The Moldovan Information Environment, Hostile Narratives, and Their Ramifications

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Moldovan Information Environment, Hostile Narratives, and Their Ramifications ISBN 978-9934-564-01-7 1 THE MOLDOVAN INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT, HOSTILE NARRATIVES, AND THEIR RAMIFICATIONS PREPARED BY THE NATO STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS CENTRE OF EXCELLENCE 2 ISBN 978-9934-564-01-7 THE MOLDOVAN INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT, HOSTILE NARRATIVES, AND THEIR RAMIFICATIONS Project director: Antti Sillanpää Research team: Antti Sillanpää, Nadine Gogu, Igor Munteanu, Ion Bunduchi, Viorel Parvan, Marian Cepoi Text Editor: Anna Reynolds Production & Copy Editor: Linda Curika Design of illustrations: Sergejs Bižāns The NATO StratCom Centre of Excellence, based in Latvia, is a multinational, cross-sector organization which provides comprehensive analyses, advice and practical support to the alliance and allied nations. This report is a product of the AN TO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence (NATO StratCom COE). It is produced for NATO, NATO member countries, NATO partners, related private and public institutions and related individuals. It does not represent the opinions or policies of NATO. © All rights reserved by the NATO StratCom COE. Reports may not be copied, reproduced, distributed or publicly displayed without reference to the NATO StratCom COE. Riga, July 2017, 2nd edition (changes in page 56, see table "Moldovan Opinion Leaders Landscape") NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence Riga, Kalnciema iela 11b, Latvia LV1048 www.stratcomcoe.org Ph.: 0037167335463 [email protected] 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .........................................................................................................……………………..4 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND.................................................................................……………………..9 VULNERABILITIES AND MEDIA COVERAGE .................................................................................…………..12 HOSTILE NARRATIVES AND PROPAGANDA ..........................................................................………………..21 WHO CONTROLS THE MEDIA AND PEOPLE’S MEDIA CONSUMPTION? .....................………………..35 LANDSCAPING THE MEDIA MARKET AND IDEOLOGICAL POSITIONING....................................……..52 THE MAIN INFLUENCERS OF PUBLIC OPINION ....................................................................……………..55 ANNEXES .........................................................................................................………….....................…………..67 AND MEDIA COVERAGE INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Antti Sillanpää This study describes the current promoted by the Kremlin and its information environment of Moldova. local affiliates, local media ownership The main focus is on how societal and control, and the most influential vulnerabilities are exploited by opinion-leaders in Moldova. political actors who are following Conclusions and recommendations policies promoted by the Kremlin. are given at the end of each section. The mechanisms linking societal vulnerabilities and people’s behaviour People living in Moldova today worry are described here in order to about their children’s future, poverty, unemployment, prices, corruption, better understand the Moldovan 1 information environment, especially and the possibility of war. This the Russian influence on Moldovan report highlights the importance of politics. Compared to a traditional corruption, weak state structures, the target audience analysis, this study dysfunctional political system, and the highlights the importance of the regions of Transnistria and Gagauzia structure of media environment, as the major vulnerabilities currently which promotes hostile Kremlin faced by Moldovan society. All of narratives in Moldova (see picture these issues are closely linked to both page 5). This study assumes that poverty and the lack of security many societal problems are not discussed people feel in the unstable political in a vacuum. Moldovans’ perception environment. of what is going on around them and These vulnerabilities are effectively the actions they take in response are leveraged to foster mistrust and shaped by the structure of and key polarization. After analysing the actors in the media environment. As a situation, we cluster Kremlin result, only some topics are selected promoted messages, speeches, for public consumption. videos, demonstrations, and other The chapters that follow describe the acts. We consider these clusters as vulnerabilities in today’s Moldovan 1 Barometer of Public Opinion, 2016. society, the divisive narratives Institute for Public Policies. Source: http://ipp. md/lib.php?l=en&idc=156 9. Study of Modovan information Evironment 5 Background information Vulnerabilities, perceived reality History, population and other country data Media structure Infrastructure Media channels, usage patterns Ownership and control Opinion leaders Persons Organizations Topics and narratives four identifiable hostile narratives that be contradictory, such as the idea serve to create divisions in an already of Russkii Mir, which attempts to fragmented society. We have named link the Moldovans more closely to them ‘Russkii Mir and Soviet Nostalgia’, their former Russian rulers, while ‘Federalization Will Ensure Equality’, federalization strategy claims to ‘The European Union is Bad, Russia’s promote self-determination for the Customs Union is What You Need’, ethnic Moldovan majority. Therefore, and ‘Romania and NATO are a Threat hostile narratives are not meant as to Peace’. Each of these narratives idealized truth that the audience targets feelings and emotions—the should swallow whole. Instead, sense of belonging, the sense of self- individuals pick and choose the story determination, a sense of economic elements that make sense to them, security, and a sense of physical security. like choosing dishes from a buffet. Each narrative touches upon particular What is crucial is that people accept a Moldovan vulnerabilities, but the tactics portion of the misleading information, behind them can be recognised in other, which itself is enough to deepen the similar narratives promoted by Vladimir wedges between the various factions Putin’s Kremlin in other countries along of Moldovan society. the Russian border. Post-Soviet narratives are a mix of The ideas in these hostile narratives residual memories, political failures, overlap, sharing many of the same and regional conflicts. Ideological features. For instance, ideological narratives affect minds and public conservatism supports both cultural behaviour via emotions and iconic propagation and is opposed to images. The ‘Russkii Mir and Soviet economic ties with the European Nostalgia’ narrative inspires unity Union. These narratives can also between Moldovans and Russia on 6 an emotional, even spiritual, level. Echoing messages from the Kremlin, The idea of Russkii Mir,’ or ‘the some political leaders are claiming Russian world’, is an ideology built that Western expansionism is on the assumption that those who underway, or that NATO and Romania speak Russian think and act like have ambitions towards the East. The the subset of Russians currently in narrative has produced results: a large power. In Moldova, this manifests number of Moldovans favour both itself through emphasizing Russian Vladimir Putin and political neutrality, Orthodox religion, remembering and which suggests that these audiences cherishing the sacrifices made during do not see the risks the current the Great Patriotic War, and clearly Russian regime poses to the region. distinguishing between Moldova and Romania. These are attempts to create These narratives are most powerfully positive feelings about influence from communicated through various forms the East and sharing the conservative of media. Without a mechanism for Russian mental space. the transmission of these narratives, they would have a limited audience The ‘Federalization Will Ensure and those sending messages would Equality’ narrative comprises acts be unable to bring about changes in and messages that stress the equality the behaviour of the people they seek of different ethnic groups living in to influence. Moldova. Here Russia wants to take on the role of an alternative to the For the most part, the Moldovan Moldovan titular group. The portrayal people are only exposed to that of Russians as the most important information, which local powerbrokers linguistic minority can be challenged. or the Kremlin-controlled media want Not only is the size of Ukrainian them to be aware of. At the moment population bigger, but Russians are Moldova has too many media outlets closely followed by other groups in for them all to remain economically number. Politically, federalization viable in the small Moldovan economy. might create veto-rights for the This reduces the quality of the news administrative areas of Transnistria and creates an incentive for affluent and Gagauzia, which themselves actors to promote their own agendas. are closely linked with Russia due to A handful of individuals in Moldova various historical circumstances. and the Kremlin are effectively The narrative ‘The European Union dominating the news landscape. is Bad, Russia’s Customs Union Much of the control lies in the hands of is What You Need’ seems to be politicians or oligarchs such as Vladimir about economics, but actually the Plahotniuc, who has consolidated arguments used are often based on his business and political power ideological conservatism and used to structure, leveraging also his media create fear among Moldovans. The assets. Plahotniuc plays a leading related Kremlin narrative, ‘Romania role
Recommended publications
  • Moldova: from Oligarchic Pluralism to Plahotniuc's Hegemony
    Centre for Eastern Studies NUMBER 208 | 07.04.2016 www.osw.waw.pl Moldova: from oligarchic pluralism to Plahotniuc’s hegemony Kamil Całus Moldova’s political system took shape due to the six-year rule of the Alliance for European Integration coalition but it has undergone a major transformation over the past six months. Resorting to skilful political manoeuvring and capitalising on his control over the Moldovan judiciary system, Vlad Plahotniuc, one of the leaders of the nominally pro-European Democra- tic Party and the richest person in the country, was able to bring about the arrest of his main political competitor, the former prime minister Vlad Filat, in October 2015. Then he pushed through the nomination of his trusted aide, Pavel Filip, for prime minister. In effect, Plahot- niuc has concentrated political and business influence in his own hands on a scale unseen so far in Moldova’s history since 1991. All this indicates that he already not only controls the judi- ciary, the anti-corruption institutions, the Constitutional Court and the economic structures, but has also subordinated the greater part of parliament and is rapidly tightening his grip on the section of the state apparatus which until recently was influenced by Filat. Plahotniuc, whose power and position depends directly on his control of the state apparatus and financial flows in Moldova, is not interested in a structural transformation of the country or in implementing any thorough reforms; this includes the Association Agreement with the EU. This means that as his significance grows, the symbolic actions so far taken with the aim of a structural transformation of the country will become even more superficial.
    [Show full text]
  • Peacekeepers in the Donbas JFQ 91, 4Th Quarter 2017 12 India to Lead the Mission
    Eastern Ukrainian woman, one of over 1 million internally displaced persons due to conflict, has just returned from her destroyed home holding all her possessions, on main street in Nikishino Village, March 1, 2015 (© UNHCR/Andrew McConnell) cal ploy; they have suggested calling Putin’s bluff. However, they also realize Peacekeepers the idea of a properly structured force with a clear mandate operating in support of an accepted peace agreement in the Donbas could offer a viable path to peace that is worth exploring.2 By Michael P. Wagner Putin envisions a limited deploy- ment of peacekeepers on the existing line of contact in Donbas to safeguard OSCE-SMM personnel.3 Such a plan ince the conflict in Ukraine September 5, 2017, when he proposed could be effective in ending the conflict began in 2014, over 10,000 introducing peacekeepers into Eastern and relieving immediate suffering, but it people have died in the fighting Ukraine to protect the Organiza- S could also lead to an open-ended United between Russian-backed separatists tion for Security and Co-operation in Nations (UN) commitment and make and Ukrainian forces in the Donbas Europe–Special Monitoring Mission long-term resolution more challenging. region of Eastern Ukraine. The Ukrai- to Ukraine (OSCE-SMM). Despite Most importantly, freezing the conflict nian government has repeatedly called halting progress since that time, restart- in its current state would solidify Russian for a peacekeeping mission to halt ing a peacekeeping mission remains an control of the separatist regions, enabling the bloodshed, so Russian President important opportunity.1 Many experts it to maintain pressure on Ukraine by Vladimir Putin surprised the world on remain wary and dismiss it as a politi- adjusting the intensity level as it de- sires.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 DEZBATERI PARLAMENTARE Parlamentul Republicii Moldova De
    DEZBATERI PARLAMENTARE Parlamentul Republicii Moldova de legislatura a XIX-a SESIUNEA a VII-a ORDINARĂ – NOIEMBRIE 2013 Ședința din ziua de 22 noiembrie 2013 (STENOGRAMA) SUMAR 1. Declararea ședinței ca fiind deliberativă. (Onorarea Drapelului de Stat al Republicii Moldova.) 2. Dezbateri asupra ordinii de zi și aprobarea ei. 3. Dezbaterea și adoptarea în lectura a doua a proiectului de Lege nr.299 din 3 iulie 2013 pentru modificarea și completarea Legii nr.297-XIV din 24 februarie 1999 cu privire la adaptarea socială a persoanelor eliberate din locurile de detenție (art.1, 4, 11 ș.a.). 4. Dezbaterea și aprobarea în primă lectură a proiectului de Lege nr.437 din 5 noiembrie 2013 pentru modificarea și completarea Codului contravențional al Republicii Moldova nr.218-XVI din 24 octombrie 2008 (art.2911, 2912, 2933 ș.a.). 5. Dezbaterea, aprobarea în primă lectură și adoptarea în lectura a doua a proiectului de Lege nr.464 din 19 noiembrie 2013 pentru modificarea anexei nr.2 la Legea bugetului de stat pe anul 2013 nr.249 din 2 noiembrie 2013. 6. Dezbaterea și aprobarea în primă lectură a proiectului de Lege nr.259 din 14 iunie 2013 privind fondurile de pensii facultative. 7. Prezentarea și dezbaterea Raportului asupra administrării și întrebuințării resurselor financiare publice și a patrimoniului public pe anul 2012. Proiectul nr.2305 din 9 octombrie 2013. (Raportor – Serafim Urechean, președintele Curții de Conturi.) S-a propus întreruperea dezbaterilor și s-a votat cu majoritatea voturilor. 8. Dezbaterea și aprobarea în primă lectură a proiectului de Lege nr.1239 din 7 iunie 2012 pentru modificarea și completarea Legii nr.139 din 2 iulie 2010 privind dreptul de autor și drepturile conexe 9.
    [Show full text]
  • E-Journal, Year IX, Issue 176, October 1-31, 2011
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Policy Documentation Center Governance and democracy in Moldova e-journal, year IX, issue 176, October 1-31, 2011 "Governance and Democracy in Moldova" is a bi-weekly journal produced by the Association for Participatory Democracy ADEPT, which tackles the quality of governance and reflects the evolution of political and democratic processes in the Republic of Moldova. The publication is issued with financial support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, in framework of the project "Promoting Good Governance through Monitoring". Opinions expressed in the published articles do not necessarily represent also the point of view of the sponsor. The responsibility for the veracity of statements rests solely with the articles' authors. CONTENTS I. ACTIVITY OF PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS........................................................................................................ 3 GOVERNMENT ................................................................................................................................................ 3 1. Events of major importance ...................................................................................................................... 3 Premier’s report regarding assaults on share stocks of some banks ........................................................ 3 2. Nominations. Dismissals ..........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Studia Politica 1 2016
    www.ssoar.info Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics Goșu, Armand Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Goșu, A. (2016). Republic of Moldova: the year 2015 in politics. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 16(1), 21-51. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-51666-3 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Republic of Moldova The Year 2015 in Politics ARMAND GO ȘU Nothing will be the same from now on. 2015 is not only a lost, failed year, it is a loop in which Moldova is stuck without hope. It is the year of the “theft of the century”, the defrauding of three banks, the Savings Bank, Unibank, and the Social Bank, a theft totaling one billion dollars, under the benevolent gaze of the National Bank, the Ministry of Finance, the General Prosecutor's Office, the National Anti-Corruption Council, and the Security and Intelligence Service (SIS). 2015 was the year when controversial oligarch Vlad Plakhotniuk became Moldova's international brand, identified by more and more chancelleries as a source of evil 1. But 2015 is also the year of budding hope that civil society is awakening, that the political scene is evolving not only for the worse, but for the better too, that in the public square untarnished personalities would appear, new and charismatic figures around which one could build an alternative to the present political parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Military Presence in Moldova – a Sensitive Issue for the Future of Relations Between Chișinău and Moscow
    RUSSIAN MILITARY PRESENCE IN MOLDOVA – A SENSITIVE ISSUE FOR THE FUTURE OF RELATIONS BETWEEN CHIȘINĂU AND MOSCOW Ion TĂBÂRȚĂ The presidential elections in the Republic of Moldova are barely over, and the first divergences between the future President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu – on one hand, and the Kremlin administration – on the other hand, are already foreshadowed. Some statements by Sandu regarding the presence of Russian military troops, illegally stationed on the left bank of the Dniester, and which statements in fact reiterated Chisinău's official stance on this matter, as it was known before the Ion Chicu government, disturbed Moscow and provoked its negative reaction. The statements of the president-elect Maia Sandu Shortly after winning the presidential term on November 15, 2020, Maia Sandu, stated in an interview with the Ukrainian daily Evropeiskaya Pravda, that resolving the Transnistrian conflict presupposes the complete withdrawal of Russian troops from Moldova. These statements by Sandu have immediately provoked negative reactions in Moscow. Russian officials have labeled the scenario proposed by the future president of the Republic of Moldova as a return to the year 1992, and as something to which those in Tiraspol will never agree. The outgoing president of the Republic of Moldova, Igor Dodon, also reacted to Maia Sandu's statements, which he stated were a serious mistake1. Later, on November 30, 2020, at a press conference, Maia Sandu came with clarifications of her position on the Russian military presence on the left bank of the Dniester. Asked by the NTV Moldova correspondent whether, as a president, she will opt for the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers, Sandu specified that the Russian army, deployed on the left bank of the Dniester, is divided into the Operational Group of Russian Forces in Transnistria (OGRF), whose presence on the territory of the Republic of Moldova has no legal status, and the peacekeeping mission, stationed in the Transnistrian region in accordance with the Moldovan-Russian agreement of July 21, 1992.
    [Show full text]
  • The Republic of Budjak: Next in Line?
    (https://neweasterneurope.eu/) The Republic of Budjak: Next in line? The idea of the Republic of Budjak appeared at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s within the process of a national awakening triggered by perestroika. The republic was supposed to include the localities where Gagauzians and Bulgarians lived in southern Moldova and, in another variant, were also in the neighboring southern part of the Ukrainian Odesa region. No such scenario was realised, however Gagauzians from Moldova managed to create their (separatist) republic that existed till 1994 when their region was granted autonomous status within a unitary state. From time to time, the idea of the Republic of Budjak had returned. January 2, 2015 - Marcin Kosienkowski (https://neweasterneurope.eu/post-author/marcin-kosienkowski/) - Articles and Commentary (https://neweasterneurope.eu/category/articles-and-commentary-50/) Crucially, it was highlighted in a November 2014 report (http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21637415-little-known-place- interests-both-ukraine-and-russia-towards-unknown-region?fsrc=scn/tw_ec/towards_the_unknown_region) by Kyiv-based “Da Vinci AG” Analytic Group because of the Russian-Ukrainian conict, attracting the attention of some mainstream newspapers such as Nezavisimaya gazeta (http://www.ng.ru/cis/2014-11-27/1_kiev.html) and The Economist (http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21637415-little-known-place-interests-both-ukraine-and-russia-towards-unknown-region? fsrc=scn/tw_ec/towards_the_unknown_region). Bessarabia spring of 2015 The “Da Vinci AG” Analytic Group warns in its report that the Republic of Budjak could be established in the spring of 2015. It would be rather called the Bessarabian People’s Republic, alluding to the already existing peoples’ republics of Donetsk and Luhansk, and it would not be limited just to Gagauzians and Bulgarians, encompassing the whole southern part of the Odesa region.
    [Show full text]
  • 1768-1830S a Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate
    A PLAGUE ON BOTH HOUSES?: POPULATION MOVEMENTS AND THE SPREAD OF DISEASE ACROSS THE OTTOMAN-RUSSIAN BLACK SEA FRONTIER, 1768-1830S A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Andrew Robarts, M.S.F.S. Washington, DC December 17, 2010 Copyright 2010 by Andrew Robarts All Rights Reserved ii A PLAGUE ON BOTH HOUSES?: POPULATION MOVEMENTS AND THE SPREAD OF DISEASE ACROSS THE OTTOMAN-RUSSIAN BLACK SEA FRONTIER, 1768-1830S Andrew Robarts, M.S.F.S. Dissertation Advisor: Catherine Evtuhov, Ph. D. ABSTRACT Based upon a reading of Ottoman, Russian, and Bulgarian archival documents, this dissertation examines the response by the Ottoman and Russian states to the accelerated pace of migration and spread of disease in the Black Sea region from the outbreak of the Russo-Ottoman War of 1768-1774 to the signing of the Treaty of Hünkar Iskelesi in 1833. Building upon introductory chapters on the Russian-Ottoman Black Sea frontier and a case study of Bulgarian population movements between the Russian and Ottoman Empires, this dissertation analyzes Russian and Ottoman migration and settlement policies, the spread of epidemic diseases (plague and cholera) in the Black Sea region, the construction of quarantines and the implementation of travel document regimes. The role and position of the Danubian Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia as the “middle ground” between the Ottoman and Russian Empires
    [Show full text]
  • Moldova Page 1 of 33
    2010 Human Rights Report: Moldova Page 1 of 33 Home » Under Secretary for Democracy and Global Affairs » Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor » Releases » Human Rights Reports » 2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices » Europe and Eurasia » Moldova 2010 Human Rights Report: Moldova BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR 2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices April 8, 2011 Moldova [1] is a republic with a form of parliamentary democracy. The country has an estimated population of 3.56 million, including an estimated 600,000 to one million citizens living outside of the country. The constitution provides for a multiparty democracy with legislative and executive branches, as well as an independent judiciary and a clear separation of powers between them; however, under the previous government led by the Party of Communists (PCRM), which was in power until September 2009, the president heavily influenced the three branches of government. In July 2009 parliamentary elections, four opposition parties won enough seats to establish a governing coalition, known as the Alliance for European Integration (AEI), which entered office in September 2009. On November 28, the country held parliamentary elections that international observers stated met most Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and Council of Europe (COE) commitments. On December 30, the Liberal Party (PL), Democratic Party of Moldova and the Liberal Democratic Party of Moldova (PLDM) announced the formation of a second AEI coalition government. Security forces reported to civilian authorities. There were reports of police beatings, arbitrary detention by police, and occasional illegal searches. Corruption within the police and judiciary remained endemic.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mixed Electoral System: a New Challenge for Audiovisual Media in Moldova
    This policy brief series is part of the Media Enabling Democracy, Inclusion and Accountability in Moldova (MEDIA-M) project April 2019 | No 8 The Mixed Electoral System: A New Challenge for Audiovisual Media in Moldova By Olga Gututui Introduction Parliamentary elections took place in Moldova on February 24, 2019. This was the first time that the Moldovan electorate voted under a mixed electoral system.1 The change to a mixed system from the former closed-list proportional system was a challenge not only for Moldova’s electoral process, but also for the local media that reported on that process. Recent legislation, including Moldova’s Code of Audiovisual Media Services and the amended Electoral Code, imposed new reporting guidelines on media institutions aimed at ensuring accurate and unbiased electoral coverage. This policy brief focuses on audiovisual media coverage during the 2019 parliamentary electoral cycle, analyz- ing the extent to which the media’s de jure obligations under the mixed electoral system were implemented in reality. It concludes with a number of recommendations to improve the regulatory environment and decrease bias in electoral reporting. Setting the Stage: Media Ownership and used as a tool to manipulate public opinion and discredit political opponents.3 These individuals include the highly Political Affiliations influential leader of the Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM) It is widely acknowledged that Moldova’s media and Vladimir Plahotnuic, Corneliu Furculita of the Socialist Party advertising sector is concentrated in the hands of a few of the Republic of Moldova (PSRM), and Dumitru Chitoroaga, persons,2 opening the door to allow Moldovan media to be representative of the Shor Party.
    [Show full text]
  • Moldova by Victor Gotişan
    Moldova by Victor Gotişan Capital: Chişinău Population: 3.553 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$5,350 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2017 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 National Democratic 5.75 5.75 6.00 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 5.50 5.75 5.75 Governance Electoral Process 3.75 4.00 4.25 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 Civil Society 3.75 3.75 3.50 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 Independent Media 5.50 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 5.00 Local Democratic 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.50 5.50 Governance Judicial Framework 4.50 4.50 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.75 4.75 4.75 5.00 and Independence Corruption 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.00 5.75 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.00 Democracy Score 5.00 5.07 5.14 4.96 4.89 4.82 4.86 4.86 4.89 4.93 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. If consensus cannot be reached, Freedom House is responsible for the final ratings. The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest.
    [Show full text]
  • Cu Privire La Activitatea Consiliului Coordonator Al Audiovizualului Din Republica Moldova În Anul 2017
    Examinat și aprobat în ședința publică a CCA din 26 ianuarie 2018 prin Decizia nr. 3/11 Președinte CCA Dragoș VICOL RAPORT cu privire la activitatea Consiliului Coordonator al Audiovizualului din Republica Moldova în anul 2017 CHIȘINĂU, 2018 RAPORT PRIVIND ACTIVITATEA CCA ÎN ANUL 2017 CUPRINS I. ROLUL ȘI MISIUNEA CCA 3 II. COMPONENȚA CONSILIULUI ÎN ANUL 2017 5 III. ANUL 2017: MOMENTE DE REFERINȚĂ 6 IV. DINAMICA DEZVOLTĂRII PIEȚEI AUDIOVIZUALE 19 4.1. Piața audiovizuală în cifre și diagrame 19 4.2. Activitatea de licențiere 25 4.3. Activitatea de autorizare a distribuitorilor de servicii de programe 36 4.4. Problema licențierii în UTA Găgăuzia 41 4.5. Activitatea audiovizuală pe teritoriul regiunii transnistrene 42 4.6. Tranziția la televiziunea digitală terestră 46 4.7. Transparența proprietății mass-media 47 4.8. Politici de susținere a radiodifuzorilor în producerea programelor autohtone 48 4.9. Implementarea Strategiei de acoperire a teritoriului național cu servicii 51 de programe audiovizuale pentru anii 2016-2018 V. PROTECȚIA CONSUMATORILOR DE PROGRAME 57 5.1. Protecția copiilor 60 5.2. Respectarea moralității și demnității umane 68 5.3. Asigurarea echilibrului și pluralismului politico-social 80 5.4. Reflectarea campaniei electorale la referendumul local din 19 noiembrie 2017 85 5.5. Protejarea patrimoniului lingvistic și cultural-național 91 5.6. Asigurarea egalității de șanse și a accesului la serviciile de programe a 97 persoanelor cu nevoi speciale 5.7. Respectarea condițiilor de plasare a publicității 100 5.8. Respectarea Concepției generale a serviciului de programe 104 5.9. Neprezentarea informației solicitate de CCA 104 5.10.
    [Show full text]