samples establish any potential problems of chemical, physical and biological origin. b. Design: provides at times a historical outline, and a detailed and technical overview of the water plant. Once again, chemical, physical and biological rank- ing are made available along with “Risk to Public Health” and “Condition of Laboratory Equipment” rankings. c. Operations: gives examples of precautionary measures including methods of disinfection and status on disinfecting equipment, chlorinator analyser, among others. It also lists other potential problems operating the water plant. 92 d. Reporting: includes frequency of chemical, physical and bacteriological testing often conducted by Health Canada or other appointed agencies or con- tractors in some cases. e. Operators: is a theme evaluating the arrangement and competence of the individuals operating the water plant (PWGSC’s “Risk Assessment Model, 2005) and (CBC, 2006).

RESULT OF THE STANDARDIZED WATER AUDIT IN ONTARIO

The following are the results as determined through the standardized water au- dit requested by the OFNTSC evaluating the condition of First Nations communi- ties’ drinking water quality. When considering all 126 communities audited in the province of Ontario, nearly half (48.4%) were ranked at high risk including one or several water boil advisories in the past year. Although recognized with a standardized ranking system, 22 (17.5%) communities had insufficient data avail- able, resulting in no available rating. Due to this discrepancy, a normalized set of data omitting these 22 communities without ranking would have high risk conditions climb to 58.7%, while medium and low risk will share much lower proportions of 22.1% and 19.2% respectively. Through the data collected, we are able to determine that the water quality problem in Aboriginal communities have standards below the national norm, A HISTORICAL AND SITUATIONAL SUMMARY OF RELATIONS BETWEEN... where nearly 6 out of 10 communities in Ontario are at high risk or are required to boil their water. We must especially consider that 42 of 104 (32.7%) commu- nities have experienced a state of water boil advisories, where nearly one in five (18.3%) communities was forced into either several, long-term or permanent water boil advisories. Table 1 compares the national and Ontario proportions in order to better understand the prevailing nature of this problem.

TABLE 1: SUMMARY OF ABORIGINAL COMMUNITIES’ STATUS IN CANADA AND ONTARIO DURING THE 2001-2002 WATER AUDIT

PROPORTIONALITY OF CANADA ONTARIO % of 406* % of 208† % of 126* % of 104† High with boil advisories 25.4 50.8 48.4 57.8 Medium without 11.6 23.2 16.3 22.1 boil advisories Low without boil advisories 13.1 26.1 15.9 19.2 Boil advisory or advisories 18.7 37.4 33.3 40.4 (* = % of total data † = % of normalized number omitting unranked communities). SOURCE: CBC “Slowboil” derived database. (See appendix A) URL: http://www.cbc.ca/slowboil/ 93 documents.html

It can therefore be established that although Ontario adopted several stan- dardized measures and regulations in order to, if not guarantee, at least optimize the condition of drinking water in most communities across the province, a separate reality exists within Aboriginal communities where well over half of them have been identified at high risk since 2001 and 2002. As we will see in the following section, the nightmare that forced the majority of people out of their homes in October of 2005 has become a customary condition when considering the question of quality drinking water in First Nations communities across the province. In fact, the following section will establish that the situation in Kashechewan could have been averted.

THE KASHECHEWAN SITUATION

The Aboriginal community of Kashechewan received exclusive media attention on October 14th, 2005, when 11 days after an E. coli outbreak was issued, a state of emergency evacuation by the Ontario government would transport at least 946 people to the “neighbouring” communities of , Cochrane, Sudbury REVISTA MEXICANA DE ESTUDIOS CANADIENSES

and some as far as Peterborough and Ottawa. This solitary cry in the wilderness brought forth the necessary attention about living conditions and standards in Aboriginal communities across the country, where high risk conditions to health and safety were known since at least 2001 (Macleod, 2006).

GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT AND PROBLEMS

Kashechewan is a name modified from the word of Keeshechewan mean- ing “where the water flows fast”. This name is well suited for this Northern Ontario community due to its proximity to and approximate distance of 10 kilometres upstream on the . Its history dates back to colonial times where it served as outpost for fur traders of the Company. On August 3rd 1905, Treaty number 9 was signed establishing a 36 346 hectare parameter for Fort Albany reservation no. 67 (Treaty Nine Commemoration, 2006). Due to recurring flooding problems and religious distinctiveness, the Cana- dian Government funded the division of this community in 1950: Kashechewan on the north mainland, and Fort Albany on the south mainland (WHA, 2006). The Aboriginal elders contested the development of Kashechewan along the 94 flood plains of the river, claiming flooding conditions would destroy their vil- lage (Krebs, 2005). In the years that followed, the danger of flooding was authen- ticated as spring levels between one to two meters had people flown into camps or down south until spring waters would subside. These conditions prompted the funding of the Flood Control Project consisting in the erection of a 5.3 km long, by 10 feet high dyke made of clay and gravel around the community. The history of this community remained relatively unchanged until the mid 1990s (Community Profile, 1999). During the 1990s, Kashechewan faced many new problems that prompted new developments. As Ontario Hydro abandons this community, it came to rely on Fort Albany’s generators, which were unable to adequately supply electricity to both communities, resulting in frequent blackouts in winter. In 1997, a newly created Kashechewan Power Authority would provide power by means of three diesel generators (Community Profile, 1999). A HISTORICAL AND SITUATIONAL SUMMARY OF RELATIONS BETWEEN...

MAPA 1

95

Source: L.L. Larivière. Department of Geography Laurentian University.

HISTORY OF WATER PROBLEMS

Although the electrical problem was adroitly addressed, the dealing with the various water problems in this community wasn’t done as efficiently. The water problems could be recognized of two natures: water quality and flooding. REVISTA MEXICANA DE ESTUDIOS CANADIENSES

The water quality problem was addressed in 1997 with the construction of a 20 million dollar water treatment facility. However, a number of planning er- rors would see a total system failure within 7 years. The first problem was with location of the water treatment facility, where its water intake was situated 135 metres from the sewage lagoon. Twice a year, the sewage lagoon is discharged, once in the spring, and once in the fall. This practice would elevate various concentrations of contaminants in the water rushing downstream to the water treatment plants water intake. The situation would be further complicated when the tide would rush a large volume of contaminated water upstream during its lunar or diurnal cycle, repeating the chance of contamination. In the 2001 water audit, the four year old treatment facility would be in ailing condition, yielding already water samples with exceedances that could only be considered high risk if not repaired promptly. In this case, samples show elevated concentrations of aluminium, a cause for Alzheimer’s disease to exceed Maximum Acceptable Concentrations (MAC) up to seven times the norms as set by the Guidelines for Quality Drinking Water in Canada (GQDWC) and the World Health Organisation (WHO).

TABLE 2. SUMMARY OF ABORIGINAL COMMUNITIES’ STATUS IN CANADA AND ONTARIO 96 Date Location Exceedances Result GCDWQ limit

May 29th, 2000 Treated Surface Hardness 138 mg/L 80 – 100 mg/L(AO) Water Turbidity 1 NTU 1 NTU (HL) Aluminum 0.68 mg/L 0.1 mg/L (OG) Sodium 20.8 mg/L 20 mg/L (AO) June 7th, 2001 Treated Surface Aluminum 0.203 mg/L 0.1 mg/L (OG) Water * AO = aesthetic objective HL = health limit OG = operational guideline SOURCE: taken from DRAFT of (Band No. 243) from CBC “Slowboil” website

Plagued by countless problems, the following outlines “Recommendations” established by OCWA in the “Kashechewan First Nation Assessment Study of Water and Wastewater Systems and Associated Water Management Practices in Ontario First Nations Communities” draft report provided by CBC’s “Slow boil” in depth investigation:

repair chlorinator and chlorine residual analyser, repair turbidity meter, repair backup fire pump, repair auto control for backwash water tank, repair low lift pump, purchase of oxygen meter and confine space equipment, improve house- keeping and record keeping, obtain operational and maintenance manuals, imple- A HISTORICAL AND SITUATIONAL SUMMARY OF RELATIONS BETWEEN...

ment a fire hydrant flushing and an annual valve maintenance program, imple- ment a training program that could lead to certification of operator, develop a contingency plan for the water supply system, establish a protocol for taking water samples at the water treatment plants, including raw water samples, consider spare pumps for emergencies on-site, consider installing backup power for pumping station pumps to reduce occurrences of bypasses, regular effluent tests should be conducted with every discharge. Result should be recorded and kept on file.

With such a large number of problems, and the establishment of a high risk rating included with the report, the water contamination of Kashechewan’s drink- ing water was “a Walkerton in waiting” reports the OCWA back in 2003 (CTV, October 27, 2005). In the spring of 2005, bottled water was shipped to a price tag of $250 000 in order to ensure safe drinking water to the residents of this community. In an interview with William Nakogee and Mr. Sinclair, “unofficial liaison” at the Travelodge in Sudbury and recent evacuees from the spring flood- ing 2006, they state:

‘Although the government provided free bottled water for up to a month at the beginning of the crisis, the following months we were obligated to buy our own water to the sum of $5 a bottle of water (710 ml) and at least two 18L jugs of water per day, which really strained the community’s respective incomes.’ 97 A year later, Canadians witness an emergency evacuation issued by the gov- ernment of Ontario, 11 days after the E. coli outbreak was issued. A total of 946 people from a community total of 1200 were flown to the various “neighbouring” communities as follows:

Sudbury 251 located 650 kilometres away Ottawa 245 located 875 kilometres away Cochrane 206 located 360 kilometres away Sault Ste. Marie 93 located 675 kilometres away Timmins 50 located 450 kilometres away Attawapiskat 43 located 90 kilometres away Peterborough 38 located 925 kilometres away 20 located 135 kilometres away Source: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (2005)

Although some evacuees returned home for Christmas, for the vast majority of residents their holiday season was celebrated in an adoptive city, in a climate of hope and frustration. For many their hopes to return to their community were REVISTA MEXICANA DE ESTUDIOS CANADIENSES

crushed when spring waters were inundating this town for a second time in two years. The second problem linked with water is associated with recurrent flooding linked with the establishment of winter roads. The spring of 2005 was the year of the evacuation of a number of residents from Kashechewan due to flooding. In the following year, a repeated disaster occurs evacuating several people from the community. In an interview with some residents of Kashechewan, “unofficial liaison” at the Travelodge, in Sudbury on July 11th, 2006, they relate the prob- lem to:

‘the process of ice thickening during the winter months in order to secure a winter road. The problem is with its location and its damming effect. For the last two years the winter road runs about 3 kilometres downstream of the town, where the road is thickened up to 8 feet to allow transports to cross the river. That’s at least twice the regular thickness at this spot, where the bay is considered relatively shallow… the result is a flooding situation in spring because the water cannot run freely.’

98 CONCLUSION

The effects of contaminated water will have a long enduring psychological effect in Kashechewan, where residents of the community asserted that even when the government reports the water safe to drink, they will not ‘have faith in the new water system, where water will be used, as in the past, for washing and cleaning our clothing’. As it stands today, the problem is still not resolved back home where the community remains in a state of water boil advisory just as people are being returned back home, where in some cases, residents are currently living in tents awaiting the construction of their new homes along the flooding plains of the Albany River. Some residents state that ‘for the time being, we will continue our customary boiling of five kettles of water a day until we are certain that the water is safe to drink’. Their concerns and lack of faith in our government’s ability to provide safe and quality drinking water will remain a profound stigma that not only reflects those of this community, but also the other fifty percent of ‘Walkertons and Kashechewans in waiting’ across the country, leading to a life of instability, where the task of boiling water is quickly becoming a new and real custom for Aboriginals in Canada. How can this country, a member of the great- est world economies such as the G8 permit such deteriorated conditions within its boundaries? The answers are few, but the questions are numerous, and most of them remain unanswered. A HISTORICAL AND SITUATIONAL SUMMARY OF RELATIONS BETWEEN...

NOTAS

1 The Ontario Clean Water Agency (OCWA) is a Crown Agency of the Province of Ontario in the business of providing safe and reliable clean water ser- vices. In fact, OCWA provides clean water management services to more communities than any other water and wastewater service organization in Ontario.

2 The Ontario First Nations’ Technical Services Corporation (OFNTSC) was established in 1995 to provide expert technical advisory services to the First Nations of Ontario. At that time, it was the first aboriginal organiza- tion in Canada mandated to provide professional technical and advisory services to First Nations’ communities and foster their technical self-reli- ance. The transfer of technology to OFNTSC clients is integral to its service provision. This has evolved into programs devised to deal specifically with youth. OFNTSC attends school career fairs and encourages young people to enroll in engineering and technology related courses offering scholarships, often in partnership with the corporate sector.

99 REFERENCES

Asch, M. 1988. Home and Native land: Aboriginal Rights and the Canadian Constitution (Toronto: Methuen). Bartlett, R. H. 1990. Indian Reserves and Aboriginal Lands in Canada: A Home Land (: University of Saskatchewan Native Law Centres). Bimose Tribal Council. May 2002. “Assessment Study of Water and Wastewater Systems and Associated Water Management Practices in Ontario First Nation Communities”. Taken from CBC News Indepth report “Slowboil” (URL: http:/ /www.cbc.ca/slowboil/pdfs/on/Bimose%20Tribal%20Council%202.pdf) Boal, F. W and Royle, S. A. 1999. North America. A Geographical Mosaic (Lon- don: Arnold). CBC. February 2006. “Slowboil” audit of Kashechewan. URL: http://www.cbc.ca/ slowboil/pdfs/on/Kashechewan%20.pdf Clark, Bruce W. and Wallace, John K. 2000. Géographie du Canada. Les éditions de la Chenelière. pp. 177-190. Community Profiles. 1999. Fort Albany & Kashechewan. URL:http:// 72.14.207.104/search?q=cache:h_mYWAbIuGIJ:www.fivenations.ca/ communities.doc+Kashechewan&hl=en CTV. October 27th, 2006. Concerns over water on reserve ignored for years. URL: http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20051027/ aboriginal_water_feature_051027/20051027/ REVISTA MEXICANA DE ESTUDIOS CANADIENSES

Erwin, Steve. 2006. Politician who saw fatal Kashechewan jail fire says cell doors were chained. URL: http://www.macleans.ca/shared/ print.jsp?content=n010911A Fort Albany & Kashechewan. 2006. URL: http://www.fivenations.ca/fort_kash.htm Green, J. A. 1995. “Towards a Détente with History confronting Canada’s colo- nial Legacy”. International Journal of Canadian Studies. 12, Fall. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. 2005. Press Release. URL: http://www.ainc- inac.gc.ca/nr/prs/s-d2005/2-02730_e.html Krebs, M. 2005. “The Crisis in Kashechewan” in The Socialist Voice. URL: http://www.zmag.org/content/print_article.cfm?itemID=9237 §ionID=102 Lacoursière J and Vaugeois, D. 1978. Canada-Québec. Synthèse historique. (Montréal: Éditions du Renouveau Pédagogique). MacLeod, C. 2006. Kashechewan: l’alarme sonne (Ontario: Synergie-Associa- tions des Centres de Santé de l’Ontario). Ministère de la Sécurité communautaire et des Services correctionnels. 2005. “Le gouvernement de l’Ontario met en oeuvre un vaste plan d’intervention en réponse à la situation d’urgence à Kashechewan” November 2nd, 2005 URL: http://ogov.newswire.ca/ontario/GPOF/2005/11/02/ 100 c9544.html?lmatch=&lang=_e.html Ministry of Northern Development of Mines. 2006. “Northern Ontario Winter Roads 2005-2006”. URL: http://www.mndm.gov.on.ca/mndm/nordev/wroads/ default_e.asp Montgomery, E. 2003. Issues in Diversity: First Nations. Custom version for Cambrian College (Sudbury: Emond Montgomery Publications). Public Work and Government Service Canada. Risk Assessment Model 2005 in Contaminated Sites Division Annual Report 2005-2006. URL: http://www.hc- sc.gc.ca/ewh-semt/pubs/contamsite/05-06-contam_program/annex-annexe- 3_e.html Seglins, Dave. February 20th, 2006. “Chronic problems persist and water on two thirds of reserves continues to be «at risk” in CBC Radio Stories. URL: http:/ /www.cbc.ca/slowboil/documents.html Treaty Nine Commemoration. 2006. URL: http://treatyninecommemoration.on.ca /virtualmap.swf Weeneebayko Health Ahtuskaywin (WHA) 2006. “Kashechewan” URL: http:// www.wha.on.ca/kashechewan.htm

Fecha de recepción: 3 de agosto 2007 Fecha de aprobación: 7 de octubre 2007