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Checkmating the Resurgence of Youth Militancy in the Niger Delta Of Checkmating the Resurgence of Oil Violence in the Niger Delta of Nigeria Edited by Victor Ojakorotu, Ph.D and Lysias Dodd Gilbert, M.Sc., PGD. Th. Table of Contents 1). Understanding the Context of Oil Violence in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. VICTOR OJAKOROTU & LYSIAS DODD GILBERT 2). Taming the Monster: Critical Issues in Arresting the Orgy of Youth Restiveness in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria. ALAFURO EPELLE 3). Amnesty in a Vacuum: The Unending Insurgency in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. DAVID ADEYEMO & ‗LANRE OLU–ADEYEMI 4). Youth Militancy, Amnesty and Security in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria. LYSIAS DODD GILBERT 5). Security Contradictions: Bane of Reactions of Oil Producing Communities and the Unending Crisis in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria. AKPOMUVIRE MUKORO & EGBADJU, OBUKOHWO ABRAHAM 6). Militants and Oil Violence in the Niger Delta of Nigeria: Any Implication for Security in Nigeria? VICTOR OJAKOROTU 7). The Politics of Oil Exploitation: Rationalising on the Coexistence of Oil Wealth and Extreme Poverty in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria FRANCIS NWONWU 8). The Politics of Oil in the Niger Delta EMMANUEL, J. C. DURU 9). The Niger Delta Child and the Future of National Integration in Nigeria: A Prognostic Analysis FRANK-COLLINS NNAMDI OKAFOR & MIKE C. ODDIH. 10). The Conflict in the Niger Delta Region and National Interest SEGUN OGUNGBEMI 11). Niger Delta Crisis: Implications on Nigeria‘s Domestic Economic Output AKINBOBOLA, T. O. Preface This book is a collection of excellent academic materials by experienced and renowned scholars who have critically analyzed the devastating age-long oil violence in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. Beyond examining the origin and nature of the conflict, it also emphasizes the way forward for the Niger Delta, based on the various empirical studies by the contributors on the current developments in the region. Some of the chapters extensively interrogated the peace and development implications of President Yar‘Adua‘s amnesty policy on the Niger Delta since 2009. Although ‗subdued oil violence‘ has been around for several decades, the emergence of organized non-state armed groups in the 1990s has added a new and explosive dimension to the Delta imbroglio. Violent protests and the threat of outright rebellion against the state are now ubiquitous. Clearly, environmental activism and militancy are a direct response to the cumulative years of sustained environmental degradation, despoliation, hazards, impunity, human rights violations, repression, underdevelopment and outright neglect of the region by the Nigerian state and the multinational oil companies. Since the Niger Delta conflict is not a one-sided issue but a complexity of many interrelated problems, this book will not only expose students, researchers, professionals and statesmen/policy makers to the current developments in the region, but it also provide answers to some pertinent contemporary questions concerning the ‗oil gift‘, which has become a curse to the host communities of the Niger Delta in Nigeria. We owe a profound debt of gratitude to many for making this edited book a huge success, most especially our colleagues and contributors for their diligence and cooperation. We warmly recommend this book to students, scholars of African politics and conflict studies. Ojakorotu Victor Lysias Dodd Gilbert Johannesburg 2010. About the contributors David Adeyemo (Ph.D) is a lecturer in the Department of Local Government Studies, Obafemi Awolowo Univeristy, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. ‘Lanre Olu–Adeyemi (Ph.D) lectures in the Department of Political Science, Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba Akoko, Nigeria. Alafuro Epelle (Ph.D) is Senior Lecturer and Ag. Head, Department of Political Science, Rivers State University of Education, Port Harcourt, Nigeria. Professor Francis Nwonwu is a Chief Research Specialist and the Head of Sustainable Development Research at Africa Institute of South Africa (AISA). Ojakorotu Victor (Ph.D) obtained his doctorate from the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa. He is a lecturer at the Department of International Studies, Monash University, Johannesburg. Lysias Dodd Gilbert is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science, Rivers State University of Education, Port Harcourt, Nigeria. He is currently completing his doctoral thesis at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Akpomuvire, Mukoro (Ph.D) is on Sabbatical leave from the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife to Delta State University, Abraka. He is currently the Head of the Department of Political Science at Abraka. He also once served as a Head of Department at the Obafemi Awolowo University. Dayo Akinbobola (Ph.D) is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Economics, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. Professor Segun Ogungbemi is with the Department of Philosophy Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. Egbadju, Obukohwo Abraham is with the Department of Political Science, Delta State University, Abraka, Nigeria. Okafor, Frank-Collins Nnamdi (PhD) lectures in the Department of Political Science, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra State, Nigeria. Oddih, Mike C. (Ph.D) is a lecturer in the Department of Political Science, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra State, Nigeria Emmanuel, J. C. Duru (Ph.D) is a lecturer in the Department of Political Science, University of Calabar, Nigeria. Chapter 1: Understanding the Context of Oil Violence in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. By Victor Ojakorotu and Lysias Dodd Gilbert Introduction Violence has been defined by the World Health Organization‘s (WHO) World Report on Violence and Health as ―the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or against a group or community, that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in injury, death, psychological harm, maldevelopment or deprivation‖ (WHO, 2002: 5). In the context of this paper however, oil violence can be defined as, the deliberate deployment of instruments of physical force by the various stakeholders in the oil industry in Nigeria, for the achievement of their respective objectives and goals with regards to the exploration, exploitation and appropriation of crude oil and its accruable benefits in the Niger Delta region. Since the 1990s, oil violence in the Niger Delta region has constituted festering sores on the thumbs of the Nigerian state, the Multinational Oil Companies (MNOCs), and the Niger Delta communities. Due to pervasive underdevelopment occasioned by blatant environmental pollution and despoliation, political marginalization and outright neglect by the Nigerian state and the MNOCs, oil related agitations commenced in the region in an attempt to compel the state and MNOCs to remedy the injustices meted to the Niger Deltans since the discovery of crude oil in commercial quantities at Oloibiri in 1956. However, the monocultural, rentier Nigerian state in collaboration with the MNOCs, have consistently and persistently unleashed a reign of violence on the Niger Delta in a failed attempt to militarily repress and crush legitimate protests and therefore dissuade the delta minorities from constituting a hindrance to the continuous flow of its rents from oil exploration, exploitation and appropriation. Several dastardly special police/military units have been formed and used for the ‗invasion‘, occupation, harassment, torment, suppression and outright destruction of some Delta communities to ‗teach them a lesson‘. A few pointers will suffice: The Nigeria Mobile Police Force (MOPOL) was used to brutally quell a peaceful youth protest against Shell at Umuechem in Rivers state, and the Community was virtually destroyed on 31 October 1990; 80 people were killed and about 500 houses were leveled, thus triggering an unprecedented number of Internally Displaced People (IDP) in the history of that community (ICG, 2006a: 6-7). The Rivers State Internal Security Task Force, a well-armed military outfit, was primarily formed for the repression, suppression, harassment, humiliation, arrest and unlawful detention of members of the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) and its supporters, during MOSOP‘s campaign against Shell and self-determination in Ogoniland between 1993 and 1996. Apart from the unconstitutional execution of the Ogoni nine-Ken Saro-Wiwa and his eight Ogoni compatriots, the force, which virtually metamorphosed to an army of occupation raped, tortured, maimed, looted and summarily executed about 2000 people extra- judicially (HRW, 1999: 9; Adeola 2001: 40).1 A combined team of MOPOL and the Nigerian Army was used for the invasion of Choba community to suppress a protest against WILBROS (a foreign oil servicing firm) in 1999; 10 people were killed, 25 women raped and the communities were temporarily deserted (CLO, 2002: 50-61). In January 1999, a state of emergency was declared by the Federal Government of Nigeria in Bayelsa state and heavily armed military personnel with armored vehicles were deployed to fight the Niger Deltans, especially the IYC and Egbesu Boys of Africa (Sesay, et al, 2003). Also in November 1999, the Nigerian state through an operation codenamed Hakuri 2, embarked on one of its most sordid genocidal escapades in the Delta region by using the army to invade Odi community, the second largest town in Bayelsa state after Amassoma; at least 1000 people were brutally murdered, several others were declared missing, all houses except three were destroyed, the community
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