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Narrative Paths of Native American Resistance: Tracing Agency and Commemoration in Journalism Texts in Eastern North Carolina, 1872-1988

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Narrative Paths of Native American Resistance: Tracing Agency and Commemoration in Journalism Texts in Eastern North Carolina, 1872-1988 NARRATIVE PATHS OF NATIVE AMERICAN RESISTANCE: TRACING AGENCY AND COMMEMORATION IN JOURNALISM TEXTS IN EASTERN NORTH CAROLINA, 1872-1988. Lorraine Ahearn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Media and Journalism. Chapel Hill 2016 Approved by: Carole Blair Frank Fee Barbara Friedman Malinda Maynor Lowery Lucila Vargas © 2016 Lorraine Ahearn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Lorraine Ahearn. “Narrative Paths of Native Resistance: Tracing American Indian Agency and Commemoration in Journalism Texts of Eastern North Carolina, 1872-1988." The Lumbees of Robeson County, the largest tribe of Native Americans east of the Mississippi River, have persisted against the grain of Western historical narratives. A century of social repression left the sprawling Eastern Seaboard county, home to an estimated 50,000 American Indians, with among the bleakest economic outlooks in the South. Lacking full federal recognition, both the Lumbees and Tuscaroras nevertheless resisted marginalization, in part by invoking formidable historical identities that bind Indians to the land and to each other. This dissertation is concerned with a particular mechanism in the performance of identity: self-representation in mass media. Four historical markers of Indian identity in the century under examination all involve Native American resistance to white supremacy, and in each instance, media played an operative role in portraying common themes that linked these historical eras, suggesting that intertextuality recirculates narratives back to the community, and that journalism itself becomes a formation of memory. The purpose here is to gain insight into agency and the process of transculturation as iii it applies to self-representation. A fundamental assumption is that journalism is a narrative form, seeking to impose structure on the chaos of reality. A parallel premise is the notion of cultural scripts, continuous templates that imbue the Native American landscape of the present with felt attachments to the past. The question this research poses is how a racial isolate appropriated and subverted journalism narratives for the purpose of autonomy and as a site of memory formation. A broader project turns on mutual fulfillment of narratives. How might appropriation, by disrupting mainstream journalists’ sense of distance as neutral observers, alter the form of journalism itself? iv To my mother, Lorraine Barbieri Ahearn v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This project would not have been possible without support of the Triad Foundation of Ithaca, New York, and the Roy H. Park Fellowship. The vision of the Park family to invest in mid-career professionals and commit to the future of our field is true “legacy media.” I am likewise indebted to the professors and peers who informed this research, especially my committee members and my advisor. Your scholarship, collegiality, and good cheer epitomize the Carolina Way. Special thanks to Ginny Mazzola for your hospitality and friendship in making Chapel Hill like home. A number of professional journalists lent their time and insights, and I am most grateful to Bruce Barton, Connee Brayboy, and James Locklear, who accepted me as an outsider to the Lumbee world, but also an insider to the journalism world. As with all the great reporters I have known–many in the footnotes, all reflected in these pages–I am proud to have walked with you and to have been part of our profession. To my family large and small—especially Kevin, Suzzy, Mickey, and Mary Kate —thank you for making my days a gift. vi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure 1 - Place names map of Robeson County……………………………..1 Figure 2 - Dime novel front piece of the Swamp Outlaws………………..…54 Figure 3 - Iconic Life treatment celebrating the KKK routing…….……….123 Figure 4 -Carolina Indian Voice office, circa-1972……………….……….218 Figure 5 - Hatcher at federal trial for the taking of the Robesonian……..…288 vii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS………………………………………………vii 1. CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION………...….………………………..…2 Literature Review………………………………………………..14 Outlaw Heroes……………………………………...……………22 Journalism as Memory…………………………………………..26 Appropriation and Reclamation………………………………....28 Media Representation of Native Americans…………………….30 Objectivity and Alternative Media………………………………37 Justification……………………………………………………...47 2. CHAPTER 2: MEDIA TEXTS IN FORMATION OF MEMORY…….……55 Depictions of Lowry in the Press………………………………..61 From a Regional to a National Story……………………………70 The Swamp Outlaws…………………………………………….74 Expeditionary Journalism………………………………………..81 “The Outlaws on Themselves……………………………….....100 viii 3. CHAPTER 3: CAPTURING THE FLAG………………………………..…..124 Narrative Needs in the Cold War…………………………………...…132 Media Delineation of a “Little Race”…………………………..……..135 Media Intervention in Indian Sovereignty………………………..…...144 Indian Self-Representation in the World War II Era…………..….…..150 The Klan in the National News…………………………………..…....153 The History of the Klan and the Robesonian……………………...…..160 The Klan and the Discourse of the New South……………...…..….…166 Lumbees in the National News……………………………………..…176 Analysis of Life Images…………………………………………..……197 4. CHAPTER 4: RHETORIC AND PUBLIC MEMORY IN THE CAROLINA INDIAN VOICE...........................................................…...219 Backdrop: Situating the Voice Amid “A Mighty Stirring”…….……..224 Rural-Alternative Weekly: Using Proximity To Reproduce Community…………………………………………….235 Delineating Place: How the Voice Fused Present and Past……….…..245 The Voice as a First Draft in Writing Back the Past………………….256 Lumbee Shorthand: Insider Language as a Border to Identity………..262 . Unifying and Decentering: The Voice and its Readers……………….269 5. CHAPTER 5: NEWSROOM CAPTIVITY: DISRUPTION OF JOURNALISTIC NEUTRALITY………………………………………..…..289 1980s Robeson County: A Study in Indigenous Repression………....295 Local Media: The Entanglements of Proximity………………………301 ix Journalists as Participants: The Discourse of Detachment………….310 Outside Media: Historical Templates in Local Color……………….314 Inside View from the Robesonian: Lexicon of Us and Them……….321 Journalism of Attachment: Entailments of Self……………………..326 A Three-Way Mirror: Distance, Proximity, and Recoil……………..339 6. CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION: INDIGENOUS HISTORY IS WRITTEN BY THE SURVIVORS………………………………………….….348 Narrative Templates: The Past as Story………………..……………352 Journalism as a Rough Draft of Memory……………………………353 The Irony of Subversion: Tension Between The Performed and the Real…………………………………………359 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………….……...…….366 The document applies Chicago Manual of Style, 16th Edition. x Figure 1-a. Edited New York Herald Map Source: lumbee.web.unc.edu Scuffletown is near the current Town of Pembroke, bordered by Lumbee River and Back Swamp. Lumberton, the county seat, is to the south and Shoe Heel to the north, on the railroad line. Figure 1-b. Current Township Designations. Maxton is to the west. 1 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION AND JUSTIFICATION In March 1872, a New York Herald correspondent traveled to the backcountry of North Carolina in quest of a journalistic coup. From a remote settlement amid the scorched turpentine scrub of the post-Civil War, a storied band of mostly Native American outlaws had eluded capture for nine years. While harassing Confederate Home Guard militia and the Ku Klux Klan, the Lowry Gang took part in a series of robberies, revenge killings, and a dramatic jailbreak chronicled in the New York Times and other national media. The gang's renown grew with the portrayal of its leader Henry Berry Lowry as a contemporary "Robin Hood," and the offer of a $12,000 reward, the largest US bounty up to that time.1 As Herald reporter A. B. Henderson arrived at the outpost near Scuffletown, with Lowry now reputed to be dead or disappeared, the suspicious gang members considered shooting the journalist just as they had executed several spies previously. Henderson told the accused that the "great paper of America" had published previous accounts about them "as furnished by the white people of Robeson County," but now wanted to air the fugitives' side, to provide a "clear and just conception of the circumstances that had made them outlaws and how they lived."2 The gang members reconsidered, Henderson wrote; they decided that they were 1 Edward Magdol, “Against the Gentry: An Inquiry into a Southern Lower-Class Community and Culture, 1865-1870,” Journal of Social History 6, no. 3 (April 1, 1973): 259–283. William McKee Evans, To Die Game: The Story of the Lowry Band, Indian Guerrillas of Reconstruction (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1971). 2 “The Swamp Angels: Our Captured Correspondent With the Lowery Outlaws,” New York Herald, April 6, 1872, 4. 2 "glad of an opportunity to tell their story to the country," he reported, because, they said, "'the papers were telling so many d--d lies about them.'"3 They assured the reporter that he would be safe, and let him keep his pistol. They led him blindfolded through near waist-deep swamps to a secluded hideout. 4 The encounter yielded a series of exclusive Herald dispatches reprinted in metropolitan newspapers around the country, reissued in dime novel format as The Swamp Outlaws by two publishers and adapted into an 1872 play that ran successfully in New York City, Swamp Angels, Or, The Outlaws of Carolina,5 This was the first of a dozen retellings of the life of Lowry.6 Whetting nineteenth century
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