Weitblick Serbia's Radical Right and Homophobia
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WeitBlick Serbia’s Radical Right and Homophobia Since the fall of the Milošević regime, several groups on the radical right with clerical-fascist orientation have emerged and gained influence on Serbian political and public life. Their main topic of agitation is the fight against LGBT life in Serbia. by Đorđe Tomić ll post-Yugoslavian states show The present government in Serbia con- between the transnationally organized at least some willingness to take sists of those parties, which during the neo-Nazi groups and clerical fascists, Aserious responsibility for mi- 1990s were the most prominent agents the latter seem much better organized nority issues – the Belgrade Gay Pride of nationalism in the region, but which and may have more broad political in- was for the first time heavily protect- today present themselves as ‘moderate’ fluence. They emerged from local rad- ed by the police in 2010, for example. and ‘pro-European’. However, while the ical right intellectual circles in Serbia, But homophobia still remains a broad political context changed in the last few who have propagated nationalism since social phenomenon in the region. How- years, there have been major changes the mid-1980s and advocate a specific ever, perhaps the greatest challenge on the right-wing as well. form of aggressive clerical nationalism, comes from radical right groups. Thus, their most important specific being the the mentioned Pride was attacked by close relationship to parts of the Serbi- around 6,000 right-wing activists. This With God against gays an Orthodox Church. The key element of indicates not only the strength of rad- Although in all parts of the post-Yugo- these groups is some kind of religious ical right groups in Serbia, but also a slavian area there still exist neo-fascist narrative. Religion is not merely framed new development in the region’s po- formations, which associate themselves as some national historical heritage they litical situation. Due to strong nation- with fascist groups and symbols from aim to protect: A whole value system, alisms as ‘mainstream’ state politics the Second World War period (like the derived from some religious views, is during the 1990s, the radical right in Ustaša in Croatia), the most interest- adopted and proposed in terms of a po- the post-Yugoslavian area was generally ing change refers to the quite new type litical program, based on religious mor- unnoticed. Today, many groups, which of autochthonous radical right group als and ethics. One prominent example emerged during the last ten or fifteen which emerged in Serbia in the 1990s: of such use of religion is the installation years, face political marginalization and the clerical fascist groups. Despite of patriarchal structures of society. As even prosecution by state authorities. common actions and mutual sympathy the nation is seen as a living organism, 15 gender roles change completely: Wom- founded in 2001, was officially banned went a similar development as Obraz. en are regarded only as mothers – they by the Constitutional Court of Serbia The group emerged around the Dveri should give birth to new Serbs. In view in June 2012. However, other groups srpske magazine and was founded in of the clerical fascists, the structure of emerged during the last years. In con- 1999. Besides publishing the magazine power in society should follow the di- trast to Obraz, which still acted in terms and books with clerical and nationalist vine triad of God – king – pater familias. of the ‘old’ nationalism of the 1990s, for content, the movement has organized Thus, as good wives, women should obey example aiming to rehabilitate recent several public debates in various parts their husbands. Homosexuality is seen war criminals, the newly founded groups of Serbia so far. Mostly, they take place present themselves as more ‘modern’ in the universities or literary clubs and and – similar to ultra-nationalist parties are supported by professors, writers or Đorđe Tomić – more ‘moderate’. Due to more serious representatives of the Serbian Orthodox reactions of the state, they often give Church. The topics of these lectures – ist am Lehrstuhl für Südosteuropäische up open violence as means of political mostly ex cathedra – generally involve Geschichte der Humboldt-Universität zu action, trying to mobilize as some sort historical revisionist theses and try to Berlin tätig und seit 2011 wissenschaft- of ‘genuine’ popular movement. Some of rehabilitate historical figures from the licher Mitarbeiter im Forschungsprojekt the groups openly address social issues, nationalist, but also even fascist past „Phantomgrenzen in Ostmitteleuropa“. such as unemployment and poverty. With of Serbia. One key issue, discussed in regard to their anti-gay and anti-lesbi- these manifestations, is Kosovo. an actions, these groups engage more The first actions, trying to draw broad as unnatural, or in clerical terms, as a often in some sort of ‘pro-life’ demon- public attention and marking the trans- sin. The homophobic message, which of- strations. Thus, instead of openly sup- formation of the group into a ‘move- ten comes directly from clerical elites, porting violent attacks on the attempts ment’, included a sort of pro-life cam- further legitimizes the verbal violence, to organize Pride manifestations – even paign, arguing that the Serbian people and even the physical violence, commit- though some activists join these attacks are dying out. Dveri is close to the Ser- ted against lesbian, gay, bisexual and – groups like Dveri organize anti-demon- bian Orthodox Church and serves as a transgender persons. strations, called ‘family marches’, tak- forum for nationalist intellectuals. In The oldest clerical fascist group in Ser- ing place parallel to or shortly before 2012 it succeeded in registering as a bia, Srpski otačastveni pokret Obraz the Pride. By presenting ‘the traditional political party. It won over four percent (Serbian Patriotic Movement Obraz), family’ as a value, they try to underline of the votes in the last parliamentary the ‘normality’ of heterosexual relation- elections in Serbia in May 2012, and al- ships, but actually propagate their patri- though it did not gain any seats in the archal views. Since these groups enjoy State Parliament, it managed to enter the support of many orthodox priests, some local parliaments, and in Novi Sad, these actions and arguments might have the second largest city in Serbia, it even a quite broad impact, especially on the participates in the government. More- socially weak parts of the population, over, the group exhibits quite a strong even though the apathy, spreading dur- mobilizing potential, focusing on topics, ing the last years, will be the more prob- which in some other political context able reaction of most people within the would probably ‘belong’ to the protest society. repertoire of leftist groups. Thus, it was only Dveri, which protested against the imports of genetically modified food to Rising “Gates” Serbia. Combining well-known populism Among the ‘newcomers’ on the clerical with some form of ‘grass-roots’ activism, fascist scene in Serbia is Srpski Narod- this group might very well further gain ni Pokret 1389 (Serbian National Move- acceptance by the population, especially ment 1389), which appeared in 2006. By as at same time there is no other strong its name it reminds of the historical bat- political alternative in Serbia. Having in tle of Kosovo polje in 1389, which was mind that the Serbian Orthodox Church, fought between the medieval ‘Serbs’ which Dveri cooperates with, is by many and the Ottoman ‘Turks’. The most sur- people still perceived as the only ‘un- prising development regards the group damaged moral authority’ in Serbia, this Dveri srpske (Serbian Gates), mean- risk becomes even higher. while simply called Dveri, which under- Obraz-Graffito with anti-gay symbol and the threatening slogan “We are waiting for you!” in Belgrade 16.