Institutional Control of the Armed Forces in Nigeria's Fourth Republic
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Lessons from Colombia for Curtailing the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria
Lessons From Colombia For Curtailing The Boko Haram Insurgency In Nigeria BY AFEIKHENA JEROME igeria is a highly complex and ethnically diverse country, with over 400 ethnic groups. This diversity is played out in the way the country is bifurcated along the lines of reli- Ngion, language, culture, ethnicity and regional identity. The population of about 178.5 million people in 2014 is made up of Christians and Muslims in equal measures of about 50 percent each, but including many who embrace traditional religions as well. The country has continued to experience serious and violent ethno-communal conflicts since independence in 1960, including the bloody and deadly thirty month fratricidal Civil War (also known as the Nigerian-Biafran war, 1967-70) when the eastern region of Biafra declared its seces- sion and which claimed more than one million lives. The most prominent of these conflicts recently pitch Muslims against Christians in a dangerous convergence of religion, ethnicity and politics. The first and most dramatic eruption in a series of recent religious disturbances was the Maitatsine uprising in Kano in December 1980, in which about 4,177 died. While the exact number of conflicts in Nigeria is unknown, because of a lack of reliable sta- tistical data, it is estimated that about 40 percent of all conflicts have taken place since the coun- try’s return to civilian rule in 1999.1 The increasing wave of violent conflicts across Nigeria under the current democratic regime is no doubt partly a direct consequence of the activities of ethno- communal groups seeking self-determination in their “homelands,” and of their surrogate ethnic militias that have assumed prominence since the last quarter of 2000. -
Pervasive Corruption in Nigeria: a Holistic Approach
KIU Journal of Social Sciences KIU Journal of Social Sciences Copyright©2017 Kampala International University ISSN: 1996902-3; 3(1): 199–207 Pervasive Corruption in Nigeria: A Holistic Approach S.M. ABDULMALIK Lead City University, Ibadan, Nigeria. L.A. AYINLA University of Ilorin, Nigeria Abstract. “Our strange romance with corruption constitutes the major political agenda of began with the enthronement of a kleptomaniac President Mohammadu Buhari led Federal leadership at the exits of the military from our Government of Nigeria as manifested in his on- polity. The biggest mistake of the electorates is going fight against the malaise. To this end, this the sale of its franchise to greedy ruling elites paper therefore sets out to examine the varying who captured power and cornered our resources avalanches of corrupt practices by political and to the extent that it is now adept at the tricks of public office holders in Nigeria coupled with its self-perpetuation---We now have corruption attendant negative consequences with a view to sharing the spotlight with terrorism as our proffer workable and viable remedies to this biggest and most common problem. They are clog in wheel of the Nigeria progress. Emphasis like Siamese twins who have an embryonic will be placed on the on-going crusade, activities relationship”. Going by international rating as /actions of the Buhari led Federal Government regard corrupt practices, Nigeria has consistently of Nigeria in the fight against the menace. been rated as either the most corrupt or one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Keywords: Corruption, Pervasive Corruption, Corrupt Practices, Democracy and Nigeria. -
Nigeria Page 1 of 8
Nigeria Page 1 of 8 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Nigeria Nigeria Country: Nigeria Year: 2016 Freedom Status: Partly Free Political Rights: 4 Civil Liberties: 5 Aggregate Score: 48 Freedom Rating: 4.5 Overview: After 16 years in power, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) lost the 2015 presidential election and its majority in the National Assembly to the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC). The polls, which observers regarded as competitive and generally well conducted, represented a milestone in the country’s democratic development, marking the first time that the opposition gained power at the national level through elections. On assuming office in May, President Muhammadu Buhari identified combatting corruption, defeating the militant Islamist group Boko Haram, and boosting the living standards of Nigerians as his main policy priorities. The new administration implemented reforms to increase the effectiveness of the Nigerian military in its counterinsurgency efforts. By December, the government had recaptured a significant amount of territory, and Buhari announced that the military had “technically” defeated Boko Haram, saying the group could no longer mount full-scale attacks on security forces or population centers. The government’s gains were attributed in part to an offensive launched in mid-February by the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), which includes soldiers from Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon, Chad, and Benin. Nevertheless, the security situation in northeastern Nigeria remained grave throughout 2015, as Boko Haram carried out guerilla-style attacks and suicide bombings against civilian and government targets. In addition, reports from domestic and international https://freedomhouse.org/print/48089 6/17/2016 Nigeria Page 2 of 8 advocacy groups indicated that government forces continued to commit gross human rights violations with impunity, including extrajudicial killings, arbitrary mass arrests, illegal detentions, and torture of civilians. -
Living Through Nigeria's Six-Year
“When We Can’t See the Enemy, Civilians Become the Enemy” Living Through Nigeria’s Six-Year Insurgency About the Report This report explores the experiences of civilians and armed actors living through the conflict in northeastern Nigeria. The ultimate goal is to better understand the gaps in protection from all sides, how civilians perceive security actors, and what communities expect from those who are supposed to protect them from harm. With this understanding, we analyze the structural impediments to protecting civilians, and propose practical—and locally informed—solutions to improve civilian protection and response to the harm caused by all armed actors in this conflict. About Center for Civilians in Conflict Center for Civilians in Conflict (CIVIC) works to improve protection for civil- ians caught in conflicts around the world. We call on and advise international organizations, governments, militaries, and armed non-state actors to adopt and implement policies to prevent civilian harm. When civilians are harmed we advocate the provision of amends and post-harm assistance. We bring the voices of civilians themselves to those making decisions affecting their lives. The organization was founded as Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict in 2003 by Marla Ruzicka, a courageous humanitarian killed by a suicide bomber in 2005 while advocating for Iraqi families. T +1 202 558 6958 E [email protected] www.civiliansinconflict.org © 2015 Center for Civilians in Conflict “When We Can’t See the Enemy, Civilians Become the Enemy” Living Through Nigeria’s Six-Year Insurgency This report was authored by Kyle Dietrich, Senior Program Manager for Africa and Peacekeeping at CIVIC. -
Rethinking the US Approach to Boko Haram
Rethinking the U.S. Approach to Boko Haram: The Case for a Regional Strategy Julia McQuaid and Patricio Asfura-Heim With contributions from Daniella Mak and Alexander Powell February 2015 Distribution unlimited This document contains the best opinion of CNA at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the sponsor. Distribution Distribution unlimited. Specific authority: N00014-11-D-0323. Copies of this document can be obtained through the Defense Technical Information Center at www.dtic.mil or contact CNA Document Control and Distribution Section at 703-824-2123. Cover Photo: The damage caused by Boko Haram’s bombing of a bus station in Nyanya, a suburb of Abuja, on 14 April 2014. Photo courtesy of Voice of America (public domain). Approved by: February 2015 Jonathan Schroden, Director Center for Stability and Development Center for Strategic Studies Copyright © 2015 CNA Abstract U.S. Naval Forces Africa asked CNA to recommend an approach for the United States government (USG) to counter Boko Haram. The USG has been working with the government of Nigeria (GoN) to defeat the group, but the two governments are taking divergent approaches and efforts to date have not been effective. The GoN is taking a narrow counterterrorism approach that relies heavily on the military, whereas a broader whole-of-government approach is required. Due to the political dynamics in Nigeria, the USG has few ways to change the GoN’s approach to the conflict. We propose that the USG and other supporting partners focus on assisting Chad, Niger, and Cameroon to become increasingly able to prevent Boko Haram from taking root within their borders. -
Role of Legal Aid in Contemporary India Shashank Kumar Dey, Nupur Kumari KIIT School of Law, KIIT University, Bhubaneswar, Odisha, India
International Journal of Law International Journal of Law ISSN: 2455-2194, RJIF 5.12 www.lawresearchjournal.com Volume 2; Issue 6; November 2016; Page No. 01-04 Role of Legal Aid in Contemporary India Shashank Kumar Dey, Nupur Kumari KIIT School of law, KIIT University, Bhubaneswar, Odisha, India Abstract Legal Aid is professional legal assistance provided free or at nominal cost to indigent persons who need help. It is necessary to maintain rule of law and stability in the society. The purpose of this research paper is to scrutinize the problem of illiteracy, destitution, and economic and lack of awareness among the disadvantaged groups and whether the legal aid services are properly delivering to the needy or not. The prime concern is internal obstacles like lack of understanding law, inability to deal with cases, corruption etc. It is necessary that government must take steps to ensure legal aid services to poorer sections are implemented and encourage advocates to serve poor. Legal Aid is not charity it is the duty of state and right of citizens, hence it should be such that it ensures the Constitutional pledge of equal justice to poorer and weaker section of society. Keywords: justice, rule of law, legal aid, constitution, equal justice 1. Introduction 2. Historical background “There can be no equal justice where the kind of trial a Independence of Judiciary is very important for protecting the man gets depends on the amount of money he has.” legal, fundamental rights of citizens and everyone. However unless judicial system is easily accessible to all no country can Justice Hugo Black develop and grow in effective manner. -
Boko Haram: an Assessment of Strengths, Vulnerabilities, and Policy Options
Boko Haram: An Assessment of Strengths, Vulnerabilities, and Policy Options Report to the Strategic Multilayer Assessment Office, Department of Defense, and the Office of University Programs, Department of Homeland Security January 2015 National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence Based at the University of Maryland 3300 Symons Hall • College Park, MD 20742 • 301.405.6600 • www.start.umd.edu National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence About This Report The author of this report is Amy Pate, Research Director at START. Questions about this report should be directed to Amy Pate at [email protected]. The following Nigerian consultants assisted with field interviews: Bukola Ademola‐Adelehin (Abuja), Kop’ep Dabugat (Abuja and Kano), and Chris Kwaja (Jos). Sadiq Radda assisted in identifying informants and collecting additional published materials. The research could not have been completed without their participation. The following research assistants helped with the background research for the report: Zann Isaacson, Greg Shuck, Arielle Kushner, and Jacob Schwoerer. Michael Bouvet created the maps in the report. This research was supported by a Centers of Excellence Supplemental award from the Office of University Programs of the Department of Homeland Security with funding provided by the Strategic Multilayer Assessment (SMA) office of the Department of Defense through grant award number 2012ST061CS0001‐ 03 made to the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START). The author’s travel to the field was supported by the Domestic Nuclear Detection Office (DNDO) of the U.S. -
Uwazuruike, A
Article An analysis of Nigeria’s soft Special Issue on African Courts and non-compliant approach to Contemporary Constitutional domestic and regional court Developments orders and its implication for Enyinna S Nwauche Guest Editor human rights and the rule of law Vol 35 No 1 (2021) Published 31 March 2021 Allwell Uwazuruike* Lecturer in Law at the University of Central ISSN 2523-2177 Lancashire, United Kingdom Abstract Enshrining executive accountability and rule of law practices have been the drive behind democratic developments and the rise of regional human rights courts across the African continent. At the national level, a concern has been the need to practise effective separation of powers in order to ensure the independence of the judiciary. At the regional level, the literature has focused mainly on the human rights mandates of regional courts and tribunals with particular emphasis on states’ compliance with the decisions of these bodies. With the dominant reaction of states, most especially in instances of unfavourable regional rulings, Speculum Juris being largely characterised by aggression and confrontation, the literature has failed to address a more recent trend of states’ cooperative and compliant rhetoric, towards adverse judgments of regional courts, albeit with a predetermined position not to comply with the ruling of those courts. This chapter attempts to address these gaps in the literature by analysing the “soft” approach of non-compliance in cases that crisscross national and regional courts. In doing this, the chapter will examine two Nigerian cases (involving Sambo Dasuki and Nnamdi Kanu) where abuses of court processes and the state’s disregard for court orders have seen the defendants make much-needed appeals to the regional court. -
Nigeria: the Challenge of Military Reform
Nigeria: The Challenge of Military Reform Africa Report N°237 | 6 June 2016 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Long Decline .............................................................................................................. 3 A. The Legacy of Military Rule ....................................................................................... 3 B. The Military under Democracy: Failed Promises of Reform .................................... 4 1. The Obasanjo years .............................................................................................. 4 2. The Yar’Adua and Jonathan years ....................................................................... 7 3. The military’s self-driven attempts at reform ...................................................... 8 III. Dimensions of Distress ..................................................................................................... 9 A. The Problems of Leadership and Civilian Oversight ................................................ -
Directive to All Officers and Men of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on Conduct of Military Operations
DIRECTIVE TO ALL OFFICERS AND MEN OF THE ARMED FORCES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA ON CONDUCT OF MILITARY OPERATIONS OPERATIONAL CODE OF CONDUCT FOR NIGERIAN ARMED FORCES 1. As your Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, I demand from all officers and men the two most important qualities of a fighting soldier – loyalty and discipline. Nigerian Armed Forces, especially the Army have established a very high international reputation for high discipline and fighting efficiency since their establishment until the events of l5th January. l966 spoilt that reputation. Since then it has become most necessary to demand the highest sense of discipline and patriotism amongst all ranks of the Armed Forces. Success in battle depends to a large extent on this discipline and loyalty of the officers and men and their sense of patriotism. 2. You are all aware of the rebellion of Lt.-Col. C. Odumegwu-Ojukwu of the East Central State and his clique against the Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. In view of this defiance of authority, it has become inescapable to use the force necessary to crush this rebellion. The hardcore of the rebels are Ibos. The officers and men of the minority areas (Calabar, Ogoja and Rivers and even some Ibos) do not support the rebellious acts of Lt.-Col. C. Odumegwu-Ojukwu. During the operations of Federal Government troops against the rebel troops many soldiers and civilians will surrender. You should treat them fairly and decently in accordance with these instructions. 3. You must all bear in mind at all times that other nations in Africa and the rest of the world are looking at us to see how well we can perform this task which the nation demands of us. -
Boko Haram's Dangerous Expansion Into Northwest Nigeria
OCTOBER 2012 . VOL 5 . ISSUE 10 Contents Boko Haram’s Dangerous FEATURE ARTICLE 1 Boko Haram’s Dangerous Expansion Expansion into Northwest into Northwest Nigeria By Jacob Zenn Nigeria REPORTS By Jacob Zenn 6 The Future of Los Zetas after the Death of Heriberto Lazcano By Samuel Logan 9 Kenya’s Muslim Youth Center and Al-Shabab’s East African Recruitment By Christopher Anzalone 13 Terrorist Attacks in Kenya Reveal Domestic Radicalization By Fredrick Nzes 16 A Post-Trial Profile of Anders Behring Breivik By Jacob Aasland Ravndal 20 The Syria Balancing Act: Supporting Transition, Avoiding Blowback By James Denselow 22 Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity 24 CTC Sentinel Staff & Contacts A female student stands in a school that was burned down by Boko Haram in Maiduguri, Borno State. - AFP/GettyImages uring the past year, the it is the focal point in Boko Haram’s Nigerian militant group Boko strategy to purge northern Nigeria of Haram has expanded from its its traditional Islamic leadership. Boko traditional area of operations Haram’s primary goal is to establish Din northeastern Nigeria’s Borno State Shari`a law in Nigeria by force and to and is now capable of conducting attacks “dismantle” the Nigerian government across a 900-mile breadth of northern and its secular institutions.3 Nigeria, including in the strategic state About the CTC Sentinel of Sokoto.1 Due to Sokoto’s geographic Sokoto is also only 300 miles from The Combating Terrorism Center is an location and religious significance— “Azawad,” the separatist region of independent educational and research Sokoto is home to Nigeria’s highest northern Mali that is now under the institution based in the Department of Social Islamic authority, the sultan of Sokoto2— control of al-Qa`ida in the Islamic Sciences at the United States Military Academy, Maghreb (AQIM), Ansar Eddine and West Point. -
Implications of Using the Military and Para-Military Forces for Securitizing Nigerian Insecurities: the Case of Niger Delta Crisis
American International Journal of Social Science Vol. 7, No. 3, September 2018 doi:10.30845/aijss.v7n3p6 Implications of Using the Military and Para-military Forces for Securitizing Nigerian Insecurities: The Case of Niger Delta Crisis Oluyemi Opeoluwa Adisa PhD Research Lecturer Department of International Relations Near East University North Cyprus Abstract Nigerian democratic political system is inherent with military features whereby every side of it is militarized in one way or the other. This is not a surprise considering the number of years the country spent under military regime. Even most of its states were created by military rulers. The military features of the country are also found active in its security approach whereby Nigerian military forces are mostly use for both internal and external security. The excessive use and unmerited priorities given to military sector requires a strict assessment in order to reveal the weaknesses of the most preferable security tool using by the government. This paper assesses the Nigerian military actions (JTF) in Niger Delta crisis in order to find out how deteriorated the crisis has become as a result of different military operations carried out by Nigerian armed forces and its implications on overall Nigerian security sectors. This paper reveals the inability of Nigerian military security approach to sufficiently securitize the multidimensional nature of threats inherent in the country. This paper uses the secondary method of data collection and qualitative in method of analysis. The needed information is obtained through examination of different secondary materials such as journal articles, books, magazine, internet sources, and personal observation.