The Digital Curation of Broadcasting Archives at the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation: Curation Culture and Evaluative Practice

by

Asen O. Ivanov

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Faculty of Information University of Toronto

© Copyright by Asen O. Ivanov 2019 The Digital Curation of Broadcasting Archives at the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation: Curation Culture and Evaluative Practice

Asen O. Ivanov

Doctor of Philosophy

Faculty of Information University of Toronto

2019

Abstract

Digital curation scholarship has become interested in how technical and computational processes and systems intersect with human and social factors in digital curation practices across curation domains.

This dissertation contributes to this knowledge by examining the digital curation of broadcasting news archives, a considerable but underexplored curation domain. The study is based on participant observation and interview data collected at the news archive of the Canadian Broadcasting

Corporation (CBC). The data is analyzed using a practice theory approach that combines social, material, and cultural theoretical perspectives.

Specifically, the dissertation examines how archivists at the CBC evaluate and enrich information in the context of their daily work, and it describes the institutional, organizational, and technological elements constitutive of this context. The analysis reveals how the CBC’s transformation from analogue to digital infrastructure has redefined the organizational roles and the boundaries of expertise at the news archive. It further reveals how the CBC’s institutional identity sets the goals of digital curation and how digital broadcasting systems are adapted to reflect preestablished procedural and symbolic traditions of work. Lastly, the dissertation examines the constitutive rules and

ii heuristics of evaluation at the news archive and finds that evaluative practices are consequential during all stages of the curation lifecycle but are particularly salient at the stages of acquisition

(when value is established), cataloguing (when value is enriched), and reuse (when value is negotiated to fit into a new context).

Based on these findings two arguments are formulated. It is argued, first, that aside from being supported by socio-technical systems, digital curation practices are also supported by cultural systems. These cultural systems sustain collective action and situated cognition by providing vocabularies of motives and strategies for action. They are shaped by normative institutional frameworks, transmitted through material artifacts, and refracted through subjective interpretations.

Second, it is argued that evaluative practices are an integral part of digital curation and a prerequisite for enhancing the value of data and digital materials. They are interwoven with social and cultural processes, used in adaptive ways, and difficult to formalize, as such they will vary across curation domains and practice contexts.

iii Acknowledgments

The completion of a PhD dissertation is a challenging and self-absorbing process. I am deeply indebted to many teachers and peers whose direction and encouragement helped me through this process.

First, I wish to thank my supervisor, Professor Costis Dallas, who guided me on a long intellectual journey. His vast knowledge and academic acumen kept me on the right track, while his innovative research on digital curation help define the way I think and write about the topic. Equally important has been the contribution of my committee members Professor Fiorella Foscarini and Professor Irina D. Mihalache. Fiorella has been instrumental in shaping my understanding of archival science and helping me find new ways to tackle old questions in this long-standing body of knowledge; her work on information culture has been equally impactful on the way I think about the relationship between culture, practice, and information. Likewise, Irina introduced me to a range of debates in media, communication, and cultural studies and provided expert guidance on understanding the nature of cultural institutions and the dynamics of the work that takes place therein. I could not have asked for a better committee, and I value deeply the efforts and dedication you all put into my education.

I am deeply grateful to my external reviewers, Professors Elizabeth Yakel and Chun Wei Choo. Your thoughtful comments contributed greatly to my dissertation, but just as importantly, provided me with new perspectives for thinking about the future of my research.

I also wish to thank the Faculty of Information for providing a supportive and intellectually stimulating environment for my research and that of so many others. It has been a privilege to be able to interact with and learn from Professors Seamus Ross, Lynne C. Howarth, Heather MacNeil, Wendy Duff, Christoph Becker, Jenna Hartel, Nadia Caidi, Siobhan Stevenson, Rhonda McEwen, Alan Galey, Matt Ratto, Brian Cantwell Smith, and Leslie Regan Shade. A special thank you to Professor Kelly Lyons, who was my academic mentor for the first year of my degree and helped me define my research interests. I would be remiss not to thank all the administrative staff of the Faculty of Information, and especially Christine Chan, who has always been the first point of contact for anything administrative and so helpful. Special thanks also to the InForum librarians Kathleen Scheaffer, Nalini K. Singh, and Elisa Sze.

iv I owe much to my peers at the Faculty of Information Elysia Guzik, Hervé Saint-Louis, Mark Sedore, Matthew Wells, Gabby Resch, Daniel Southwick, Chaya Litvack, Ava Lew, Jessica Lapp, Rianka Singh, Jamila Ghaddar, Rebecka Sheffield, Amir Lavie, Michel Mersereau, Harrison Smith, Christie Oh, Zack Batist and others. A special thank you to Chris J. Young for being such a great friend from day one (i.e., INF3003), and to my PhD fellows at the DCI, Nathan Moles and Emily Maemura—your research inspires me.

This project would not have been possible without the involvement of the CBC media librarians who made time in their busy schedules to allow me to learn about their work. Although I cannot name you here, I thank you sincerely. I appreciate the work you do to preserve Canada’s moving image heritage, and I hope this dissertation will allow others to learn about this work and appreciate it.

On a personal level, I wish to thank my family. My parents Irena Ivanova and Ognyan Ivanov have given me more than words could describe. I hope that seeing this dissertation makes you proud as parents, but that it also piques your interest as engineers, who appreciate technology and the ways it is used in practice. Thank you! All this would not have been possible without you. I owe just as much to my uncle Petar Miladinov and his family and to my grandparents who are no longer with us. My in-laws Korneliya Genkova and Roumen Genkov, and my sister-in-law Maria Genkova and her beautiful children Mikaela and Madison have always been a source of joy and support.

Last but not least, I wish to thank and dedicate this dissertation to my partner Lucie and our children Melia and Nikolay. Lucie has always been my rock and my biggest champion. Both Melia and Nikolay grew up with this dissertation. Melia was one-year-old when I began my degree, and it is beautiful to see her in elementary school as I am completing it. Nikolay was born a few weeks before I submitted my first full draft and is now 11 months old—just like the draft, he has grown and changed much in those 11 months. I love you, and I thank you. I know that over the years you sacrificed much to help me see this through. This dissertation was a labour of love and at times all- consuming, but you should never doubt that you are my only true loves!

v Table of Contents

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... VI

LIST OF TABLES ...... XI

LIST OF FIGURES ...... XII

LIST OF APPENDICES ...... XIII

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 1

1.1 RESEARCH FOCUS: DIGITAL CURATION AS A CONCEPT, PRACTICE, AND THE SPACE IN-BETWEEN ...... 2 1.1.1 Questions and Approach ...... 6 1.1.2 Secondary-Focus: Evaluative Practices ...... 7 1.1.3 The CBC News Archive ...... 9 1.1.4 Intended Contribution to Knowledge ...... 11

1.2 RELATIONSHIP TO OTHER FIELDS ...... 13 1.2.1 Archival Practice ...... 13 1.2.2 Information Behaviour and Practices...... 16

1.3 CBC’S INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT: BETWEEN THE MARKET AND PUBLIC SERVICE ...... 21

1.4 DISSERTATION OUTLINE...... 26

CHAPTER 2: BACKGROUND ...... 27

2.1 ARCHIVES ...... 27

2.2 DIGITAL ARCHIVES AND METADATA ...... 28 2.2.1 Value, Reuse, and Metadata ...... 30

2.3 DIGITAL PRESERVATION, AUTHENTICITY, AND EVALUATION ...... 32 2.3.1 Digital Objects and Digital Preservation ...... 33 2.3.2 Authenticity in Digital Preservation ...... 35 2.3.3 Metadata in Digital Preservation ...... 36 2.3.4 Digital Preservation as an Evaluative Practice: The Concept of Significant Properties ...... 40

2.4 APPRAISAL ...... 43 2.4.1 Archival Appraisal ...... 44 2.4.2 Appraisal of Broadcasting News Archives ...... 49 2.4.3 Archival Appraisal as an Evaluative Practice ...... 51

2.5 MOVING IMAGE ARCHIVES ...... 53

vi 2.5.1 Multiplicity of Values: Moving Images as Cultural Heritage ...... 54 2.5.2 Moving Image Archival Institutions ...... 55 2.5.3 Moving Image Archival Practices ...... 57 2.5.4 Broadcasting News Archives ...... 57

2.6 THE INFRASTRUCTURE OF DIGITAL BROADCASTING PRODUCTION ...... 59 2.6.1 Digital Broadcasting Production Systems ...... 59

2.7 CONCLUSION ...... 65

CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL APPROACH, RESEARCH DESIGN, METHODS, AND DATA ...... 66

3.1 PRACTICE THEORY ...... 66 3.1.1 The Dialectic between Structure and Agency: Two Classical Examples ...... 68 3.1.2 Defining Practice ...... 70

3.2 CULTURAL DIMENSION: CULTURE-AS-PRACTICE...... 70 3.2.1 Culture and Institutions...... 74 3.2.2 Culture-as-Practice at Work: Epistemic Culture and Related Approaches ...... 76 3.2.3 Tacit Knowledge ...... 77

3.3 PRACTICE AS A GROUP ACCOMPLISHMENT: ACTION, INTERACTION, AND TIME ...... 79

3.4 SOCIO-MATERIALITY ...... 81 3.4.1 Entanglement ...... 82 3.4.2 Affordance...... 83 3.4.3 Workarounds ...... 84 3.4.4 Genre ...... 85

3.5 EVALUATIVE PRACTICES ...... 87

3.6 METHODOLOGY: RESEARCH DESIGN, METHODS, DATA, AND ANALYSIS ...... 92 3.6.1 Research Design and Questions...... 93 3.6.2 Theoretical propositions...... 95 3.6.3 Case Selection and Participants ...... 97 3.6.4 Unit of analysis and analytical levels ...... 98 3.6.5 Data Collection Methods...... 99 3.6.6 Data Collection Procedures ...... 100 3.6.7 Data Analysis Approach and Procedures ...... 105

CHAPTER 4: SETTING THE STAGE: THE SOCIAL AND MATERIAL CONTEXT OF CURATION ...... 108

4.1 THE GOVERNANCE OF THE CBC NEWS ARCHIVE ...... 108

4.2 THE ORGANIZATIONAL DYNAMICS ...... 110

4.3 THE CBC ARCHIVAL HOLDINGS ...... 113

4.4 THE CURATION INFRASTRUCTURE ...... 115

vii 4.4.1 Systems ...... 116 4.4.2 Curation Tools ...... 118 4.4.3 The Objects of Curation (at system level, i.e., files) ...... 119

4.5 THE FOLDER STRUCTURE OF INTERPLAY PRODUCTION ...... 120 4.5.1 Production Folders ...... 121 4.5.2 System Administration Folders ...... 123 4.5.3 L+A Operational Folders ...... 123

4.6 NAMING CONVENTIONS ...... 132

4.7 THE TVNLS DATABASE ...... 134 4.7.1 The TVNLS Metadata Record...... 137

4.8 THE SOCIAL, MATERIAL, AND CULTURAL ELEMENTS OF THE CURATION INFRASTRUCTURE ...... 143

4.9 CONCLUSION ...... 145

CHAPTER 5: THE DIGITAL CURATION LIFECYCLE: ACTORS, PROCEDURES, AND PLANS ...... 147

5.1 THE CURATION LIFECYCLE ...... 147 5.1.1 The Acquisition Department ...... 148 5.1.2 The Cataloguing Department ...... 151 5.1.3 The Media Management Department ...... 153 5.1.4 The Preservation Department ...... 156 5.1.5 The Visual Resources Department ...... 159

5.2 THE NEWS ARCHIVE’S POLICY ...... 160

5.3 CURATION AS A SITUATED ACTION: THE GAP BETWEEN PLANS AND SITUATED ACTION ...... 163

5.4 TECHNOLOGY’S INFLUENCE ON CURATION PRACTICE ...... 166 5.4.1 From Analogue to Digital Curation ...... 166 5.4.2 Unstable Media and Borrowed Tools ...... 171

5.5 CONCLUSION ...... 176

CHAPTER 6: CURATION PRACTICE ...... 179

6.1. ACQUISITION ...... 179 6.1.1 Evaluation in the Acquisition Department ...... 185 6.1.2 Full Programs ...... 185 6.1.3 Items ...... 186 6.1.4 Stox ...... 187 6.1.6 Cultural-Historical Value ...... 189 6.1.7 Corporate Memory Value ...... 192 6.1.8 Reuse Value ...... 195

6.2 METADATA ...... 200

viii 6.2.1 Evaluation in the Metadata Department ...... 202

6.3 MEDIA MANAGEMENT ...... 209 6.3.1 Evaluation in the Media Management Department ...... 209

6.4 PRESERVATION ...... 211 6.4.1 Evaluation in the Preservation Department ...... 216

6.5 THE VISUAL RESOURCES DEPARTMENT ...... 219 6.5.1 Evaluation in the Visual Resources Department ...... 220

6.6 THE TEMPORALITY OF DIGITAL CURATION ...... 223

6.7 CONCLUSION ...... 226

CHAPTER 7: SYNTHESIS AND CONCLUSION: CURATION CULTURE AND EVALUATIVE PRACTICE ...... 231

7.1 OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY AND FINDINGS ...... 231

7.2 TOWARDS A DEFINITION OF CURATION CULTURE ...... 236

7.3 ARRANGEMENTS...... 237 7.3.1 Temporality ...... 238 7.3.2 Technology: Working with Borrowed Tools...... 239 7.3.3 Institutional Logics ...... 239

7.4 MECHANISMS ...... 241 7.4.1 Evaluative Practice ...... 241 7.4.2 Workarounds ...... 244 7.4.3 Genres as Externalized Cognitive Maps ...... 245

7.5 CONCLUSION AND QUESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH ...... 247

7.6 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY ...... 248

7.7 CONTRIBUTIONS TO KNOWLEDGE AND DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH...... 250 7.7.1 Journalism Studies ...... 250 7.7.2 Digital Curation ...... 252 7.7.3 Information Practices...... 253 7.7.4 Archival Practices ...... 254 7.7.5 From Curation Culture to Information Culture ...... 255

REFERENCES ...... 257

APPENDIX A ...... 298

TABLE 1. CONCEPTUALIZATION OF ARCHIVAL USERS PER DEPARTMENT ...... 298

TABLE 2. BOUNDARY WORK ...... 302

TABLE 3. THE PACE OF ARCHIVAL PRACTICE ...... 306

TABLE 4. EFFECTS OF THE DIGITAL TRANSFORMATION OF THE CBC ...... 308

TABLE 5. CBC FOLDER STRUCTURE’S CLASSES OF MASTER FOLDERS ...... 310

ix TABLE 6. CBC NEWS ARCHIVE FILE NAMING CONVENTIONS ...... 311

TABLE 7. TVNLS DATABASES, RECORD HOLDINGS SUMMARY ...... 312

TABLE 8. TVNLS FIELDS ...... 318

TABLE 9. TVNLS SHOT LIST CODES ...... 321

TABLE 10. FULL PROGRAMS CATALOGUING GUIDELINES ...... 322

APPENDIX B ...... 326

INTERVIEW GUIDE 1 ...... 326

INTERVIEW GUIDE 2 ...... 332

x List of Tables

Table 1. Case Study Tactics for Four Design Tests Table 2. Alignment between data collection methods, theoretical proposition, analytical levels, and types of data.

xi List of Figures

Figure 1. The DCC Curation Lifecycle Model (Higgins 2008) Figure 2. Articulation Work Figure 3. OAIS Functional model (Consultative Committee for Space Data Systems [CCSDS] 2012) Figure 4. OAIS information model (detailed view) (Consultative Committee for Space Data Systems [CCSDS] 2012) Figure 5. Volume of Technical Metadata associated with a clip during a production (Delvin and Wilkinson 2004, 128) Figure 6. Postproduction workflow using a combination of authoring tools (Tudor 2004, 178) Figure 7. Export/import method (a) and edit-in-place method (b) of AAF file interchange (Tudor 2004, 184) Figure 8. Data Collection Process Figure 9. Data Analysis Process Figure 10. Organizational structure Figure 11. Archival Collections at CBC News Archive Figure 12. Archival Bond Figure 13. Curation Infrastructure Figure 14. InterPlay Production Folder Structure – Master Folders Figure 15. Catalogs folder detailed view Figure 16. Incoming Media (detailed view) Figure 17. Daily News Folder (detailed view) Figure 18. Library Collection (detailed view) Figure 19. Library Items (detailed view) Figure 20. Library Other (detailed view) Figure 21. Library Working/ Legacy Project (detailed view) Figure 22. Library Processing (detailed view) Figure 23. Relationship between Folders and Procedures Figure 24. TVNLS (interface main screen) Figure 25. Interplay Access Interface Figure 26. CBC Curation Lifecycle Figure 27. Structuration vs. Workarounds Figure 28. Role of subjectivity in evaluation process relative to type of material Figure 29. Curation Culture and Evaluative Practice at the CBC news archive Figure 30. Pace of Archival Work at the CBC news archive Figure 31. Institutional Logics at Macro and Meso Levels Figure 32. Evaluative strategies relative to type of material Figure 33. Relationship between values and types of archival materials

xii List of Appendices

APPENDIX A

Table 1. Conceptualization of Archival Users per Department A contrast data analysis matrix modeled after Miles, Huberman, and Saldaña (2013, 150-152) Table 2. Boundary work Data summary log of answers to the question: What is the difference between the expertise librarians/information studies trained staff and journalism/video production train staff bring to the job? Table 3. The Pace of Archival Practices A construct table modeled after Miles, Huberman, and Saldaña (2013, 171-172) Table 4. Effects of the Transition from Analogue to Digital Infrastructure An effects matrix modeled after Miles, Huberman, and Saldaña (2013, 228-231) Table 5. CBC Folder Structure’s Classes of Master Folders Table 6. CBC News Archive File Naming Conventions Table 7. TVNLS Databases – Record Holdings Summary Table 8. TVNLS Fields Description Table 9. TVNLS Shot List Codes Table 10. Full Programs Cataloguing Guidelines

APPENDIX B

INTERVIEW GUIDE 1 INTERVIEW GUIDE 2

xiii

Chapter 1: Introduction

Digital curation research emerged at the beginning of the 21st century at a time when the rapid proliferation of digital technologies necessitated the development of principles, methods, and infrastructure for ensuring the longevity of digital information. Out of these efforts, digital curation emerged as an interdisciplinary field of research and practice dedicated to the management, preservation, access, and reuse of digital information (Ross 2006; Yakel 2007; Beagrie 2008; Higgins 2011; Ray 2012; Tibbo 2012; Dallas 2016). In the past two decades, digital curation knowledge has grown in scope and complexity proportional to the scale of the proliferation of digital information in the contemporary world. Digital curation research primarily focuses on the curation of scientific data (Cragin et al. 2010; Borgman 2015) and the curation of digital materials held by libraries, archives, and museums (Constantopoulos and Dallas 2008; Ross 2012). These two literatures have always been related as it was recognized early on that ensuring the longevity of scientific data and digital materials presents shared concerns and common challenges (Rothenberg 1999; Ross 2000). Debates across these two literatures have grown further interconnected in recent years as libraries, archives, and museums have taken a leadership role in applying digital curation principles and methods to the safeguarding of digital materials and scientific data alike (Cunningham 2008; Ray 2009; Gold 2010; Heidorn 2011). As digital information becomes ever more ubiquitous, digital curation practices are rapidly emerging across a variety of information domains that are distinctly different from the cultural heritage and scientific data domains. This present study examines one such domain: the digital curation of broadcasting news archives. This analytical focus expands the knowledge on digital curation beyond the digital libraries, digital archives, and scientific data repositories typically studied by information scholars and provides an insight into the curation practices of news broadcasting, an industry that pivots on the creation and dissemination of information but so far has received minimal attention in information research.

1 1.1 Research Focus: Digital Curation as a Concept, Practice, and the Space in-between

The two-decade-long interdisciplinary interest in digital curation has produced a multitude of definitions of its identity as a research discipline and practice. Aside from minor differences, these definitions align on the view that, most fundamentally, digital curation is the active management of data or digital materials through their lifecycle with the goal of ensuring their preservation, enhancing their value, and facilitating their use and reuse (See, Dallas 2016, Table 1, 430). In 2007, the Digital Curation Center—a UK think-tank that has played an instrumental role in defining the field—put forward a succinct conceptualization of digital curation, stating that:

Digital curation, broadly interpreted, is about maintaining, and adding value to a trusted body of digital information for both current and future use: in other words, it is the active management and appraisal of digital information over its entire lifecycle (Pennock 2007)

Building on this conceptualization, in 2008 the Digital Curation Center published the DCC Curation Lifecycle Model, which provided the first (and most widely adopted) blueprint for digital curation practice. Intended as “a generic, curation-specific, tool which can be used in conjunction with relevant standards” to foster the “adaptable” implementation of “curation activities” across “diverse domains,” the DCC Curation Lifecycle Model formalized a set of high-level “curation activities” to guide the systematic implementation of digital curation practices across domains and organizations (Higgins 2008). These curation activities encompass the organizational practices required to conceptualize, create or receive, appraise, preserve, store, access, use, and reuse data or digital materials and their associated metadata. The model also specifies that digital curation practices must be supported by ongoing planning and monitoring of the technological environment and should involve the input of the community for which information is curated.

2

Figure 1. The DCC Curation Lifecycle Model (Higgins 2008)

As evinced by the DCC Curation Lifecycle Model above, digital curation activities overlap with those of antecedent fields, most notably, information and data management, digital preservation, and digital archiving (Ross 2006; Yakel 2007). It is generally agreed, however, that “what distinguishes digital curation from those other fields is its emphasis on enhancing the value of information assets for current and future use and its attention to the repurposing and reuse of information, both within and beyond the context in which it was first created or collected” (NRCNA 2015, 13 [emphasis added]). Enhancing the value and enabling the repurposing and reuse of data and digital materials are the defining objectives of digital curation. They extend across the scope of digital curation practice. They may be present as

3 early as the stages of conceptualization and creation of information and are certainly present at the later stages of appraisal and reuse. They also inform the creation and management of curation metadata and the long-range planning digital curation requires. Characteristically, however, how these two defining objectives are to be accomplished in practice cannot be stipulated in absolute terms. On the contrary, their execution varies significantly across domains and organizations. Prior empirical studies have demonstrated that different categories of data and digital materials; the purposes and motivations for collecting and reusing data and digital materials; different standards, data management, and IT infrastructure; and the different epistemological perspectives of knowledge communities collectively influence digital curation practices. Based on such insights, scholars largely agree that “a variety of data curation and stewardship practices and approaches exist” (Karasti, Baker, and Halkola 2006). There is furthermore a theoretical agreement in the literature that the success of digital curation depends on the alignment between context and practice—what Constantopoulos & Dallas (2008) call “context management”— and that the goal of curation is to ensure the “fitness for purpose” of data or digital materials, a view mandating that digital curation practices need to be articulated within the constraints of an organizational context and be consistent with a specific use and reuse purpose (Lord, MacDonald, and Giaretta 2004; Ross 2006; Dallas 2007). Digital curation, as such, could be described as a “knowledge-making practice” pivoting around the articulations of contextual constraints, information, technologies, epistemic perspectives, and organizational goals (Camic, Gross, and Lamont 2011). This point is well understood in the literature on digital curation. But what these articulations entail in practice is at present less understood. They are undoubtedly manifested in strategic organizational decisions such as the design and deployment of curation infrastructure, the hiring and training of staff, and the development of curation policies, among other high-level organizational functions. But they also occur on the ground, in the recurrent daily work of the people who create, preserve, transform, and reuse data and digital materials. The analytical focus of this dissertation is primarily with the latter. With what, taking a cue from the literature on situated action, I call the “articulation work” of digital curation—“the continuous efforts required in order to bring together discontinuous elements, of organizations, of professional practices, of technologies, into working configurations” (Suchman 1996, 407). I argue that articulation work occurs in every organization that has put

4 the concept of digital curation into practice and that to understand what such work entails we should study digital curation as a situated practice.

Conceptualization Implementation Plans Situated Action

Articulation work Digital curation activities Digital curation practice

Analytical focus

Figure 2. Articulation Work

It is, in other words, the situated dimension of digital curation practice under analysis in this dissertation. This requires shifting focus from questions about how organizations develop plans to achieve their curation objectives and placing it on questions about how these plans are put into practice in the context of daily work.1 Understanding this dimension of digital curation is important because most situation-based models of action indicate that plans are “weak resources” that do not predetermine action but “retroactively justify it” (Suchman (2007 [1987]) 40). The gap between plans and situated action, empirical studies have shown, is filled by a “complex world of objects, artifacts, and other actors” in relation to which both cognition and action jointly emerge (Suchman 2007 [1987], 177; and also, Goodwin 1994; Hutchins 1995; Orr 1996).2 It is these elements of digital curation practice that the following pages seek to empirically an analytically examine with the aim of understanding how technical and computational processes and systems intersect with human and social factors in digital curation practice.

1 Methodologically this focus aligns with the “process organization studies” literature that shifts analytical attention from organizations as entities to organizing as a process (Langley and Tsoukas 2010). Most broadly, it reflects the tenets of relational sociology (Emirbayer 1997). 2 This is also one of the foundational arguments of the fields of ethnomethodology and practice theory which will be discussed in chapter 3.

5 1.1.1 Questions and Approach

The substantive interest of this dissertation thus is with how cultural, social, and material factors influence the situated implementation of digital curation plans in a specific organizational context.3 This interest corresponds to prior work in science studies, organization studies, and information studies that has examined the arrangements and mechanisms through which organizations manage information and produce knowledge (Knorr-Cetina 1999; Schatzki 2006; Choo 2006 & 2015). Similarly, I propose that digital curation practice can be analyzed as a set of arrangements and mechanisms comprising individuals and groups; cognitive and symbolic processes; and material artifacts and technologies—what in the conclusion of this dissertation I conceptualize as a curation culture. I develop this perspective through a qualitative case study of the digital curation practices at the broadcasting news archives of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) asking two research question:

How do archivists at the CBC establish and apply criteria to enhance the value and enable the repurposing and reuse of news materials?

And what articulations of social interactions, technological tools, and practical understandings support these tasks?

To answer these questions, I examine the digital curation practices at the CBC news archive through fieldwork and interview methods and analyze them through an approach rooted in the field of practice theory. More specifically—in chapter 3—I develop what Nicolini (2012) calls a “theory-method package,” a set of sensitizing concepts and propositions for studying practices (213-240). I do so by building upon the widely accepted conceptualization of practices as “materially mediated arrays of human activity centrally organized around shared practical understanding” (Schatzki 2001, 11). I expand on the first two elements of this conceptualization—material agency and human activity —by drawing on studies of social interaction, cognition, and action in the workplace and studies on the material and discursive agency of technology and information artifacts. I also discuss the relationship between

3 I use the term “material” to refer broadly to technological systems and tools and any other material objects that may be used in information practice. I clarify this term via a discussion on the concept of socio-materiality in chapter 3.

6 culture and practice and provide a conceptualization of understanding in practice with recourse to work in cultural sociology and institutional theory.

1.1.2 Secondary-Focus: Evaluative Practices

As suggested in the research questions above, an additional analytical objective of this study is to examine digital curation as an evaluative practice. I argue that doing so is warranted because enhancing the value and enabling the repurposing and reuse of information (the two defining objectives of digital curation) require human judgements and qualitative decisions— i.e., evaluation. To develop this perspective, I pay close attention to the evaluative dimension of digital curation practices at the CBC, seeking to identify at what stages of the curation lifecycle the value of news materials is identified, established, negotiated, and possibly contested. In doing so, I draw on the emerging transdisciplinary sociology of valuation and evaluation (Lamont 2012).4 A major focus within this literature is the nature of evaluative practices, a research area centred on the “technologies of evaluation, criteria of evaluation, the customary rules or conventions of [a] field, [of evaluation] the self-concept of evaluators, and the role of nonhumans and instruments of evaluation” (Lamont 2012, 211). The sociology of valuation and evaluation is not committed to developing new methods for evaluation.5 Rather, its analytical focus is on the social, cultural, and material elements of the practice of evaluation. Its fundamental questions being how does evaluation work, and what are the consequences of evaluation. I suggest that digital curation is a rich site for the study of evaluative practices and that in fact some digital curation practices are evaluative practices par excellence. Most notably, this is the case with appraisal and preservation practices. Appraisal and preservation are in many ways the backbone of the archival vocation. Put simply, appraisal practices are the main determinant of what ultimately is—or is not—preserved. Preservation practices, on the other hand, ensure that materials deemed valuable for posterity will remain accessible in their authentic form. Through their mutually reinforcing relationship, appraisal and

4 This discipline is less than a decade old and as its identity is still shaping, so is its name. As a result, it is also commonly refed to as the sociology of valuation or as valuation studies. 5 As such it has a distinct research focus from the long-standing tradition of evaluation research (cf. Powell 2006).

7 preservation practices are deeply implicated in the construction of cultural, documentary, and scientific heritage. These practices are also complex, and this is increasingly so in digital archives, where appraisal and preservation “have the greatest impact on day-to-day work” (Hackett 2008, 1). Appraisal practices in digital curation have an unmistakable evaluative dimension as they entail determining if data or digital materials have sufficient value to merit curation. Little has been written on the topic, however, with prior studies being limited to developing a set of formal guidelines largely synthesized from the antecedent literature on archival appraisal (Harvey 2007; Niu 2014). More importantly, no prior studies have examined appraisal in digital curation as situated practice. The analysis of appraisal as an evaluative practice in this dissertation seeks to open a space for future inquiry into how appraisal is practised, a topic that has been identified as an area in need of further research but remains unexplored (Craig 2004 & 2007). Beyond appraisal, a case could be made that digital preservation (another essential component of curation) has a pronounced evaluative dimension, too. This is because a crucial aspect of digital preservation is identifying the technical, intellectual, and contextual characteristics of digital materials and documenting those as metadata evidence of authenticity (Rothenberg, 2000; Lynch, 2000; Heslop et al., 2002; Harvey, 2012, pp. 75-98). As such, digital preservation—and the creation of preservation metadata more broadly— could also be understood as having a pronounced evaluative dimension (Yeo 2010a).6 Finally, there is no reason to assume that evaluative practices in digital curation are circumscribed to the stages of appraisal and preservation. After all, the defining objectives of digital curation to enhance the value and enable the repurposing and reuse of data of digital materials logically presuppose forms of evaluation. Prior empirical studies on scientific data curation validate this view and further indicate that many of the evaluative practices in digital curation require complex qualitative judgments (e.g., Zimmerman 2008; Faniel and Yakel 2011; Borgman, Wallis, and Mayernik 2012). What is more, this work indicates that in many cases even the deceptively simple determination of what constitutes data in a given curation context can take on the trappings of a complex “scholarly act” (Borgman 2012, 1061; See also, Leonelli 2015). Therefore, in the analysis that follows, I venture to identify and

6 A topic to which I will return in section 2.3.

8 describe evaluative practices as I encounter them at every stage of the curation lifecycle at the CBC news archive.

1.1.3 The CBC News Archive

The case study of this dissertation is the news archive of the CBC English Services based in the Canadian Broadcasting Centre (the CBC’s headquarters) in Toronto, Ontario. The news archive is part of the CBC’s Libraries + Archives department (henceforth, L+A). L+A oversees the digital curation of a vast amount of moving image materials including arts and entertainment, sports, and news. The management of this material takes place on a complex system of production servers and utilizes a slew of databases and media management tools. The majority of news materials passing through the departmental servers are deleted on a weekly basis in the so-called weekly purge cycle. Only a portion of this material is acquired for long-term preservation. Materials acquired for long-term preservation are catalogued and then transferred to a Linear Tape-Open (LTO) data storage system known internally as the deep archive, which holds over 500,000 hours of moving image content dating back to the 1950s and continually growing. The current data space in the deep archive is seven Petabytes in capacity. The L+A also oversees the management of a collection of 500,000 videotapes and a large-scale digitization project, with digitizing capacity of around 160,000 hours of legacy videotape footage annually. There are no legal mechanisms requiring the CBC to preserve their broadcasting materials, besides an obligation to submit low-resolution copies for review by the Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) (Bergeron 2007, 53). The CBC furthermore is not legally mandated to deposit broadcasting materials with Libraries and Archive Canada (LAC) (i.e., Canada’s national archives). Although undeniably important to Canadian information scholars, the relationship between the CBC and LAC has been studied surprisingly little. One notable exception is the recent master’s thesis of Jessica Nichol, written at the University of Manitoba. 7 Based on extensive analysis of policy

7 To avoid confusion, it should be noted that in her thesis titled Canada Lives Here:

9 documents, Nichol (2017, 56) shows that the CBC historically has not been required to deposit records to LAC or to the federal archival repositories that preceded the formation of LAC in 2004. This situation changed somewhat in 2011, following revisions in the Library and Archives of Canada Act, the policy document governing LAC’s remit. However, even under this new legislation, CBC’s “records reflecting journalistic, creative or programming activities were still outside LAC’s scope” (Nichol 2017, 58). As Nichol (2017, 56-58) further elaborates, the CBC has been transferring records to LAC and other provincial and federal archival repositories going back to at least the 1970s, but these efforts have been sporadic and pertaining predominantly to organizational records rather than broadcasting materials. Importantly, in a 2001 agreement, LAC committed to “co-operate with CBC to support the enrichment of audio-visual heritage throughout Canada” (Nichol 2017, 63). But it is not clear from Nichol’s analysis what this co-operation amounted to and if it is still ongoing.8 Consequently, all broadcast materials at the CBC are archived as a result of an organizational initiative. The CBC recognizes the “cultural and historical” significance of its news archives but categorizes them as “commercial assets.” Archival materials are reused internally within the organization and sold to external clients, with sales generating annual revenue of $1-2 million. Because archival materials are considered organizational assets, they are not freely accessible to the general public, aside from a website providing access to selected materials (Standing Senate Committee, Report 2015, 38, & Recommendation #7).9 What drew me to this case study, however, and what in my view makes L+A an interesting case study for digital curation research in general, is the vast amount of digital material managed on a daily basis and the overall cultural significance of this material to Canadian history and culture. Furthermore, as it will be shown, the intellectual content of the news material curated at the CBC is aesthetically, semantically, and symbolically rich. Most of these materials do not fit in traditional conceptualizations of archival records. They are also voluminous because news materials as short as one minute in duration are regularly acquired, catalogued and preserved. Another reason L+A is an interesting case study is the

Situating the CBC Digital Archives within the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation’s Archival Landscape Nichol (2017) studies the development of CBC online access website, which she calls “the CBC digital archive.” This is a different object of analysis altogether from the CBC news archive I study here. 8 The relationship between LAC and the CBC was not a topic I actively pursued in my study, and I have little to say about it in this dissertation. Nichol (2017) is the most extensive published account on this topic, to my knowledge. 9 CBC Digital Archives URL: http://www.cbc.ca/archives/ For an extensive analysis of this website, See Nichol (2017, 79-111)

10 high level of reuse of archival news materials within the organization. Reuse practices at the CBC predate the advent of digital technologies dating back to the archive’s inception in the 1950s but have become more prominent since the 1980s, when materials were increasingly migrated from film to videotape and subsequently from one generation of videotape to another up to present-day digital systems.10 L+A, thus, has been dealing directly with the repurposing and reuse of information, and with the migration of information from one generation of media carriers to another, long before these became codified as important concepts for information management, digital preservation, and digital curation in the heritage, scientific, and business domains.11 At the L+A, then, we can expect to find a complex tradition of practices (a curation culture) that has been recently overhauled as a result of the digital transformation of the organization, which began in 2008. It is at such junctures of technological change that we can most clearly see the articulation between the cultural, social, and material dimensions of organizational practices (Orlikowski 2001).

1.1.4 Intended Contribution to Knowledge

As noted earlier, important work has been done on formulating domain-independent curation principles and actives, leading to the conceptualization of curation blueprints such as the DCC Curation Lifecycle Model (Higgins 2008). Other work has focused on defining digital curation’s roles, skills, and responsibilities (Swan and Brown 2008; Lee and Tibbo 2011). An increased attention has been paid to the education and vocational training for digital curation (Ray 2009; NRCNA 2015).12 Most influentially, consequential advances in developing data and metadata models, systems models, and repositories and tools have been made through several research projects, most notably, the CEDARS Project13, CAMiLEON Project14, CASPAR Project15, PLANETS Project16, and the SEAD Project,17 and InterPARES

10 Large archiving and preservation efforts were launched in 1998, following the recommendations of a task force report (CBC 2005, 29). 11 For this argument in relation to the field of moving image archiving in general, See Besser (2014). 12 An important contribution to this line of work has been the DigCurV research project http://www.digcurv.gla.ac.uk/ 13 http://www.ukoln.ac.uk/services/elib/projects/cedars/ 14 http://www.dcc.ac.uk/resources/external/camileon-creative-archiving-michigan-and-leeds-emulating-old-new 15 http://www.dcc.ac.uk/resources/briefing-papers/technology-watch-papers/caspar 16 http://www.planets-project.eu/ 17 http://sead-data.net/

11 Projects,18 as well as other smaller research initiatives and papers (too numerous to be listed here). And while this work has de facto laid the foundations of digital curation concepts, principles, and infrastructure, it has largely eschewed detailed studies of digital curation practices, focusing instead on “issues of general, rather than domain-specific, validity” (Dallas 2007, 4). Only recently, authors have begun emphasizing that digital curation should be studied as a situated practice. Working in the field of records management, Foscarini (2010) has called for a closer scrutiny of “the actual practices of making and keeping digital objects, implicitly relying on capable and knowledgeable mediators” (390; See also, Oliver and Foscarini 2012). In a similar vein, Dallas (2016) has proposed a project for the “pragmatic theorization” of digital curation as means of addressing central disciplinary questions such as “what digital curation is, what it is of, how it manifests itself, and what may be its distinct identity” (423). Alongside that, a strong line of empirical work has emerged in the data curation literature, where numerous studies have examined data curation practices through ethnographic and interview methods focusing primarily on data sharing and reuse within scientific domains (Zimmerman 2007 & 2008; Faniel and Jacobsen 2010; Faniel and Yakel 2011; Edwards et al. 2011; Borgman, Wallis, and Mayernik 2012; Frank, Yakel, and Faniel 2015; Mayernik 2016; Faniel, Kriesberg, and Yakel 2016; Palmer, Weber, Cragin 2012 & Palmer et al. 2017). Most notably, this work that has shown that digital curation pivots on the “continuous work of balancing” between “local heterogeneities and global standards” (Karasti, Baker, and Halkola 2006, 346) and has examined the material arrangements and social mechanisms that sustain curation practice, thus furnishing knowledge of the articulation work at the gap between plans and situated action (Edwards et al. 2011, 684- 685). Studying the digital curation practices at the CBC through the approach advanced in this dissertation aims to contribute to this ongoing research effort by providing an insight into social, material, and cultural arrangements and mechanisms of curation practice within the domain of television news broadcasting and by placing analytical attention on the evaluative practices in digital curation. As the organization studies literature shows, empirical studies of

18 http://www.interpares.org/

12 workplace practices are useful beyond the descriptive detail they provide as they can effectively redraw established theoretical conceptualizations, reveal concealed causal arrangements and mechanisms, and demarcate areas of further inquiry (Mintzberg 1979; Barely and Kunda 2001). From this perspective, despite that the findings of this dissertation are derived from a single case study, they carry broader implications for the theoretical knowledge on digital curation.

1.2 Relationship to other fields

Apart from digital curation, this dissertation draws on and aims to contribute to the literatures on archival practices and information practices. The following two sections review these two literatures to situate the theoretical and empirical contribution of the dissertation in relation to current debates therein.

1.2.1 Archival Practice

During the 1980s, the changes of administrative and juridical structures and the proliferation of electronic records across all branches of social institutions brought increased attention to the conceptualization of archival practices (Ham 1981; Atherton 1985). This gave rise to a new conceptualization of the scope and goals of these practices, one advocating for the proactive management of organizational records prior to their inclusion in archives and founded on a pluralistic understanding of the shifting meaning and value of records as evidence of organizational activities and sources of collective memory across space and time (Upward 1996 & 1997; McKemmish 2001; See also, Tough 2004). Parallel to that, the growing prominence of digital information technologies necessitated the repositioning of archival practices in the context of the evolving digital information domain (Gilliland 2000; Duranti 2001). In this environment, the archival literature saw the emergence of two bodies of literature that provide original perspectives on the nature of archival practice. The first of these two literatures drew extensively on postmodern theory in cultural and literary studies, but most heavily on the work of Derrida (1996), to examine the sociocultural implications and ethics of archival practices. A characteristic feature of this work

13 is that it questioned the long-standing view that the evidential and memory value of records are innate characteristics that can be objectively identified. Alternatively, it was proposed that archival practices are complicit in creating the evidential and memory value of archives. Brothman (1991) is among the first authors to support this view by arguing that because archival practices such as appraisal and classification are social rather than natural phenomena, they are inevitably subjected to political and ideological influences (81-84). Thus, he advocated for a “critical cultural self-analysis” of archival theory and practice in order to facilitate the closer alignment between the two (Brothman 1991, p. 91). Ketelaar (2001, 137- 139) similarly argued that not only practices of appraising, classifying, and organizing, but every subsequent use of records by a creator, archivist, or user adds to their meaning and value—enriching, what he calls, “semantic genealogy” of records. In doing so, Ketelaar (2001, 141), similarly to Brothman, concluded that studying “the social, cultural, political, and religious contexts of record creation, maintenance, and use” must occupy a vital role in archival and recordkeeping research. Duff and Harris (2002) further expand this line of inquiry by refocusing the discussion from the general level of appraising, organizing, classifying, and using records to the more granular level of applied archival and recordkeeping practices such as archival description. They argue that the subjective biases and value judgments of archivists and records managers unavoidably taint the objective goals of archival description. As a remedial measure, they suggested that archivists develop a capacity for critical self-reflection that will enable them to recognize the subjectivity of their practices, identify their biases, and disclose these as a part of archival descriptions (Duff and Harris 2002, 278). This philosophical emphasis on the socially-constructed role of archival practices and their positionality also flourishes in the works of Nesmith (2002; 2005), Harris (1996), MacNeil (2001), Cook and Schwartz (2002a; 2002b) among others. But it comes most sharply into focus in Cook and Schwartz’s (2002b) conceptualization of the relationship between archival theory and practice:

[T]he practice of archives is the ritualized implementation of theory, the acting out of the script that archivists have set for themselves. Yet the script acted out daily by ‘line’ archivists is rarely derived from a detailed understanding of archival theory, let alone abstract philosophizing, for it is strongly suspected that a few practising archivists read such work. Rather, it is a script formed by the “social magic” of now- unquestioned, “naturalized” norms. These norms are themselves generalized from past performances (practices) that archivists have collectively anticipated, over

14 generations, would confer on them appropriate legitimacy, authority, and approval (173).

During the same period, a second body of literature on archival practice emerged. This work was also interested in the socially-constructed nature of archival practices of concern in the postmodern archival literature. However, it approached the topic differently. Specifically, it problematized archival practice through ethnographic and historical case studies and through a different range of concepts drawn from social theory. This work has explored a variety of record creation and recordkeeping practices in contexts as diverse as radiology, zoology, and neuroscience (Yakel 2001; Shankar 2004 & 2007; Ilerbaig 2010); law enforcement (Trace 2002) and banking (Lemieux, 2001; Foscarini, 2012a); digital archives (Zhang, 2012); media fields such as film preservation (Gracy 2007); critical studies of the information practices of archival users (Duff and Johnson; 2002; Duff, Craig, and Cherry 2004; Duff, Monks-Leeson, and Galey 2012); as well as, critical-historical studies of the socially-constructed nature of archival practices and the metadata supporting them (Craig 2002; Yakel 2003; MacNeil 2005; 2011; 2012). One common theme clearly emerges across these studies. Unanimously, they demonstrate that archival work is constituted by a set of “uncodified practices and tacit knowledge in communities of practice” (Yakel 2001, 233). These findings lend credence to the argument that “archival environment[s] [do] in fact encompass a cultural dimension” and that conceptually and procedurally archival practices are comparable to other knowledge-making practices in the social sciences (Gracy 2004, 337). Predicated on such arguments, most archival scholars today would agree with Blouin and Rosenberg’s (2012, 42) view that “far from being a site of passive curation, archives seen from the inside out are places of constant decision making, where archivists themselves, like historians and other scholars, are constantly involved in processes that shape the stuff from which history is made of” (emphasis in the original). Jointly, both these literatures demonstrated that archival practices are an important empirical unit of analysis for archival research. But by doing so, they also bring up two questions. Namely, what factors inform archival practices in situated organizational contexts? And how should we study them? Confronted with these questions, archival scholars have advanced several theoretical explanations. Yakel (2001) and Trace (2001) have drawn on the field of ethnomethodology to propose that practices stabilize in a workplace context because of the social interactions among members of a workplace community. Shankar (2004) has used

15 the concept of “information infrastructure” to argue that as practices develop over time they “become transparently embedded into other organizational structures” through material artifacts (386). Gracy (2007a) has drawn on Bourdieu’s theoretical framework of field and habitus to account for the variation of practices between commercial and non-profit archives in the field of film archiving and has examined the diverging conceptions of worth and value within this field, shedding light on how the different institutional and cultural frameworks result in variations in practices. Gilliland (2014a; 2015) has examined ethnographically the relationship between affect and agency in archival work in post-conflict zones, further expanding the understanding of cultural meanings in archival practice. MacNeil (2012) and Foscarini (2012a) have used the concept of genre developed in the field of rhetorical genre studies to examine the extent to which textual artifacts and rhetorical conventions regulate the continuity of social actions within a given field or organization. Most recently, Oliver and Foscarini (2015) have proposed a model for the analysis of recordkeeping “information culture.” Collectively, three distinct lines of analysis have been foregrounded in this literature: social interactions, the materiality and discursivity of archival tools, and the role cultural and symbolic dimensions of archival agency. The analysis in this dissertation seeks to contribute theoretically and empirically to those three lines of analysis by suggesting that, rather than in isolation, they should be examined relationally under the rubric of practice. But importantly, similar lines of analysis have also been pursued in the information behaviour/practices literature, as discussed next.

1.2.2 Information Behaviour and Practices

Information behaviour and practices are two major research orientations in information research that share a common interest in understanding how people interact with information. The differences between the two are subtle, as it will be clarified shortly. Theoretical and empirical research in the information behaviour/ practices literature revolves around three central loci: information needs, seeking, and use.

16 As early as the 1950s, information scholars began studying how people interact with information.19 Early studies in this literature examined the behaviour through which knowledge workers (scholars, scientists, and engineers) search and retrieve information within information systems. These studies examined the information behaviour of groups and focused on identifying regularities and correlations in information seeking patterns. They examined primarily questions about the relationship between accessibility and quality of information and its use. The insights of this work laid the conceptual foundations of the field. A review of the literature at the end of the 1960s points to three research areas that came into prominence during that time and remain central to the field today: the cognitive processes through which people evaluate the relevance and utility of information; the sharing and exchange of information and documents within work teams; and the influence on broader cultural factors (e.g., scientific or institutional domains of knowledge) on information seeking and use (Paisley 1968). During the 1980s information behaviour research grew in theoretical scope. This period saw the emergence of the so-called user-centred paradigm. The user-centred paradigm has been influential in proposing that information behaviour research moves beyond studying information behaviour at the group level and focus on information behaviour also at the individual, cognitive, and phenomenological level of analysis. In this literature, new concepts such as information needs became central to understanding the nature of information behaviour (Dervin and Nilan 1987). Several theoretical advances laid the conceptual foundations of the user-centred paradigm. Two of the most widely acknowledged are Belkin’s (1980) “anomalous-states of knowledge” and Dervin’s (1983; 1992) “sense-making” approaches. Both approaches postulate that information behaviour is triggered by gaps (deficiencies) in the users’ knowledge that motivate and shape information seeking and use. Unlike earlier work’s focus on seeking and retrieval of information in information systems, this latter work focused on exploring the totality of intrinsic and extrinsic variables that influence information behaviour. There are differences in how both approaches suggested information behaviour should be studied. Specifically, Belkin (1980) placed primary emphasis on examining information users and their individual characteristics (e.g., knowledge, beliefs,

19 One of the early statements on the focus and nature of information science describes it as a discipline that studies “the properties and behavior of information, the forces governing the flow of information, and the means of processing information for optimum accessibility and usability” (Borko 1968, 3).

17 emotions) as variables in analyzing information behaviour, while Dervin (1992) advocated for a naturalistic, observational scope necessary to identify the contextual factors and “multiple contingencies” influencing information behaviour (See, Savolainen 2006a). Much of the information behaviour research developed since the 1980s took note of these ideas by placing emphasis on psychological and sociological factors that influence information needs, seeking, and use (Pettigrew, Fidel, and Bruce 2001). Virtually all major theoretical models of information behaviour developed since then consider cognitive, affective, and situational dimensions of information behaviour (Wilson 1981; Ellis 1989; Belkin 1980; Kuhlthau 1991; Dervin 1983; Foster 2004; Choo 2006; for a review, see Case and Given 2016, 141-176). Within this growing literature the concept of information began to be understood and studied simultaneously at the social, material, and cultural and cognitive level (Buckland 1991). Parallel to that the concept of information behaviour was extended beyond information seeking and use to include:

the totality of human behavior in relation to sources and channels of information, including both active and passive information seeking, and information use. . . [including] face-to-face communication with others, as well as the passive reception of information as in, for example, watching TV advertisements, without any intention to act on the information given (Wilson 2000, 49)

Subsequently, a more complex theoretical perspective on how scientific domains of knowledge influence information behaviour at the individual and collective levels was introduced under the rubric of “domain analysis” (Hjørland and Albrechtsen 1995). This analytical perspective foregrounded the “subjective/situational” nature of information behaviour, arguing that the socio-institutional context—the domain—of information behaviour is central to explaining information behaviour (Hjørland 2007). Parallel to that, the study of information behaviour in organizational contexts also influenced this growing literature by making a theoretical and empirical case for linking information behaviour with organizational learning, knowledge creation, and decision-making (Choo 2006; 2015). Central to this research project is a view of organizations as “interpreting systems” functioning through socio-cultural mechanisms such as sense-making, evaluation, and interpretation of information within the situated contexts of organizational work (Choo 2006). Alongside that, scholars began studying information behaviour in a strictly non-utilitarian, everyday-life settings in which information was sought to satisfy personal and individual pursuits (e.g., hobbies) (Savolainen 1995; Kari and Hartel

18 2007). This expanded empirical focus increased the range of potential contextual factors that count as variables in explaining information behaviour. As a result, it became ever more necessary to analytically differentiate how contextual factors influence information behaviour in science, everyday-life, or organizations. This led to the emergence of the so-called information practices orientation for studying information needs, seeking, and use in context. With context now being understood as a concept encompassing all cultural, social, and material factors influencing the user and the situation within which information behaviour occurs (Cool 2001; Courtright 2007). The introduction of the information practices orientation, alongside the established information behaviour orientation, is justified on the grounds that while in the latter “dealing with information is primarily seen to be triggered by needs and motives” in the former “the continuity and habitualization of activities affected and shaped by social and cultural factors” are the primary research focus (Savolainen 2007, 126; Case and Given 2016, 99-100). The information practices orientation emerged first in the work of scholars interested in studying everyday-life information seeking and use. Partly this was because by lacking utilitarian needs and motives and by occurring beyond the bounded context of institutional and organizational settings, everyday-life information practices required a more rigorous theoretical account of the factors that motivate and influence them (McKenzie 2003). One place where such a theoretical account was found is the sociological and anthropological literature collectively known as practice theory (Savolainen 2008, 15-37). But although developed primary for the study of everyday-life information practices, this analytical focus was adopted by scholars interested in the more established topic of the information behaviour of knowledge workers, where it was deployed to further scrutinize “the social dimension of disciplines as a primary influence on the information activities of scholars and scientists” (Palmer and Cragin 2008, 165). Parallel to that, information scholars began critically examining how the material properties of information shape information behaviour (Frohmann 2004; Ørom 2007; Lund 2009), while others began examining the temporal dimension of information practices (Savolainen 2006b; Hartel 2010). Taking a cue primarily from the discipline of social and organizational informatics (Kling; 1995; 2007 [1999]), other scholars began asking critical questions about how technological infrastructure and standards influence information practices (Bishop and Star 1996; Van House 2004).

19 Importantly, context became a central concept across these research endeavours, and as a corollary, the question what is context became widely debated (Courtright 2007). According to Dervin (2003) the term context is frequently evoked in information research but rarely theorized, and as a result “[v]irtually every possible attribute of person, culture, situation, behavior, organization, or structure has been defined as context.” (112). However, as Talja, Keso, and Pietilainen (1999) reveal, context tends to be defined in two primary ways. The first is as the assortment of the characteristics of the social settings in which information interaction takes place (e.g., knowledge domains, technologies, and organizational structures) as well as the individual characteristics of information users (e.g., occupational roles and demographic attributes) (Talja, Keso, and Pietilainen 1999, 753). The second way of defining context is primarily as the “social and cultural meanings and values” mediating how people experience and interact with information (Talja, Keso, and Pietilainen 1999, 756). Fundamentally, as both Dervin (2003) and Dourish (2004) observe, these two different conceptualizations reproduce the established divisions between positivist (objective) and phenomenological (subjective) paradigms in the social science. At the level of methodology, an adherence to either one of the two paradigms creates different perspectives on how the relationship between “information, person(s), structure(s), context(s) and actions/practices” is analytically constructed and studied (Dervin 2003, 126-127). While the definition of context remains elusive, information research in this direction is characterized by its interest in understanding how the “mind, body, action, tools, technologies, and culturally organized settings” influence information behaviour/practice (Talja and Nyce 2015, 64; Huizing and Cavanagh 2011). The analysis in this dissertation draws from and aims to contribute to the information behaviour/practices literature in two primary ways. First, it shifts focus away from the study of information needs, seeking, and use and places it on the evaluation, transformation, enrichment, and reuse of information. While this focus is specific to digital curation, it is equally relevant for understanding other emerging modalities of information interaction in the digital world, and it contributes to the still growing understanding of “how people and groups in organizations seek, experience, and engage with information” (Choo 2015, 3). Second, the analytical articulation of cultural, social, and material dimension of information practices presented in chapter 3, contributes to the ongoing debate on the contextual complexity of information practices (Courtright 2007). It does so by offering a new reading of the

20 sociological literature at the crux of the information practices research orientation (Savolainen 2008, 15-37; Palmer and Cargin 2008, 168-170) and by elaborating a conceptualization of information practices that attempts to reconcile the objective and subjective definitions of context in a novel way, a topic of interest and debate in this literature (Talja, Keso, and Pietilainen 1999; Dervin 2003; Dourish 2004).20

1.3 CBC’s Institutional Context: Between the Market and Public Service

The concluding section of this introductory chapter discusses the history of the CBC, its official mandate, and the broader structural dynamics of the Canadian media and television industry. This analysis clarifies the business and organizational dynamics at the CBC and offers an insight into its institutional identity. This is important as previous research has shown that institutional arrangements have implications for digital curation practice (Mayernik 2016). Institutions are defined as “regulative, normative, and cultural-cognitive elements that together with associated activities and resources provide stability and meaning to social life” (Scott 2014, 56). While the terms institutions and organizations are often used interchangeably, the two are conceptually distinct (Scott 2014, 21-54; Mayernik 2016, 974). Institutional arrangements typically transcend any specific organization and are shaped by broader cultural, historical, social, and economic forces.21 Unlike the analysis in chapters 4, 5, & 6, which relies primarily on my fieldwork data, evidence in support of this present account is drawn from media history and communication studies scholarship as well as publicly available policy and governance documents.22 The CBC is Canada’s national public broadcaster. As a Crown Corporation of Canada, it was established by an act of Parliament in 1936 as the national radio broadcaster and became the national television and radio broadcaster in 1952.23 At present, the corporation

20 Also, See Bates (2006; 2008) and Hjørland (2007; 2009; 2011) 21 I return to the theoretical discussion of the concept of institutions in chapter 3. 22 All organizational documents pertaining to the governance of CBC referenced in the section, except the 1991 Canadian Broadcasting Act and were obtained from the CBC corporate website. CBC. Reporting to Canadians, URL: http://www.cbc.radio-canada.ca/en/reporting-to-canadians 23 A Crown Corporation of Canada is a publicly-funded organization established and governed by the federal government of Canada.

21 operates two television channels and two twenty-four-hours news channels (in English and French; Canada’s two official languages), as well as speciality channels, radio (AM/FM) stations, and websites.24 The CBC broadcasts hundreds of hours of media content in multiple formats, genres, and languages across a verity of media channels. All CBC content is made available for free to the Canadian public via the Internet or over-the-air (OTA) transmission. The CBC broadcasting services are divided into two primary divisions, English and French, both of which have multiple regional branches across the country.25 The CBC operates independently from the Canadian government, but its mandate, operating procedures, and policies are stipulated by the 1991 Broadcasting Act, a primary legislation issued by the Parliament of Canada. As all other media and telecommunications companies in Canada, the CBC is regulated and licensed by the Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC), and it is also audited by the Auditor General Office of Canada. While the governance structure and mandate of public-service broadcasters varies across national contexts, it is generally agreed that the overall role of these institutions is to support the social, cultural, and political unity of democratic societies by supplying media content that is under-supplied by commercial broadcasters, primarily because of its low commercial appeal (Scannell 1990; Moe and Syvertsen 2009; Cushion 2012).26 As Raboy (1990, 335) and Collins (1990, 48-49) argue, in Canada, the role of a public-service broadcaster has been more narrowly construed as the goal of reinforcing a shared sense of national identity and culture. This argument is supported by the historical scholarship on the CBC, which similarly suggests that the principal mandate behind the creation of the CBC in the 1930s was that of affirming a sense of Canadian national and cultural identity (Peers 1969; Vipond 1992; 1994). Over the past eighty years, the mandate of the CBC has evolved alongside the shifting political climates and the evolving makeup of the Canadian society (Peers 1969 & 1979; Armstrong 2016; for a summary, Lincoln 2003, 182-185). Its overall mandate, however, has remained unchanged. This is evident in the legislated objectives of the 1991 Canadian Broadcasting Act. The act stipulates that the Canadian broadcasting system shall provide “a

24 A full list of services is available at URL http://www.cbc.radio-canada.ca/en/explore/services/radio-services/ 25 The CBC French services are branded as Radio-Canada. The official name of the corporation thus is CBC/Radio- Canada. 26 Such content can include, for example, cultural and educational programming, nonpartisan journalism and current affairs programming, and programming oriented towards minority groups.

22 public service essential to the maintenance and enhancement of national identity and cultural sovereignty” and “serve to safeguard, enrich and strengthen the cultural, political, social and economic fabric of Canada” (Broadcasting Act. 1991, 3.1.a and 3.1.d.i). The CBC programming, the Broadcasting Act mandates, shall “be predominantly and distinctively Canadian”, “contribute to shared national consciousness and identity”, and “reflect the multicultural and multiracial nature of Canada” (Broadcasting Act. 1991, 3.1.m. i; 3.1.m.vi; 3.1.m.viii). When applied to the context of CBC’s news production, the mandate outline in the 1991 Canadian Broadcasting Act is formulated as the goal of producing news:

reflecting accurately the range of experiences and points of view of all citizens. All Canadians, of whatever origins, perspectives and beliefs, should feel that our news and current affairs coverage is relevant to them and lives up to our values. (CBC, Journalistic Standards and Practices)

The interpretation of the Canadian broadcasting policy and the elusive notions of Canadian national consciousness and cultural identity have been extensively studied and critiqued in influential monographs (e.g., Raboy 1990; Collins 1990). Similarly, the extent to which the CBC’s news coverage reflects the interest of all citizens has been a long-standing topic of debate (Mendelsohn 1993; Cooper 1994; Miljan and Cooper 2003; Barber and Rauhala 2005; Miljan 2011). Extensive treatment of these topics is beyond the scope of the present analysis because the organization studied in this dissertation (i.e., the news archive) has no editorial agenda. While, as I will demonstrate, news archivists play an important role in the value chain of news production, they are not journalists. The main point worth noting from the above is the overall agreement in the literature that the CBC is a distinctly Canadian public institution, legally mandated to produce media content that reinforces a sense of Canadian national identity and cultural sovereignty by promoting distinctively Canadian values. Aside from these legislated objectives, the dynamics of the media market are another factor shaping the institutional identity of the CBC. The CBC’s operations are funded by governmental statutory grants that supplement its annual revenue. The grants are substantial, accounting for over 60% of CBC’s annual budget. More specifically, a review of the corporation’s annual reports between 2005-2016 indicates that across the span of a decade, the CBC has on average $1.5 billion in annual expenditure and around $550 million in annual revenue, with the remainder attained through governmental grants.

23 Thus, although funded by the Canadian government, the continuity of CBC’s operations depends on the ability to maximize resources and generate profits. This has been particularly the case in the last three decades as the corporation has been defunded, at times drastically, by conservative and liberal administrations alike, starting in the mid-1980s during the administration of Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, followed by the administration of Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, and most recently by the administration of Prime Minister Stephen Harper (Padovani and Tracey 2003,137-138; Tremblay 2016, 192). Parallel to that, during this period, Canadian cultural policy has continually adopted a market-driven logic, requiring cultural institutions to justify their “public benefit” through “quantifiable measures of value” (Druick 2012, 142-143).27 Such policy, in the context of the CBC as well as other media organization, would most directly imply higher audience ratings (Kinsey 2009). The competitive pressure in the media market has been exacerbated further by the fragmentation of television viewing brought about by the advances in broadband internet and audio and video streaming technologies (Roscoe 2004; Doyle 2010). These developments have disrupted the organizational foundations of television broadcasting in general, but by virtue of being non-commercial, the public-service sector had been most notably impacted (Hills and Michalis 2000; Bardoel and d'Haenens 2008). Arguably, the threat of future funding cuts and the evolving nature of the contemporary media market are the primary drivers leading the CBC to begin reinventing itself in 2014 as a fully-digital, multi-platform media company (Taylor 2016; Tremblay 2016). This initiative was officially announced in the 2014 strategic plan, Strategy 2020: Space for All of Us.28 The vision of Strategy 2020 is to leverage technology and human resources in order to make the CBC “more local, more digital and financially sustainable.” As means for achieving this vision, Strategy 2020 lists the following goals:

(1) an increase in the mobile and online presence, by enhancing content delivery through “modern distribution methods, with an emphasis on digital and mobile services,” thus engaging wider but importantly also younger audience; (2) an increase of the CBC’s geographical reach while reducing infrastructure cost;

27 For a broader analysis of these developments in media and communications policy in Western Europe and the US since the 1990s, See Van Cuilenburg and McQuail (2003, 197-199) and Horsti, Titley and Hultén (2014). In Canada, these pressures arguably pre-date the 1990s. For a historical account of the growing economic pressures on the CBC during the 1980s, See Raboy (1990, 267-322) 28 Strategy 2020: Space for All of Us. URL: http://www.cbc.radio-canada.ca/en/explore/strategies/2020/

24 (3) a reduction of in-house production of all content, expect news and current affairs; (4) the more flexible and adaptable use of technology and infrastructure; (5) to empower a culture of collaboration, accountability, boldness, action, and agility, within its workforce.

As evinced by Strategy 2020’s goals, the CBC is currently undergoing a wide-scale organizational restructuring in an effort to increase its market competitiveness and consequently to reaffirm its position as a leading Canadian cultural institution. In doing so, the CBC faces the double challenge of fulfilling its obligation as a public-service broadcaster while competing in the contemporary media market. The tension between public-service and the market, in fact, has always shaped the institutional identity of the CBC, as a review of the literature reveals. Specifically, as Petryszak (1979) observes the “Canadian television as a cultural force must necessarily be seen in concomitant relationship to the economic dimensions of television as an expanding and profit-oriented industry” (23). Hutchinson (1990) similarly states that the CBC operations are mutually informed by the “free play of market forces and the retention of cultural sovereignty” (92). Filion (1996) argues that “Canadian broadcasting has always been divided between two opposite concepts: a political means devoted to create national cultural identity or commercial instrument relegated to make financial profit. But, rather than being antagonistic, those two concepts developed within a common dynamic in the Canadian socio-political context” (447). Based on this it could be concluded that the tension between the goals of providing a public-service while retaining a strong market presence collectively influence the institutional identity of the CBC. In his study of two prominent museums in Toronto, Patterson (2012) offers a convincing conceptualization of how the interplay of those two goals shapes the institutional identity of Canadian public cultural institutions. Specifically, he argues that the primary mechanisms through which cultural institutions attain economic sustainability is establishing their “public legitimacy”— the “belief among an outside population that they serve a general public interest” (Patterson 2012, 3293). Public legitimacy, in Paterson’s (2012) account, ensures the economic sustainability of cultural institution by attracting economic and material support from public governance bodies and private actors. This perspective suggests that the public legitimacy and market presence of the CBC are mutually reinforcing. Far more than generating operational profits, in the case of the CBC, market presence is a condition for sustaining the corporation’s public legitimacy, which in turn

25 ensures its economic stability in the long-run. The perspective likewise suggests that logic of production of services and content at the CBC is guided by the objective of appealing to the Canadian public rather than by being commercially successful with audiences beyond the Canadian media market.29

1.4 Dissertation Outline

Following the introductory chapter, Chapters 2 & 3 establish the conceptual foundations of the dissertation. Chapter 2 clarifies key concepts and terms for the study including archives, digital archives, metadata, preservation, and appraisal. It then reviews the literature on moving image archives and broadcasting news archives and concludes with a review of the standards and principles underpinning broadcasting information systems infrastructure. Chapter 3 describes the dissertation’s theoretical approach and its research design and methods. Chapters 4, 5, & 6 present and analyze the empirical evidence gathered during the study. Chapter 4 describes and analyzes the organizational context and technological infrastructure at the news archive. Chapter 5 describes and analyzes the actors, procedures, and policies at the news archive, the workflows and procedural interaction among them, and the information management tools used in practice. It also traces the development and change in organizational practices during the process of digital transformation at the CBC, which began in 2008. Chapter 6 comparatively analyzes the processual conduct of curation practice at CBC news archives and corresponding evaluative practices. It focuses on describing the cultural meanings actors attach to their actions and environment and the process and heuristics of evaluation in digital curation at the CBC. Chapter 7 addresses the dissertations’ research questions and conceptualizes its findings by developing the analytical framework of curation culture. It also reflects on the study's limitations, highlights its contribution to five research areas (journalism studies, digital curation, information practice, archival practice, and information culture) and provides a summative conclusion.

29 Bourdieu (1993) has influentially argued that the field of cultural production and the field of economic production operate under two distinct institutional logics. The field of cultural production being an exact “inversion of the fundamental principles” of the economic field (39). However, in the context of public cultural institutions in the era of neo-liberalism these two logics appear as mutually reinforcing, as the acquisition of “cultural capital” begets “economic capital.”

26 Chapter 2: Background

This chapter establishes background knowledge, concepts, and terms for this study by reviewing relevant research literatures in several fields. The goals of this chapter are distinct from those of chapter 3. While chapter 3 presents the theoretical approach, conceptual framework and methodology that guide my analysis and interpretation of the empirical materials collected during my fieldwork, this present chapter establishes the meaning of the concepts and terms that constitute the empirical reality being studied—such as archives, metadata, appraisal, and preservation. Providing such conceptual discussion is a necessary precondition for qualitative research, which ineluctably faces the basic problem that it must reference not only the empirical but also the conceptual world research participants inhabit (Reed 2008). The chapter begins by clarifying the terms archives, metadata, value, and reuse. This is followed by a discussion of two evaluative practices in digital curation: appraisal and preservation. As established in the previous chapter, evaluative practices are consequential practices upon which the dissertation analysis focuses. The chapter continues by offering a perspective on news broadcasting archives as organizational units. But, in order to provide adequate context for this little-studied topic, the discussion is prefaced with a review of the more extensive literature on moving image archives in cinema, media, and communication studies. The chapter concludes with a review of the system architecture and standards that underpin the digital infrastructure of television production environments.

2.1 Archives

Archives are information aggregations organized on the basis of a unique set of principles collectively known as the principles of provenance and original order. These principles date back to the 18th century (Posner 1940; Bartlett 1992).30 As organized aggregations of information, archives reflect the natural accumulation of the way information was created and used by organizations or individuals. On the most rudimentary level, this requires “to group,

30 Duranti (1992 & 1994) traces the origins of archival information organization principles as far back as 12th century, with antecedents in the antiquity.

27 without mixing them with others, the archives (documents of every kind) created by or coming from an administration, establishment, person, or corporate body” (Duchein 1983, 64). Archives, as such, are organized and kept in a way that reflects the provenance and original order of information (Douglas 2016; Michetti 2016). As a heuristic counterpoint, it could be said that library collections are artificially created, meaning that the information within library collections does not accumulate according to the nature and purposes of its creator; rather, it is acquired and organized because of its relevance to a theme, topic, or subject.31 Archives, on the other hand, are naturally accumulated collections of information that are “acquired, and described, in a contextual, organic, natural relationship to their creator and to the acts of creation” (Cook 1992a, 27). When organized in this way, the documents in archives (typically called records) are characterized by their interrelatedness, impartiality, and authenticity expressed in what is known as their “archival bond”—i.e., the “relationship that each record has with the records belonging in the same aggregation,” pointing all the way back to the actions that generated the records in the first place (Duranti 1997, 215-216). This way of organizing information bestows archival records the status of evidence of social and organizational activities because it “ensure that documents can be seen in the context in which they are created and associated with the actions that brought them into being so they can be used as evidence of those actions” (MacNeil 1992, 198).

2.2 Digital Archives and Metadata

The principle of provenance and original order remain relevant in the digital domain, albeit the mechanisms through which they are articulated and applied have transformed (Gilliland 2000). A central aspect to the intellectual control of archives is their arrangement and description. The arrangement and description of analogue archives results in the creation of archival finding aids—detailed documents containing contextual and descriptive information on the provenance, original order, and the digital contents of archives.32 While the creation of

31 See, Gilliland (2000) for an excellent comparative analysis of the principles of information organization of libraries, archives, and museums. 32 See Duranti (1992) and MacNeil (1992) for an excellent introduction to the history and nature of arrangement and description. For a critical perspective Ketelaar (2001) and Duff and Harris (2002).

28 archival finding aids is based on a well-understood set of principles and governed by established standards, previous studies have characterized them as rhetorical genres emerging from within distinct cultures of practice (MacNeil 2012; Trace and Dillon 2012). The arrangement and description of digital archives is doubly complex. First, because it emerged relatively recently, but also, secondly, because of the inherent complexity of determining what constitutes provenance, original order, and a record in digital archives (Cook 1992a; Yeo 2010b; Thibodeau 2016). As a result, arrangement and description practices in digital archives tend to vary across organizations (Zhang 2012; Zhang and Mauney 2013). Conceptually, finding aids fit into the broader category of metadata. For a range of reasons that will be discussed shortly, the metadata necessary for the management, preservation, and access of digital archives exceeds the largely descriptive and administrative information found in traditional finding aids by including a broad range of technical information necessary for the management of digital materials. The concept of metadata is fundamental to the organization, management, and curation of digital information in digital archives and beyond (Gartner 2016, 9-13). Somewhat tautologically, metadata is any data or information that “describes, explains, locates, or otherwise makes it easier to retrieve, use, or manage” data or information (NISO 2004, 1). Established definitions of metadata distinguish between administrative (i.e., “metadata used in managing and administering collections and information resources”); descriptive (i.e., “metadata used to identify and describe collections and information resources”); preservation (i.e., “metadata related to the preservation management of collections and information resources”); technical (i.e., “metadata related to how a system functions or data behaves”); and use (i.e., “metadata related to the level and type of use of collections and information resources”) (Gilliland 2008 9-11; cf. Greenberg 2005). A more recent formulation has refined this classification by distinguishing three main types of metadata: descriptive, use, and administrative metadata (placing both the categories of technical and preservation metadata as sub-sets of administrative metadata) (Pomerantz 2015; Gartner 2016). Digital curation of archives critically depends on the richness, consistency, and accuracy of descriptive and administrative metadata (Van Ballegooie and Duff 2006).

29 2.2.1 Value, Reuse, and Metadata

As discussed in chapter 1, enhancing the value and enabling the reuse of data and digital materials are defining characteristics of digital curation. How these two practices are implemented, however, differs widely from one organizational context to another. They can be present as early as the stages of conceptualization and acquisition of data or digital materials and are certainly present at the later stages of cataloguing, preservation, and reuse (See, Fig. 1). The literature on digital curation in the cultural heritage and the scientific data domains offer different perspectives on the concepts of value and reuse. And while these two bodies of research vary in their focus and conclusions, they cohere on the view that metadata functions as a critical mechanism for enhancing the value and enabling the reuse of data and digital materials. More specifically, debates on the value of digital materials in the cultural heritage domain have revolved around questions about preservation and authenticity. To a considerable degree, this is because the value of digital materials depends on their status as evidence and sources of information. In this context, as Ross (2012) observes in a discussion of digital libraries, digital materials “that lack authenticity and integrity have limited value as evidence or even as a source for information” (53). A similar emphasis on the authenticity of digital materials is implicit in the discussion of digital archives, where the primary value of digital materials depends on their authenticity, which in turn, allows them to stand as evidence of social or organizational activities (Gilliland 2000; Duranti 2001). Authenticity is also a central topic in debates on digital curation in museums, where the focus is predominantly on questions about ensuring the “epistemic adequacy” of information (i.e., museum objects), while remaining open to how this information could be re-interpreted now and in the future (Constantopoulos and Dallas 2008, 3; See also, Trant 1998). Across these three cases, the authenticity of digital materials is attested through metadata. But there is no common and final agreement on what this metadata must include. Conversely, the primary goal in the curation of scientific data is enabling data’s reuse. This is not to suggest that the concept of evidence and authenticity are not important in this domain but that they are understood differently. Data, unlike digital materials, is by definition malleable and reformattable. Reformatting data is an important part of its curation and is seen as a key mechanism for enhancing its value (Wickham 2014). Consequently, debates on value

30 in scientific data curation have had a different analytical focus, with a range of studies focusing on sharing and reuse rather than curation per se (e.g., Zimmerman 2008; Faniel and Yakel 2011; Borgman, Wallis, and Mayernik 2012). Most fundamentally, these studies have been concerned with how metadata can enhance the reuse of data, equating the value of data with what Palmer, Weber, and Cragin (2012) have called data’s “analytical potential” for reuse. Central to this view is the role of metadata as a mechanism that reveals data’s accuracy, relevance, and completeness, ascertaining its source and the reasons behind its production, thus, evincing the extent to which “data are fit for answering a certain range of scientific questions” (Palmer, Weber, and Cragin 2012). The focus of this dissertation is on digital materials (i.e., news materials) rather than datasets, but the insights of scholars of scientific data curation are relevant as these scholars have extensively discussed the situated context of digital curation and have offered important insights into the role of metadata in digital curation. In this literature, metadata is described most fundamentally as a “human constructs” that varies among distinct cultures of practice (Lynch 2003, 4-6; Zhang and Jastram 2006; Gartner 2016, 3-4). This view is supported by a range of studies. For example, Michener et al. (1997) suggest that the nature of metadata in curation is context-dependent and contingent on its reuse, observing that “[t]here is no unique, minimal, and sufficient set of metadata for any given data set, since sufficiency depends on the use(s) to which the data are put” (335, cited in Zimmerman 2008, 649).33 Placing attention on practices of metadata creation, Borgman, Wallis, and Mayernik (2012) find that “[m]etadata creation is a distributed process within collaborations, as different members have different pieces of the overall picture” (495). Faniel and Yakel (2011) similarly observe that the role of metadata in curation is understood differently across different scientific communities and that what is significant for one community may be of little relevance to another. In line with these ideas, Edwards et al. (2011) have conceptualized metadata as “communication mechanism” facilitating the collaboration across curation stakeholders (in their specific case, scientific communities). Metadata is typically stored in databases and digital files and structured in accordance with a set of structural and syntactical rules. But in addition to that, previous studies indicate that in digital curation, the concept of metadata could be extended to more rudimentary forms

33 A view in line with the concept of “fitness for purpose” introduced earlier.

31 of information that identify, describe, and help locate other information. In her analysis of digital curation in the sciences and humanities, Borgman (2015) identifies file-naming conventions as “the most common form of metadata” supporting curation in the sciences (112). She observes that file-naming conventions are almost exclusively “locally developed” and semantically idiosyncratic to the community that use them (Borgman 2015, 132 and 196). The importance of file-naming conventions has been noted also in the information management literature (e.g., Williams, Leighton, and Rowland 2009; Bailey and Vidyarthi. 2010; Trace and Karadkar 2017). Important conceptualization in this literature is in Hicks et al. (2008) who have studied the grass-roots practice of folder organization and file naming of engineers to conclude that these practices are pragmatic but also steeped in the institutional and cultural forms of knowledge. As they explain, the “personal file naming practices of the engineers followed their function-based reasoning work practice and training, as well as the personal knowledge reuse and sharing required by engineering design” (Hicks et al. 2008, 37). Collectively, these findings suggest that metadata abound in curation practices. Metadata can be idiosyncratic from one context to another but generally serve to facilitate the management of information and, and importantly, to also support the communication among curation stakeholders. In this capacity, metadata enhances the value of data and digital materials and supports their quality, management, and exchange. Trust among curation actors is equally a value factor, as trusted metadata is perceived as more valuable (Zimmerman 2007 & 2008). The production of metadata is an element of what I call the articulation work of digital curation by virtue of being a situated practice through which the value of digital materials and data are enhanced. In the cultural heritage domain metadata attests to the authenticity of information as evidence and source of information and in the scientific data domain metadata reveals accuracy, relevancy, and completeness of data demonstrating its “analytical potential” (Palmer, Weber, and Cragin 2012). In either case, metadata is a critical mechanism through which value is enhanced and reuse enabled.

2.3 Digital Preservation, Authenticity, and Evaluation

Digital preservation plays a significant role in curation across domains. It is an independent

32 area of study that predates the development of digital curation by roughly a decade. It merits attention in the ongoing discussion in this dissertation because, as suggested earlier, it pivots around judgments about qualitative changes in information and as such could be considered as an evaluative practice. This section makes the case for this argument by discussing the nature of digital objects, digital preservation strategies, the authenticity of digital objects, and lastly, the contested nature of the evaluative practices through which authenticity is determined and documented.

2.3.1 Digital Objects and Digital Preservation

The central concern of digital preservation is ensuring the longevity and accessibility of digital objects. Conceptually digital objects are divided into simple digital objects, discrete files (e.g., textual, image, or moving image files) and complex digital objects “made by combining a number of other digital objects” as well as the set of articulations and interdependencies among them (e.g., websites, software, video games, or scientific datasets) (Harvey 2010, 45). At their most rudimentary level, all digital objects are constituted by data. Data, here, is understood broadly as a set of signs (or inscriptions) in binary digital form (Harvey 2010, 45- 51; Giaretta 2011, 31-33). Aside from being simple or complex, digital objects can exhibit multiple other characteristics. They could be classified as rendered vs. non-rendered, active vs. passive, static vs. dynamic, and typically they fit into more than one of the above categories (Giaretta 2011, 33-39). Irrespective of their level of complexity, however, Thibodeau (2002) notes that all digital objects have three interdependent layers, each of which presents distinct preservation challenges. The three layers are:

• Physical layer: “simply an inscription of signs on some physical medium [e.g., data inscribed on some form of media]” • Logical layer: “an object that is recognized and processed by software [e.g., a file format]” • Conceptual layer: “the object as it is recognized and understood by a person, or in some cases recognized and processed by a computer application capable of executing business transactions [e.g. a document, book, photograph, film, or artwork]”

The complexity of the three layers varies according to the complexity of the digital object (e.g., a PDF document or a video game). Importantly, aside from the physical layer, the preservation of the other two layers crucially depends on metadata. This is because the major

33 threat to the longevity of digital objects is media and technology obsolescence, meaning that, as the media carriers on which digital objects are stored or the software through which they are rendered accessible become outdated, the objects themselves become inaccessible. The challenges of maintaining the longevity of even simple digital objects such as video files are complex (Wright 2012). The digital preservation literature has developed several strategies for addressing the threat of media and software obsolescence. Two of the most widely used “primary” and “dominant” digital preservation strategies are migration and emulation (Harvey 2012, 114). Migration requires the “periodic transfer of digital objects from one hardware/software configuration to another or from one generation of computer technology to a subsequent generation” (RGL 1996, 6). It has four sub-types: refreshment, replication, repackaging, and transformation (Giaretta 2011, 200-201). Broadly defined, refreshment, replication, and repackaging facilitate the copying of data to new media without any substantial transformation of its file format encoding (i.e., the logical layer). Transformation, on the other hand, “modifies the bit stream of a digital object” by encoding it into new a file format (Lee et al. 2002, 96).34 A goal of migration is to protect the conceptual layer of digital objects by ensuring their accessibility on newer technological platforms. A drawback is that it carries a risk of changing the content, appearance, or behaviour of digital objects and this can potentially lead to qualitative changes in their appearance and meaning—i.e., changes in the conceptual layer. In contrast, emulation addresses the threat of media and technology obsolescence through “techniques for imitating obsolete systems on future generations of computers” (DPC 2008, 113). This is achieved by using purpose-built software tools, i.e., “emulators.” These tools translate instructions from obsolete software and execute them on current computing platforms (Giaretta 2011, 128-129). Emulation, as such, does not imply a transformation of the logical layer and, and at least theoretically, it minimizes the risk of changes at the conceptual layer. Despite being the more theoretically sound approach, in practice, emulation is complex, cost-intensive, and error-prone strategy for preservation (Sinclair et al. 2009, 279). At present, it is rarely used for the preservation of simple digital objects (e.g., video files, which are of

34 See also, Waters and Garrett (1996)

34 primary interest here).35 While distinctly different, what these two digital preservation strategies have in common is that they both imply a process of change of either the digital object or its computational environment. In contrast to analogue preservation, which ensures the longevity of objects by stabilizing their material properties in space and time, digital preservation requires transformation and change to ensure that digital objects can be rendered accessible. The fact that digital preservation entails a continual process of change raises challenges for the concept of authenticity, as it requires to ascertain that digital objects remain authentic even while undergoing continual transformations and change.36

2.3.2 Authenticity in Digital Preservation

Authenticity is a central concept in digital preservation for several reasons. Digital materials are continuously at risk of being altered as they are copied, accessed, and exchanged between users and systems. Their preservation also requires continuous transformation and change either through migration or emulation. As discussed earlier, authenticity is essential to the value of digital materials, because it is essential to their status “as evidence and even as sources of information” (Ross 2012, 53). As such, the authenticity of digital materials is directly related to their value and to their potential for reuse. In digital preservation, the concept of authenticity is understood primarily following the “archival meaning” of the term, and as such, an authentic digital object is defined as “one that is what it purports to be, is free from corruption, and is intact in all essential respects” (Wilson 2007, 4; Harvey 2012, 94; Ross 2012). In the archival literature, authenticity is defined in relation to the concepts of identity and integrity. The identity of a digital object is demonstrated by the intrinsic and extrinsic characteristics of the object, such as its intellectual and physical form and content, as well as other relevant contextual attributes that distinguish

35 Another more general drawback is that emulation software is prone to obsolescence and thus itself could require preservation (Thibodeau 2002). Additionally, in many cases the advantages of emulation over migration might be minimal for how the digital objects are perceived by the user (Hedstrom and Lampe 2001). Emulation, however, remains the only reliable strategy for preserving complex digital objects such as software and video games. 36 Digital preservation also requires ensuring the preservation of data. This aspect of digital preservation is known as bit preservation. It is largely systems engineering issue, a step removed from the current discussion. For an introduction and discussion, See Zierau et al (2010), Zierau (2012), Rosenthal (2010).

35 it as unique. Its integrity, on the other hand, is demonstrated by the degree to which the object remains whole, unaltered, and uncorrupted. Evidence of the identity and integrity of a digital object jointly attest to its authenticity (Duranti, Eastwood, and MacNeil 2002, 24-27; Duranti and Thibodeau 2006). For the purposes of digital preservation, thus, it is imperative that the intrinsic, extrinsic, and contextual characteristics of digital objects are documented through additional information—i.e., metadata—that stands as evidence of authenticity. As such, the success of digital preservation pivots on successfully answering the questions: “what evidence [of authenticity] must be collected, from whom, and how are we going to be sure the evidence itself is true” (Giaretta 2011, 207). The challenge of answering this question is complicated by the fact that “information entities have a number of distinct attributes that may be preserved differentially” (Rothenberg 2000, 55). As such, providing metadata evidence of the authenticity of digital objects is to a large extent an evaluative practice that would vary from one context to another. It requires determining the extent to which the conceptual layer of digital objects may have changed—that is to say, it requires qualitative judgments that are by necessity context dependent. Giaretta (2011, 206) stresses this point when writing that “authenticity cannot be evaluated by means of a Boolean flag telling us whether a document is authentic or not. In other words, there are degrees of confidence about the authenticity of digital resources: certainty about authenticity is a goal, but one which is unlikely to be fully met.”

2.3.3 Metadata in Digital Preservation

Digital preservation standards offer formal models that indicate what metadata evidence of authenticity must be collected—i.e., metadata attesting to the digital objects’ identity and integrity. The most widely used model is part of the ISO 14721 standard the Open Archival Information System reference model (OAIS).37 The primary objective of OAIS is to enable the development of digital archival systems that can support the processes of ingest, data management, archival storage, and access to digital objects.

37 See, Consultative Committee For Space Data Systems (CCSDS) (2012)

36

Figure 3. OAIS Functional model (Consultative Committee for Space Data Systems [CCSDS] 2012)

To this end, OAIS seeks to support either the migration or emulation of digital objects by providing a framework for metadata attesting to their identity and integrity. At the center of this model is the concept of “information packages”—complex “logical units that include a digital object and the other types of information that should be associated with the digital object in order to preserve and provide meaningful access to it over time” (Lee 2010, 4026). As shown on figure 3 above there are three types of information packages in OAIS: submission information package (SIP), archival information package (AIP), and dissemination information package (DIP). While all three are important to digital preservation, the AIP is the information package containing metadata attesting to the identity and integrity of digital objects. The AIP metadata model is defined by the OAIS Information Model.

37

Figure 4. OAIS information model (detailed view) (Consultative Committee for Space Data Systems [CCSDS] 2012)

As shown in figure 4 above, the AIP contains two groups of information constituting the digital object: the data object and the content information. The former comprises the data constituting the digital object, and the latter the information that is the focus of preservation. Content information can take on many forms (e.g. text, image, video, dataset, database, video game, etc.). Furthermore, content information is described by technical and semantic metadata necessary for rendering the digital object accessible and for its meaningful interpretation. This information is referred to as representation information and in turn is sub-divided into structure and semantic information. Additionally, another group of information— preservation description information—comprises the metadata necessary for attesting to the integrity of a digital object. As specified in OAIS, structure information should include the mapping of data and any other metadata necessary for facilitating the identification and rendering of the digital object on a software platform (this is technical metadata allowing a software platform to

38 recognize and render the object). Semantic information, on the other hand, should include semantically meaningful information to assist in the interpretation of the content information. Preservation description information (sub-divided into five sub-groups) should include provenance information (information about the history of the content information, as well as information about any subsequent modifications to the content information demonstrating its chain of custody); context information (information about the relationship of the content information to other information to which it relates thematically or in other ways, e.g., versions of the same content information in other formats); reference information (information that uniquely identifies the content information in an AIP); access rights information (information about the conditions for access to the content information, e.g., access restrictions, etc.); fixity information (information indicating if the digital object has been altered or become corrupted in any way—while this is technical metadata, it ensures the integrity of the content information) (Lee 2010, 4026-4027; Lavoie 2014, 14-19). Beyond these specifications, how these metadata are to be generated, and exactly what information they are to include, is not specified in detail in the OAIS model. This omission is intentional predicated on the assumption that preservation metadata will vary in both scope and complexity from one project to another and from one digital object to another.38 OAIS as such is a reference model rather than a detailed blueprint. In practice, the creation of preservation metadata is to a large extent technological process and can be supported by a variety of system and tools, typically based on the PREMIS and METS metadata standards, which were developed in compliance with the OAIS’s recommendations described above (Lavoie and Gartner 2013, 17-27). Consequently, OAIS introduces another concept that is relevant to the ongoing discussion: the concept of designated community, which identifies “the subset of Consumers [i.e., archive’s users] expected to independently understand the archived information in the form in which it is preserved and made available by the OAIS” (Lavoie 2014, 10). The current and anticipated future needs of a designated community provide the base requirements upon which to plan the scope and complexity of preservation metadata in digital preservation (i.e., structure, semantic, and preservation description information). Lavoie (2014, 10) points to two important implications stemming from this concept: first,

38 For example, consider here the distinction between simple and complex objects (PDF vs. video game).

39 that “the broader the scope of the designated community, the greater the metadata requirements necessary to maintain digital objects over the long term,” and second, that “the designated community is not necessarily static: there is nothing to preclude the designated community from changing over time [and therefore nothing to preclude the preservation metadata requirements from changing].”

2.3.4 Digital Preservation as an Evaluative Practice: The Concept of Significant Properties

The central point the sections above sought to emphasize is that digital preservation requires metadata that can attest to the authenticity of digital objects, and that this metadata would vary in scope and complexity depending on the type of digital object, its future use, and the knowledge base of the designated community for which digital objects are preserved.39This raises the question what properties of digital objects must be identified and described and for whom. A question that calls for an evaluation. As described, current digital preservation standards as well as metadata standards based on OAIS (e.g., PREMIS, METS) provide means for gathering and organizing distinct types of contextual, provenance, semantic, and technical metadata necessary for digital preservation. In addition, a variety of preservation systems, tools, and services are today available for generating such metadata (See, Ruusalepp and Dobreva 2012). Parallel to that, however, it has been acknowledged that digital objects manifest intellectual, aesthetic, and behavioural characteristics whose significance is varying and context-dependent and as such it is difficult to define. Yet, defining these characteristics is important because they could serve as a benchmark against which the authenticity of digital objects could be established on technological and conceptual levels. These characteristics have collectively come to be known as the significant properties of digital objects, and the questions what are the significant properties of digital objects, and how they can be identified, evaluated, and described have become a major topic of debate in digital preservation research. These

39 Some authors refer to approaches such as the one outlined in OAIS as “metadata-driven [digital preservation] approaches” (Warty 2007, 42; Mois, Klas, Hemmje 2009, 2).

40 questions are complicated, and the digital preservation community has been unable to answer them conclusively so far. The authenticity of digital broadcasting materials is even less understood and studied topic. But, it has been established that it is particularly difficult to ascertain technologically and conceptually the authenticity of broadcasting materials because their meaning and significance encompass several contextual levels (e.g., the real event, its broadcast, and any substantial reformatting) (Wright 2011). By virtue of presenting complex philosophical and technological challenges, the concept of significant properties has a long linage in digital preservation debates. It was first conceptualized in the CURL Exemplars in Digital ARchiveS (CEDARS) project. The project “coined the term significant properties to describe those components of a digital object deemed necessary for its long-term preservation” (CEDARS 2002, 15). In doing so, it explicitly linked significant properties with metadata description asserting that:

Determining the significant properties of a digital object (i.e. the acceptable level of functionality) will dictate the amount of information or “metadata” (including detailed technical metadata) that must be stored alongside the bytestream to ensure the object remains intelligible. . . [It was also noted that] a digital object’s significant properties are not assumed to be empirical; collection managers will make judgments at levels appropriate to fulfill their preservation responsibilities and meet the needs of the archive’s user communities (CEDARS 2002, 15 [emphasis added]).

Concurrently with the CEDARS project, the significant properties of digital objects were explored within the framework of the CAMiLEON project. A central focus of the project was developing sustainable strategies for preserving the “look and feel” of complex digital objects through practical emulation strategies (Hedstrom et al. 2006). With this imperative in mind, it was stated that:

Significant properties are those properties of digital objects that affect their quality, usability, rendering, and behavior (Hedstrom and Lee 2002, 218).

The conceptualization of significant properties was advanced further by the inSPECT project. Within the framework of inSPECT, significant properties were defined as:

The characteristics of digital objects that must be preserved over time in order to ensure the continued accessibility, usability and meaning of the objects (Wilson 2007, 8).

41

In 2007, the inSPECT project also stressed the challenges the evaluation of significant properties presents, already noted in the CEDARS project which suggested that “significant properties are not assumed to be empirical” and therefore difficult to objectively evaluate. Coyne and Stapleton (2008) propose a model of significant properties of moving images. The model points to the size and shape of moving images, the image quality, the speed of projection, the presence or absence of accompanying audio track, and minimal contextual information including creation date, creator, and title as the minimum significant properties metadata requirements (37-40). As Coyne and Stapleton (2008) explain, most of these properties are captured automatically either through digitization or by the digital recording device used for production of the digital moving image materials. Consequently, as areas for future research, Coyne and Stapleton (2008) identify questions about the scope and complexity of contextual metadata. In particular, they call for further research on the relevance for the success of digital preservation of contextual information about the artistic intent of the creator and the environment in which moving image materials were created and intended to be seen (Coyne and Stapleton 2008, 51-52). In sum, significant properties are necessary indicators of the breadth and depth of metadata needed to authentically preserve a range of qualities that render digital objects unique including their look, feel, and meaning. The digital preservation literature identifies significant properties at each layer of digital objects. And while most modern systems and tools can effectively capture metadata pertaining to lower-layers (i.e., the physical and logical layers), the evaluation of significant properties at the conceptual layer of digital objects remains problematic and poorly understood process. At this level, significant properties are assumed to be non-empirical and difficult to objectively evaluate and measure. Most digital preservation research projects on the topic have noted this problem but placed it outside of their analytical scope, delegating the task of evaluating the significant properties at the conceptual layer to the digital curators. Specifically, the CEDARS project notes that “significant properties are not assumed to be empirical; collection managers will make judgments at levels appropriate to fulfill their preservation responsibilities and meet the needs of the archive’s user communities.” (CEDARS 2002, 15). The CAMiLEON project notes that various factors must be considered in the analysis of significant properties including “evidential value, aesthetic value, scarcity,

42 associational value, market value, and exhibition value” and that these cannot be automatically determined (Hedstrom and Lee 2002, 221). Based on an extensive overview of debates on the concept Giarretta (2011) concludes that “the usages of Significant Properties focus on those aspects of digital objects which can be evaluated in some way and checked as to whether they have been preserved. However, the meaning associated with a value of the Significant Property is nowhere defined. Thus, it is assumed that the value of a Significant Property will be understood by the curator and Designated Community” (216). As the above discussion demonstrates, digital preservation practices exhibit many of the characteristics of evaluative practices. The success of digital preservation critically depends on what scholars of evaluative practice would recognize as a set of “technologies of evaluation, criteria of evaluation, [and] customary rules or conventions” of evaluation (Lamont 2012, 211). This is evident by the role of metadata in digital preservation as primary evidence of the authenticity of digital objects. The more salient point, however, is that because digital objects can exhibit multiple significant properties that can be defined differentially, how are these properties to be identified and documented as metadata evidence of authenticity cannot be determined in absolute terms—and this is particularly the case for properties at the conceptual layer of digital objects. Such deliberations are by their very nature dependent on the nature of digital objects and the context, purpose, and community of users for whom they are being preserved. It could be argued on these grounds that digital preservation practices should exhibit unique evaluative cultures characterized by a set of context-specific conventions, rules, and tools of evaluation of the authenticity of the digital objects.

2.4 Appraisal

Appraisal has been only marginally examined in the digital curation literature. To offer a perspective on what this practice entails, this section reviews the broader literature on archival appraisal. This literature is relevant as its arguments and axioms are foundational to the thinking on appraisal in digital curation (cf. Harvey 2007; Niu 2014). As such, the

43 archival appraisal literature provides reliable conceptual foundations for the analysis of appraisal practices at the CBC news archive.

2.4.1 Archival Appraisal

As Luciana Duranti (1990) asserts “appraisal means evaluation.” But understanding what type of evaluation archival appraisal may be, requires a look at the literature on archival appraisal. All major reviews on the topic, agree that the arch of appraisal thinking spans across three major stages, characterized by unique, and at times conflicting, philosophical perspectives on the questions what is value and how is value manifested in archives (cf. Kula 2002, pp. 23-53; Craig 2004, pp. 59-81; Trace 2010; Gilliland 2014b; Foscarini 2017). Most recently, Foscarini (2017) has discussed the three stages, designating them as the “evidential, memory, and identity” paradigms.40 Each of the three paradigms offers a distinct perspective on appraisal as an evaluative practice. Modern debates on archival appraisal originate in the 1930s in the thinking of the British archivist Sir Hilary Jenkinson. Jenkinson based appraisal decisions solely in relation to the administrative values archives hold for their creators. This view is predicated on the established understanding of archives as an organic accumulation of records that provide evidence of organizational activities. As Kula (2002) explains, Jenkinson saw the value of archives as manifested in two aspects: the first is archival record’s impartiality as an evidence of the organizational activities they document; the second is the naturally emerging interrelationship amongst archival records (i.e., the “archival bond”), which “arises at the moment of creation and significantly affects the meaning of the document and the role it plays in carrying out the intentions of its creator” (28). Predicated on these ideas, Jenkinson argued that archivists have neither the expertise nor the authority to appraise and select records and that as such actions would inevitably distort the natural accumulation of records and result in “a diminution of their integrity and of their value as impartial evidence of the past” (Tschan 2002, 178). The primary responsibility of archivists, Jenkinson argued, is to

40 These paradigms were originally introduced by Cook (2013) to discuss the overall development of archival practices during the 20th century. Both Cook and (2013) and Foscarini (2017) identify a fourth paradigm—the community paradigm—which refers to the emergences of grass-roots archival practices, often outside formal institutions. I have placed the community paradigm outside of the scope of the present discussion as its focus is on appraisal in institutional and organizational settings.

44 maintain “the naturalness of how records accumulated, thus supporting their authenticity” (Gilliand 2014, 35). Likewise, Jenkinson saw no value of archives for any future “potential communities of use” beyond their creators such as historians, the public, or future generations (Craig 2004, 62). Jenkinson’s ideas remain valid today, when the values of archives he identified and conceptualized were later reconceptualized as primary values. By virtue of their unique nature as an organic accumulation of information, archives have primary value to their creators as evidence of organizational activities—a fact that remains perhaps one of the most widely-accepted and enduring principles of the archival vocation and archival science (c.f., Duranti 1994; Cox 2004, 165-201). But as the archival profession expanded during the 20th century, a new set of ideas challenged Jenkinson’s foundational views. More specifically, writing in the 1950s, the American archivist Theodore Schellenberg offered a new conceptualization of archival value. He acknowledged the validity of Jenkinson’s primary values but did not venture to critique or elaborate them, besides labeling them as primary values. This was because, he was not interested in the value of archives as evidence of organizational activities but in the historical information they can provide to users other than their creators— values, that he argued, “will exist long after [archives] cease to be of current use [to their creators]” (Schellenberg 1956, 133). For Schellenberg, thus, archives were primarily sources of social and cultural memory. According to him, “while records were created to serve the needs of their creator, this was not the reason why they were ultimately selected for permanent preservation” (Tschan 2002, 180). Predicated on these ideas, Schellenberg proposed that alongside their primary values, records also have historical and cultural values, which he called secondary values. These secondary values were not located in the organic accumulation of archives but in the contents of individual records—that is, in the various other types of information records could reveal. He subdivided secondary values into two coarse categories: (1) “evidential values” as the “the evidence public records contain of the organization and functioning of the governmental body that produces them” and (2) “informational values” as the “information [records] contain on persons, corporate bodies, problems, conditions, and the like, with which government body dealt with” (Schellenberg 1984, 58-59).

45 In contrast to Jenkinson, Schellenberg emphasized that the archivists, rather than the record’s creators, are responsible for appraising records, reducing their bulk, and evaluating the historical and cultural information they contain. He further elaborated criteria in support of such appraisal approach. With respect to the appraisal of “evidential values,” Schellenberg (1984) emphasized the need for careful examination of the organizational structures and functions of the records producing body in order to weave out “records on important matters” from “records on unimportant matters”, noting that appraisal of “evidential values” should be based on careful judgments, rather than their provenance (60-61). With respect to the appraisal of “informational values,” Schellenberg (1984, 63) recommended that the archivists examine the records’ uniqueness, form, and importance, noting that when appraising archives for “informational values” the archivists should not be concerned with the “source of the records” but with the “information that is in them.” Schellenberg (1984, 68) further stressed that appraisal standards “should never be regarded as absolute or final” and was aware that “different criteria in evaluating records of different periods” may vary, and as such, appraisal is at best an educated guess. In Schellenberg’s view (1984), archivists were no longer passive custodians but agents of societal memory, and this was a privilege and a responsibility. By placing the responsibility of appraisal in the hands of archivists, Schellenberg (1984) also broached the question of the subjectivity in evaluative practice and raised concerns about the potential bias, and errors this could create. But he was not troubled by this, and somewhat in line with the development of the postmodern current of archival thought (decades after his time), he maintained that “diverse judgments” contribute to “more adequate record of human activity” (Schellenberg 1984, 68 cited in Foscarini 2017, 111). It should be noted, however, that Schellenberg’s views on archival appraisal were also motivated by pragmatic factors. He was keenly aware of the differences in the recordkeeping landscapes of 19th century Europe and the 20th century US recordkeeping systems, acutely characterized by large record volumes. Much of his thought was thus couched in a concern of how to practically do archival appraisal in the conditions of record’s overabundance. This concern remains at the forefront of archival appraisal theory and practice to this day. During the 1980s, the social and cultural responsibility of archives became a dominant topic in archival debates. In this context, archival thinkers such as Gerald Ham (1975) and Hans Booms (1987) put forward a vision of archivists as active agents of

46 memory, who proactively gather and preserve records that could reflect human experience and societal identity rather than the perspectives of governmental and business administrations and intellectual elites. This refined appreciation of archives as sources of social and cultural identity led to a reformulation of appraisal practices shifting their focus beyond primary and secondary values and placing it instead on the relationship between records and the specific social and organizational functions they represent. The overarching premise being that the records ensuing from the conduct of important social and organizational functions need to be proactively identified and preserved. Ham (1975) and Booms (1987) thought that by adopting such a perspective archivist can avoid some of the institutional biases inherent in their practice and preserve societal memory by circumventing the perspectives of records creators (whom Jenkinson saw as the primary users of archives) and the perspectives of academic historians (whom Schellenberg saw as the primary users of archives). These ideas led to the development of the influential function-based appraisal approach, and its two most widely recognized professional elaborations: macro-appraisal and the documentation strategy (Robyns 2014). Macro-appraisal is a function-based appraisal approach associated chiefly with the ideas of the Canadian archivist Terry Cook. The approach is explicitly oriented towards the appraisal of records of large governmental administrations. Cook (2005) defines macro- appraisal as an approach that evaluates records in relation to the reasons for their creation, rather than the information they present or their provenance. In that sense, the success of macro-appraisal depends on a careful institutional and organizational analysis and requires an “extensive research by archivists into institutional functionality, organizational structures and workplace cultures, recordkeeping systems, information workflows, recording media and recording technologies, and into changes in all these across space and time” (Cook 2005, 103). The concept of function, in this line of thinking, is best understood as a reformulation of the concept of provenance. Indeed, for Cook (2004) it was the function and structure of records that attest to their provenance thus providing the “theoretical assumptions about what is valuable and what is not, what is worth remembering by society and what is not” (6). Yet, despite the central role he attributed to the concept of function, Cook discussed it only in a general way, premised on the grounds that the definition of function would vary from one project to the next (Cook 2005; Bailey 1997).

47 The documentation strategy is another approach that sought to apply the tenets of the function-based approach. It shared many of the presumptions of macro-appraisal, but instead of functions, it distinctly focuses on social themes and subjects (e.g., organizational, or public affairs) as criteria for appraisal decisions. The approach was developed by Samuels (1986) and it has evolved over several iterative stages to be conclusively defined as a form of functional analysis that also retains elements of thematic analysis (Cook 1992b, Bailey 1997, 93). Like Cook, Samuels discussed the concept of function in a general way, often equating it with broader categories pertaining to social organizations’ ability to convey knowledge, foster socialization, and promote culture, diversity, and equality. Like Cook, Samuels (1988) also encouraged archivists to become “active participants in the selection, analysis, and creation of the documentary record” (12). Deciding what social themes and subjects are to be documented being the first and most important step in the appraisal process. The difference between macro-appraisal and the documentation strategy are a matter of differing conceptualization of the notion of function, rather than other principled disagreements (Gilliland 2014, 46). In macro-appraisal functions were conceptualized as the goals and activities of large-scale administrations (Robyns 2014, 30-35). In the documentation strategy, they were understood as the broader effects organizations have on the communities with which they interact (Robyns 2014, 27-30). Function-based appraisal approaches redefined the conceptualization of archival provenance moving the concept away from its foundations in “the rigid structure of administrative hierarchy,” advocating for “a far broader and richer contextual understanding of records creation” (Robyns 2014, 23-24). Thus, they challenge both Jenkinson and Schellenberg’s ideas by proposing that the reasons for creating a given record are the most salient indicators of its value. As the review above suggests, “the distinctive hallmark of archival appraisal is the valuation of records and information in the service of building histories from the perspective of institutional accountability, social value, or public good(s)” (Craig 2004, 129). Or what Foscarini (2017) describes as the evidential, memory, and identity appraisal paradigms. It should be noted that alongside these philosophical concerns, other more pragmatic factors have always played a role in shaping archival appraisal practice. Most notably, as early as the 1940s, the cost of acquisition and preservation was considered as a factor in appraisal (Bauer 1946). Such considerations were later incorporated into the so-called risk management approaches, asking archivists to weigh the cost of acquisition and preservation against the

48 potential organizational, cultural, or political consequences of deaccessioning (thus destroying) records (e.g., Boles and Young 1985; Bearman 1989). Similarly, the extent to which the use and reuse of records is indicative of their value has been discussed in the literature (e.g., Eastwood 1993; Duff 1994; Greene 1998). Although, this line of thinking remains underdeveloped in the archival literature, where it has been criticized on the grounds that use alone is not a theoretically valid indicator of value (Cook 2005, 119).

2.4.2 Appraisal of Broadcasting News Archives

Several authors have examined the appraisal of broadcasting archives. These studies do not focus solely on news materials but discuss them amid a range of other broadcasting products such as TV series, children’s programming, sports, game shows, etc. Their overall focus is on recasting archival appraisal principles and concepts to fit the cultural, social, and technological context of broadcasting production. Two of these contributions come from Canada, written by Rosemary Bergeron, a former archivist at the Visual and Sound Archives Division at Library and Archives Canada, and Ernest J. Dick, a former corporate archivist at the CBC.41 In her article on the acquisition of broadcasting materials in Canadian institutions, Bergeron (1986) makes a case for the value of broadcasting archives as a source of cultural and historical memory. In this discussion, Bergeron (1986, 45) singles out news materials as records of the highest “potential significance of any type of television production” because of the rich representations of Canadian life they provide, and because they provide a record of “the style and practice of television journalism,” thus drawing an analogy to Schellenberg concepts of secondary (evidential and informational) values. Dick’s (1991, 261) view on the evidential and informational value of news archives aligns with Bergeron’s, but he goes a step further by suggesting that news archives allow future generations to evaluate how news “reflected, distorted or shaped our times.” Henceforth, he stressed the need “to evaluate the [social, cultural, and political] impact and the distinctive information and perspective of particular news and current affairs program series” (Dick 1991, 261). This suggestion

41 The title of corporate archivist no longer exists.

49 reflected the concern for selecting records in relation to their social and cultural impact distinctive for the function-based appraisal approach. Writing in the late-1980s-early-1990s, both authors commend broadcasting archives increased efforts of preserving material for reuse and cultural patrimony, a practice made feasible by the advances in video technology and the dwindling cost of videotape during the 1980s. While acknowledging the plurality and differences of the incipient evaluative principles on which such selections for future reuse are made, they identify common indicators of reuse value as resources for production, rebroadcast, research, or sale. As Bergeron (1986) explains, “television news producers and others in the broadcasting industry are increasingly recognizing the value of television programs as production resources for rebroadcast in whole or in part, for research in the preparation of new programs, and for sale to other television organizations” (43). Similar ideas underpin the thinking on appraisal of broadcasting archives in the US. Aiming to develop a comprehensive model for appraisal of public television (PBS),42 Connors (2000) proposes a “simplified evaluation scheme” for public broadcasting that seeks to combine “archival appraisal considerations, the special concerns of moving image archivists, and the concerns of public television professionals” (168). The scheme’s evaluative criteria include: provenance (does the material belong to the organization); cost of retention (processing and preservation costs); implications of the selection decision (potential cultural and political consequences of deaccessioning); reference potential (as source for historical scholarship and for reuse); and critical values (including production values, popularity, and overall social, cultural, and political impact) (168). Ide and Weisse (2003) propose a similar model that considers the: (1) value of information, (2) costs of retention, (3) implications of the selection decision, and (4) reuse values. In this section model, the definitions of costs of retention and implications of the selection decision are equivalent to those of Connors (2000), whereas value of information is understood in line with Schellenberg’s concept of secondary values. Collectively, the literature on appraisal of broadcasting archives reflects the general tenets of archival appraisal theory, and bridges the distinct perspectives of evidential,

42 Public Broadcasting Services (PBS) are publicly funded non-profit broadcasting organizations in the US. Unlike other public-service broadcasters these organizations are funded by public donations, rather than federal grants. PBS are unique to the US media market. See, Public Broadcasting Service (PBS). Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/PBS

50 identity, and memory paradigms by orientating the evaluation of archives simultaneously in relation to their: (1) provenance; (2) cultural and historical values; (3) and cultural, social, or political impact. Cost is also a key factor informing appraisal in broadcasting. This is not surprising as the production, management, and preservation of media are and have always been prohibitively high (Goldman 1994; Wright 2012). The unique contribution of this literature, however, is the concept of reuse. This is important because reuse has been covered only marginally in archival appraisal theory and because of it being amongst the defining objectives of digital curation and a principal area of interest in data curation research. Reuse, however, is a familiar concept to broadcasting archivists. Studying reuse in this context thus complements prior empirical and theoretical studies on the topic in the scientific data curation literature (Zimmerman 2007; Palmer, Weber, and Cragin 2012; Faniel, Kriesberg, Yakel 2016; Pasquetto, Randles and Borgman, 2017).

2.4.3 Archival Appraisal as an Evaluative Practice

An implicit assumption in the literature on archival appraisal is that appraisal practices cannot be dissociated from the cultural, social, and material context of the situation in which they occur. It is for this reason that archival theorists have for long been aware that appraisal has a propensity of being a subjective practice—one informed by intuition and circumscribed by a myriad of situational factors. Jenkinson saw this as a concern and declared that archivists should refrain from appraising records, relegating this responsibility solely to the records creators. Schellenberg also recognized it, but he celebrated it as a positive aspect of the archival vocation that contributes to the construction of a more “diverse and pluralistic record of human activity.” These two opposing views have been reproduced with nuances in archival theory over the past six decades in the work of authors that adopt either postmodern or neo-Jenkinsonian view of appraisal (cf. Duranti 1994; Cook 2006). Importantly, both positions imply that irrespective of how detailed the value taxonomies, plans, or models guiding appraisal may be, appraisal practice is always “constructed from other forms of experience and knowledge” (Craig 2001, 181). Similar views are implicit in the work of other authors and explain why Harrison (1997) argues that archival appraisal is neither art nor science but a “craft practiced to achieve certain ends with suitable criteria or guidelines to meet these ends” (131); why Cox (2004) calls appraisal an “alchemy” (259-295); and why in

51 her discussion of the application of appraisal models in broadcasting Bergeron (1986) comments that “[t]he many variables not taken into account by such detailed models indicate that there is still a role for the archivist in using more subjective but still valid qualitative methods of selecting television programs for preservation” (50). While there is a wide agreement that a range of anticipated and subjective factors filter into appraisal practice, little research has ventured to inquire into this topic. This knowledge gap has been previously identified by Craig (2007) who remarks that “[o]ur considerable knowledge of appraisal and writing about its conduct lacks an empirical dimension that explores the actual workings of appraisal in one or more institutions” (5), further noting that the “human dimensions of appraisal – the investigation of real people doing real work – are under-researched” (6). Craig’s (2007) reasons for drawing attention to this gap align with the concept of articulation work. Much like the scholars of situated action, Craig’s (2007) views appraisal as a practice in which plans are not the primary drivers of action but tools in practice. As she explains:

Theories of appraisal value and the methods that structure the processes of choice, whether traditional or new, are only tools: these tools, or others we have yet to uncover, must be used by real people to decide from among the options that they have and that they perceive that they have. We are well aware that the exercise of appraisal is circumscribed—bounded—by the appraiser’s ability and experience, shaped by the specific constraints in his or her working realities, and reflecting, inevitably and naturally, the norms shared by archivists. The structures for making decisions are often multi-layered and the contingencies of a specific time and place, often unpredictable and uncontrollable, are natural constraints on options and how we go about making choices (Craig 2007, 6).

More analytically pertinent then for research on appraisal, Craig (2007) suggests, is to understand what factors and dynamics accompany the application of appraisal tools in practice. These ideas are further supported by empirical findings. Specifically, Craig’s (2007) findings from a survey questionnaire inquiring into archivists’ actual “experience” of doing appraisal work reveal that appraisal practice depends on multiple and overlapping areas of knowledge; it is collaborative and interactional in nature; it is learned and mastered as a craft, through apprenticeship; it frequently involves external expertise (e.g., by consulting subject experts’ opinions); and it is only tangentially supported by established models and plans, with key decisions often made intuitively (16-22).

52 In Craig’s (2007) conceptual and empirical account the practice of appraisal exhibits all the characteristics of a situated practice. Therefore, it is reasonable to suggest that it should be studied as such. Not doing so would be a missed opportunity for learning more about the imbrication of context, experience, competencies, and tools that collectively constitute the archival vocation. An appropriate way to explore this practice is to take a cue from the emerging literature on evaluative practices, which will be presented and discussed in the next chapter. What is more, if appraisal is a complex evaluative practice in general, there are reasons to conclude that this is more so the case in broadcasting news archives. The primary reason is the multiplicity of values associated with mass-produced cultural goods such as broadcasting news. In many ways, broadcasting news archives are analogous to what Star and Bowker (1999) define as boundary objects, i.e., “those objects that inhabit several communities of practice and satisfy the informational requirements of each of them. Boundary objects are thus plastic enough to adapt to the local needs and constraints of the several parties employing them, yet robust enough to maintain a common identity across sites. They are weakly structured in common use and become strongly structured in individual-site use.” (Star and Bowker 1999, 297). This definition applies to broadcasting news archives because they have commercial value as organizational assets but can also yield multiple other primary or secondary values that can satisfy the informational needs of multiple stakeholders ranging from journalists and media producers to scholars and the public at large.

2.5 Moving Image Archives

The literature on news broadcasting archives is not large. To offer a perspective on the topic this section discusses the broader literature on moving image archives—archives that preserve moving image heritage such as cinema or television—in cinema, media, and communication studies. This is followed by a section presenting a discussion of broadcasting news archives drawing on the writing of Ernest J. Dick, a former head of the CBC news archives.

53

2.5.1 Multiplicity of Values: Moving Images as Cultural Heritage

As a cultural organization, moving image (at the time called simply film) archives emerged during the 1930s. The cultural heritage value of moving images, however, was recognized much earlier, simultaneously with the advent of the cinematic medium in 1895, when the emerging medium was celebrated as an unprecedented “new historical source” that can document daily life with uncanny accuracy (Routt 1997). Subsequently, the varying justification for moving images status as cultural heritage materials that merit collection and preservation by library, archives, or museums have been strikingly diverse. Trope (2001) shows that cinema became an object of museum display as early as 1895 but it did so only under the rubric of a scientific artifact serving as a token of technological progress and achievement. Wasson (2005) acknowledges, but does not discuss in depth, the existence of a variety of “successful and unsuccessful” projects of moving image collecting under various archival and/or musicological frameworks in the US and Europe prior to the 1930s (3). Importantly, Gracy (2013) shows that moving image collections existed in library settings at least since the 1920s, where they were recognized as an important educational medium (Gracy 2013, 375-381). The multiplicity of values associated with moving images is also suggested in accounts that do not deal directly with collecting institutions but address moving image’s broader cultural and educational role in society. For instance, reflecting on UNESCO’s use of film programs as an educational instrument aimed at instilling a set of Western values and ideas in third world populations during post WWII era, Druick (2011) observes that film unexpectedly came to fulfill a variety of different functions such as providing “hope for indigenous forms of cultural expression, a source for education and entertainment” (82). These accounts suggest that during the 20th century moving images have occupied a range of cultural and social positions, fulfilling a multiplicity of functions and cultural roles. Correspondingly, collections of moving image materials have existed in a variety of institutional settings, where they have been attributed different values, relative to the diverse social and cultural functions they performed. The cultural values associated with moving image materials (cinema and television; but also ethnographic films, documentaries, non- fiction or home movies) are as diverse as the individual meanings and experiences moving

54 image materials could convey upon viewing. In turn, the practices of moving image cultural heritage institutions have played a role in defining “what objects and media matter within the politics of cultural value and visual knowledge” (Wasson 2005, 7). In relation to this point, Gracy (2007) argues that the moving image archival institutions are a unique type of cultural institutions that need to tame and define a reading of the “multiplicity of values associated with mass cultural objects such as film” (206). In this sense, moving image archives could be described as institutions that deploy a set of practices to stabilize the multiplicity of values associated with moving images and by doing so to inscribe them into a cultural heritage canon.

2.5.2 Moving Image Archival Institutions

It is reasonable to propose that the cultural value of moving image archives is, at least partially, shaped by the institutional frameworks in which they are embedded. For example, Wasson’s (2005, 5) central argument is that in the 1930s the Museum of Modern Art’s (MOMA) Film Library created a “common sense about cinema” by establishing structured criteria and practices through which films would be engaged in institutional settings thus imposing a specific interpretative framework through which the “various forms of value” (e.g. entertainment object, historical document, sociological artifact, art object, viewing experience) moving images embody can be interpreted and appreciated (Wasson 2005, 186- 187). Frick (2011) has similarly argued that the operations of moving archives are better described as “structured practice” rather “natural logical way of incorporating historical moving images” into contemporary life (13). In the same vein, Jones (2012) argues that through their practices moving image archives construct “a representation, and a chronicle, of the twentieth century that in and of itself is an act of interpretative history making” (8). Lastly, in her discussion of television archives Spigel (2011) stresses that the ephemeral medium of television is “housed” in the architecture of the archive that endows it with specific meaning and significance defining “what counts as popular media and nostalgia” (2011, 73). Furthermore, for Spigel (2007) nostalgia and a sense of national identity are the main reasons nation-states keep television archives. Furthermore, in her discussion of moving image museums (institutions which aside from collecting and preserving film also stage material culture exhibitions), Trope (2001)

55 identifies several approaches through which the history of cinema is displayed and has been displayed during the twentieth century; these are: (1) an approach which positions “film as an artifact, an invention that can be framed within an evolutionary model of scientific progress” and (2) an approach that positions film “as part of the pantheon of modern arts” (31); in addition, she discussed (3) a “didactic narrative based” approach that emerged during the 1970-80s (45-46), and (4) contemporary edutainment and holistic approaches, “attempting to incorporate technological, artistic, historical, and economic perspectives into their stories” (55). Likewise, Jakovljevic (1996) characterizes the practices of display in the Museum of the Moving Image in New York as organized around the logic of “impurity of genres,” standing somewhere in between history museum, a science and technology museum, and an art museum (356). Gracy (2007) defines at least eight types of moving image archival institutions. And Fossati (2009) argues that the identity of moving image archival institutions is closely associated with the philosophical and epistemological preconceptions, the “constellation of beliefs”, informing their institutional policies and defining the scope of their practices (108). Furthermore, Fossati (2009) identifies four types of film archives that impose different frameworks of cultural value on the same type of archival materials (motion picture film) as an art object, as a unique historical artifact, as a viewing experience, and as a scientific artifact (Fossati 2009, 108). A separate literature examining the ethics of exhibiting moving image archival materials correspondingly emphasizes the constructive role, and responsibility, of the museum curator in constructing moving image exhibitions in relation to specific aesthetic and conceptual principles. Schulte-Strathaus (2004) argues that in the context of developing moving image exhibitions depends first and foremost “the curator’s signature that connects past and present, different countries, societies, genres, and/or aesthetic forms” (4). From this perspective, Schulte-Strathaus (2004) defines the practice of moving image curating as an act of taking “a position in the context of film history as written” (5). Marks (2004) similarly discusses the importance of curating moving images by using directed, analytical approach that organizes moving image materials around an argument that “makes clear the criteria for quality, the criteria for pleasure, and the criteria for broader significance” (43).43

43 The practices of curating discussed in this paragraph should not be confused with digital curation. Curating, in this paragraph, is understood in the sense of museum or art gallery curation, which is distinct from digital curation.

56

2.5.3 Moving Image Archival Practices

There are sufficient grounds to accept that moving image archives are a unique type of cultural heritage institutions that are related to other cultural institutions but are also distanced from them. As Edmondson (2004) points out, the “skills, concepts, methods, systems, and ethics of moving image archives arise from the nature of moving image media and not by automatic analogy from the other collecting professions” (6). Yet, from the discussion in the preceding section, it also becomes clear that the debate dividing scholars is the extent to which the meaning of moving image archival materials is conditioned by either (a) the institutional logics informing the operations of different collecting institutions (e.g., Trope 2001; Gracy 2007; Fossati 2009) or (b) the practices of collecting, cataloguing, preservation, access, and display/exhibition (Jakovljevic 1996; Wasson 2005; Jones 2012). Moreover, there is evidence to consider both of these dimensions as significant, as none of the studies reviewed above draws a clear separation between institutional context and practices, frequently seeing them as mutually reinforcing (most notably in Gracy [2007] and Fossati [2009]). Collectively, the literature discussed above suggests that a coherent study of moving image archival practices needs to consider the complex interplay between (1) institutional logics, (2) practices, and (3) the shifting network of symbolic and commercial values associated with moving images. Any account privileging one aspect at the expense of the others risks remaining incomplete.

2.5.4 Broadcasting News Archives

To date, broadcasting news archives have not been extensively studied and theorized, the CBC broadcasting news archive even less so. Given the paucity of literature on the topic, the primary source consulted here is an article by Ernest J Dick. Dick’s (1991) primary concern in this text is the acquisition of broadcasting archives, but he also provides an incisive conceptualization of the nature of archival practices at the CBC. According to him one of the primary challenges of broadcasting archives is that “broadcasting and archival worlds

57 proceed from diametrically opposing assumptions and operational practices” (Dick 1991, 254). He attributes this chasm to three factors. These are: news broadcasting’s preoccupation with the immediate present, which “diverts attention or resources from records management and archival activity”; the ephemeral, “non-permanent, non-archival” nature of broadcasting products, which he attributes to their “technological dependence” (Dick 1991, 254), and lastly, the double-edge imperative that “what is preserved should satisfy both programming potential and the researchers of the future” (Dick 1991, 256). Considering these observations, Dick (1991) further reflects on the relationship between news broadcasting archives and technology, noting that their extent and organization has historically depended “on the technical constraints of news production within radio and television at particular times” (257). In concluding, Dick (1991) states that “[b]roadcasting generally, and the CBC is undoubtedly quite typical, rarely have developed model records management policies and procedures for their administrative and policy records. The culture of broadcasting, the decentralized nature of broadcast decision-making, and the immutable 6 p.m. deadline all appear to work against orderly and rigorous management” (Dick’s 1991, 264). Dick’s (1991) analysis presents a view of news broadcasting archives as organizational units that are directed towards serving two ends: the needs of news production and the preservation of news broadcasting as cultural heritage. Likewise, they are dependent on the shifting dynamics of television production technologies, a view echoing Edmondson’s (2004) position that the “skills, concepts, methods, systems, and ethics” of moving image archives arise from the nature of moving image media rather than by an automatic analogy to other custodial professions (6). Lastly, Dick’s (1991) account also suggests that in the CBC’s archival environment, there are a limited set of policies and procedures that guide and regulate practice. These insights have been collected and reflected on in VanderBurgh (2014), whose book chapter on the history of the CBC broadcasting archive is based on extensive interviews with Ernest J. Dick and must be credited for introducing the topic to Canadian media and communication scholars. In this work, taking stock of Dick’s career at the CBC, VanderBurgh (2014) suggests that the evolution of CBC “archival philosophy” is marked by three stages: preserving archives for internal reference, branding, and as a cultural heritage.

58 2.6 The Infrastructure of Digital Broadcasting Production

Work in science and technology studies and digital curation has demonstrated that the analysis of technological and knowledge infrastructure (e.g., standards) can shed light on a range of mechanisms that influence the conduct of practice (Hughes 1989; Bowker and Star 1999; Bowker, Timmermans, Star 1995). From a methodological standpoint, this work has advocated for analyses of the “imbrication of infrastructure and human organization” (Star 1999, 379). In the spirit of this work, the following section provides insight into the design principles and vision underlying digital broadcasting information systems infrastructure. In doing so, this section sets the foundations for the analysis of the use of technological systems and tools at the CBC news archive in chapters 4 & 5.

2.6.1 Digital Broadcasting Production Systems

As discussed in section 1.3, disruptive technological innovations, and in particular the advent of the internet and online streaming, have transformed the television industry. This has forced major broadcasting actors—including the CBC (e.g., Strategy 2020)—to diversify their content delivery methods, adopt new digital production workflows, and to divest from legacy infrastructure (e.g., TV and radio broadcasting towers). The analysis than follows expands on the implications of the transition to digital infrastructure by discussing the design vision, principles, and standards behind digital broadcasting systems. These systems are referred to in the industry as production asset management (PAM) or media asset management (MAM) systems. They are large, complex, and expensive.44 The foundations of digital broadcasting production systems were set out in a 1998 joint report by the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) and the Society of Motion Picture and Television Engineers (SMPTE) titled the EBU / SMPTE Task Force for Harmonized Standards for the Exchange of Programme Material as Bitstreams (Laven and Meyer 1998).

44 My analysis here focuses solely on the broadcasting production systems. The wider set of technologies and standards that enable the dissemination of broadcasting are beyond the scope of my analysis. For, albeit dated, overview on this latter topic, see Lincoln (2003) and also Sanz (2014) and Sanz and Crosbie (2016). For a historical perspective relating to the CBC, see Schwartz (2016).

59 The report sought to align the efforts of broadcasting technology users (broadcasting companies, media production houses) and producers (technology developers) by presenting a comprehensive vision for the development of digital broadcasting systems and standards. The report’s central imperative was to formalize a model for digital broadcasting systems that facilitate the “re-purposing of material so that it can be used across many distribution media and to provide many differing versions on a single medium” (Laven and Meyer 1998, 10-12). In response to this imperative, the report put forward a vision for digital broadcasting systems design based on the so-called object-modeling system design principles. In essence, these principles establish a design vision for the integration of a patchwork of systems (e.g., editing systems, data storage systems, content management systems, content delivery systems, etc.) based on common interchangeable elements, most notably, interoperable file formats (Laven and Meyer 1998, 13-14). Subsequently—having placed the interoperability of file formats at the core of the object-modeling system design vision—the EBU / SMPTE report outlined in detail the technical components needed for the standardization of two key file format elements: wrappers and metadata.45 An important element of broadcasting file formats (either video or audio) is the so-called file format wrapper, which contains three elements: essence, codecs, and metadata. Essence refers to the content of the video or audio file (i.e., the images and audio). The essence is compressed and decoded through audio and video coding technology (i.e., codecs). Wrappers and codecs are interchangeable, and typically wrappers can support more than one codec. While codecs are an important element of a file format, that directly correlates with the quality of audio or visual signals, they are not directly contributing to interoperability. Metadata, on the other hand, is crucial for supporting file format interoperability and intellectual access in broadcasting systems (Laven and Meyer 1998, 55- 58). The report lists the following types of metadata and clarifies their functionality. They are presented below to illustrate the scope and complexity of broadcasting production metadata

• Essential– any information necessary to decode the Essence. Examples: Unique Material Identifiers (UMIDs), video formats, audio formats, numbers of audio channels

45 As Ferreira (2010) writes, it is as a result of the EBU / SMPTE report that “metadata was finally glorified as a first- class citizen, on par with audio and video, while a standard wrapper was pointed out as playing a fundamental hinge role in interoperability” (1).

60 • Access– information used to provide and control access to the Essence. Examples: copyright information, access rights information. • Parametric – information which defines detailed parameters of the Essence. Examples: camera set-up, pan & scan, colorimetry type. • Composition – required information on how to combine a number of other components (e.g. video clips) into a sequence or structure (Content Element, Content Item or Content Package). This may equally be regarded as information recording the heritage or derivation of the Content. Examples: Edit Decision Lists (EDLs), titling information, zoom lens positioning (for virtual studio use), transfer lists, colour correction parameters. • Relational – any information necessary to achieve synchronization between different Content Components, and to achieve appropriate interleaving of the components. Examples: timecode, MPEG SI. • Geospatial – information related to the position of the source. • Descriptive – all information used in the cataloguing, search, retrieval and administration of Content. Examples: labels, author, location, origination date & time, version information, transaction records, etc. • Other – anything not included above. Examples: scripts, definitions of the names and formats of other Metadata, user-defined Metadata (Laven and Meyer 1998, 59-60)

Except for descriptive and other metadata, all categories listed above are technical metadata primarily embedded in the file format wrapper. Descriptive metadata is central to curation as it provides intellectual access to the conceptual layer of digital objects (Thibodeau 2002). Similarly, compared to technical metadata, it is less constrained by the technological infrastructure as it is not typically generated automatically.46 By being the primary type of metadata that can accurately indicate what the digital material is about, descriptive metadata plays a crucial role in enhancing the value and enabling the reuse of broadcasting materials. The primary role of technical metadata, on the other hand, is supporting the interchange of digital files in broadcasting systems. Specifically, the wrapper and the associated technical metadata facilitate interoperability and essence interchanges across systems (Laven and Meyer 1998, 71-72). They enable “the transport of program content and its storage on nonlinear media or via networks within proprietary file formats” and allow “multiple users to simultaneously access data related to a common project within a distributed production environment” (Hoffman 2004, 4-5).

46 Descriptive metadata for moving image materials can be generated automatically but that requires a separate set of machine learning and AI systems that are not part of the EBU / SMPTE report discussed here and as of yet uncommon in digital broadcasting. Semantic image retrieval is one of the most complex tasks to automate (See, Enser et al. 2007), although current advances in AI and machine learning are surpassing the previous limitations of this field.

61 Two file format wrappers that developed following the specifications of the EBU / SMPTE report—and since then have become de facto standards in contemporary broadcasting—are the material exchange format (MXF) and the advanced authoring format (AAF) (Delvin and Wilkinson 2004; Tudor 2004). MXF and AAF are based on a common metadata model that enables broadcasting content to be continually transferred between MXF and AAF wrappers, or vice versa.

Figure 5. Volume of Technical Metadata Associated with a Clip during a Production (Delvin and Wilkinson 2004, 128)

MXF is used primarily by digital video cameras, digitization equipment, data storage, and content delivery systems, and AAF is used primarily by production and post-production systems (e.g., video editing and special effects systems) as well as by asset management systems that offer editing capabilities.47 As Delvin and Wilkinson (2004) explain, “[t]he major difference between the two is that MXF has chosen not to include transition and layering functionality [used in editing and post production]. Essentially, this creates an environment in which raw essence can be created in MXF, it can be post-produced in AAF, and then the finished content can be generated as an MXF file” (127-128). The AAF format enables the editing of content, which typically takes place on more than one editing system, and once the editing is complete, the file is formalized and

47 Examples of broadcasting asset management systems that offer editing capabilities are Interplay Assist and Media Central UX, which will be discussed shortly.

62 transcoded into an MXF file and thus made available for broadcast or other modes of delivery.

Figure 6. Postproduction Workflow using a Combination of Authoring Tools (Tudor 2004, 178)

Furthermore, “AAF supports two methods for inter-changing the essence: The essence may be internal to the AAF file [i.e., the import/export method], or it may be held in an external file and referenced by the metadata [i.e., the edit-in-place method]. In either case, the metadata for the file source material is in the AAF file.” (Tudor 2004, 183-184).

63

Figure 7. Export/Import Method (a) and Edit-in-Place Method (b) of AAF File Interchange (Tudor 2004, 184).

The edit-in-place method show on the figure above is relevant here as it is the method supported by the systems at the CBC. What this method entails, in practice, is that several users can simultaneously edit content residing on one or several MXF files. Users can select portions on the MXF files, edit them in various ways and overlay them with visual graphics and special effects. The changes they make to the MXF files (e.g., cut, cross, dissolve, adding logos, graphics, or adding lower thirds etc.) are non-destructive; instead, they are referenced in the AAF file metadata.48 In other words, the AFF file metadata reference the specific time- sequences on the various MXF files in real time. This allows multiple users to edit multiple versions of content by using the same set of MXF files without changing the original files in any way. In production parlance, at the CBC, the AAF files each user crates are known as the master clips, which are comprised by sub-clips and sequences that point to content residing on one or more media files (the MXF files). Chapter 4 examines in more depth how the standards and principles discussed in this section inform the use of the production systems at the CBC news archive, the primary

48 Lower thirds are terms referring to the headlines, names, titles, announcements, stock quotes crawls, etc. that typically overlay news programs. See, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lower_third and also Krasner (2013, 33-60).

64 technological tools used for curation. Important to note at this stage, however, is that despite their complexity, these systems do not include any preservation mechanisms. The metadata they support is specifically geared towards enhancing interoperability and file exchange. And while these are the main functions these systems were designed to perform, there is a case to be made that they are not the optimal type of systems to handle long-term preservation.

2.7 Conclusion

This chapter reviewed several bodies of literature to establish background knowledge, concepts, and terms for the analysis that follows. To this end, the chapter began by providing a definition of digital archives. Furthermore, the chapter reviewed the role of metadata in the context of digital curation practices, highlighting its contextual and communicative characteristics. It was argued that metadata is used not only to describe information resources, but also to enable communication between curation actors and that as such its production and exchange are contingent on the situated context of curation practice. Following that, two key evaluative practices in the context of digital curation were discussed, appraisal and preservation, and the concepts of authenticity and value were clarified vis-à-vis this discussion. This provides background for thinking about the evaluative practices in digital curation that will be analyzed later on. The chapter also analyzed the literature on moving image archival institutions and the relatively small literature on broadcasting news archives, as means of illustrating what organizational dynamics may be intrinsic to this type of institutions, and by extension, hypothetically, to the CBC news archive. Lastly, the chapter discussed the vision, principles, and technical standards behind the current generation of digital broadcasting production systems. This analysis provides background knowledge for the analysis of the information systems and tools used for curation at the CBC news archive.

65 Chapter 3: Theoretical Approach, Research Design, Methods, and Data

The literature review in the preceding chapter established the meaning of concepts and terms that constitute the curation domain being studied. This chapter presents the theoretical approach of the dissertation, practice theory. A central aspect of this approach is that it seeks to provide an account of social and organizational practices from cultural, social, and material perspectives. I thus discuss each of the three in relation to prior work in cultural sociology, organization studies, science and technology studies, computer-supported cooperative work, and workplace studies. Following that, I reflect on the literature on evaluative practices. Many of the fundamental arguments I present are familiar to information practice scholars, but the goal of this chapter is to synthesize them in a way that provides an analytical perceptive that could complement the literatures discussed in section 1.2, and more importantly, to clarify the perspective that I apply to the analysis of digital curation practices in chapters 4, 5 & 6. Lastly, in the concluding section of this chapter, I present the methodology, research design, and data of the study.

3.1 Practice Theory

Practice theory is not a single theory. Rather, it is an interdisciplinary research orientation that engages with the concept of practice as a central unit of analysis. Practice theory encompasses a diverse body of work across several disciplines unified by a common focus and similar ontological and epistemological assumptions (Ortner 1984; Schatzki 2001; Reckwitz 2002; Feldman and Orlikowski 2011; Nicolini, 2012).49 Fundamentally, these assumptions mandate that there is a dialectic relationship between social structures and social action. The overarching argument being that while social structures shape social action, and in this capacity are “powerfully constraining,” they are themselves a product of social

49 In one of the first comprehensive overviews of practice theory, Ortner (1984) refers to the concept of “practice” as the “new key symbol” of this emerging theoretical orientation (127).

66 action—they are, as it were, “made and unmade through human action and interaction” (Ortner 1984, 159). Reflecting on the emergence of this perspective in the social sciences, Knorr-Cetina (1981b) describes its underlying assumptions as positioned in between the paradigms of methodological collectivism and methodological individualism and thus labels it “methodological situationalism.”50 In her view, the unique feature of this paradigm is how it redefines the notion of social order and the dialectic between social structures and social action that support it. As she explains, in the literature in sociology, anthropology, cultural studies, and political science since the 1940s, social structures have been understood as overdetermining all aspects of social action, and thus as the main factor in constituting social order. Knorr-Cetina (1981b, 2) identifies two dominant perspectives on this relationship: the first is what she calls the “integration theory of society,” primarily associated with the work of Durkheim and Parsons, “which conceives of social structure as a functionally integrated system regulated by normative consensus,” and the second as what she calls the “coercion theory of society,” primarily associated with the work of Marx, “which views social structure as a form of organization held together by force and constraint transcended in an unending process of change.” While the integration and coercion theories differ in their view of what shapes social structures, they align on the view that social structures shape social action. In contrast, methodological situationalism “gives primary consideration to the agents' practical reasoning [. . . ] a move which posits a knowing, active subject as the source of human conduct” (Knorr-Cetina 1981b, 3-4). From this theoretical perspective, “[s]ocial order is not that which holds society together by somehow controlling individual wills, but that which comes about in the mundane but relentless transactions of these wills” (Knorr-Cetina 1981b, 7).

50 The ideas put forward by Knorr-Cetina (1981b) have been elaborated in other statements on practice theory. For example, Schatzki (2005) has labeled the ontological assumptions of practice theory as a “site ontology”, which he argues represents a “third alternative” to social and organizational theory that combines the perspectives of individualism and collectivism. Building on these ideas, Rawls (2008) also argues that a defining feature of practice theory is that it places attention on the mundane details of social action while retaining “some basic premises of both individual and collective [social] theories” (704).

67 3.1.1 The Dialectic between Structure and Agency: Two Classical Examples

The ideas described above are more readily understood when considered in light of the concrete theoretical approaches they have given rise to. Two of the most classical examples of theoretical approaches that take a dialectic view on the relationship between structure and agency are found in the work of Bourdieu (1977) and Giddens (1984). In this section, I discuss the underlying ideas behind those two approaches as means of clarifying practice theory’s fundamental epistemological and ontological assumptions and arguments. Bourdieu’s theoretical work in sociology seeks to incorporate into a single theoretical framework subjective approaches that conceptualize the dynamics of the social world as relative to “the primary experience and perception of individuals” (e.g. approaches such as phenomenology and symbolic interpretivism), and objectivist approaches that conceptualize the dynamics of the social world as defined by the “objective conditions which structure practices independent of human consciousness” (e.g. structuralism and Marxism) (Johnson 1993, 3-4). He advances such theoretical ideas through the concepts of habitus and field. Habitus refers to the cognitive predispositions that are internalized by individuals through the process of social acculturation and are shaped by a variety of institutions early in life (by the family and educational institutions) and continue to be shaped throughout one’s life (for example, by legal, professional, religious, and political institutions). As a result, “each individual agent's habitus will be different to some degree, as no two biographies are exactly the same” (Crossley 2001, 84). The habitus, however, is what provides a “set of dispositions which generate practices and perceptions” (Johnson 1993, 5). In other words, the habitus is a concept that describes the individuals’ “cognitive predispositions”—it is “an active residue or sediment of his past that functions within his present, shaping his perception, thought, and action and thereby molding social practice in a regular way” (Crossley 2001, 83). Thus, a social actor in Bourdieu’s view necessarily possesses a habitus, and she interacts with the social world via the predispositions afforded by her habitus—in this view habitus is both a precondition and constraint on social action. On the other hand, the concept of the field refers to a “set of objective relations” governing the operations of “concrete social situations.” The field is a “structured space with its own logic of functioning” that structures social interactions—as such, there are numerous fields, for example, economic, artistic, and educational fields among many others that exhibit

68 unique “field logics” (Johnson 1993, 6). Fields are understood as structures that delimit certain possibilities of social action and interaction, but not as immutable. Fields change in a dynamic where “a change in agents’ position [in a field] necessarily entails a change in the field’s structure.” (Johnson 1993, 6). Fields in the sense are also a precondition and constraint on social action. The relationship between the habitus and field is that of alignment and fit in that to enter a field “one must possess the [necessary] habitus” (Johnson 1993, 8). But when an actor whose habitus is in misalignment with the field enters a field, she has the potential to redefine the logic of the field. As such, Crossley (2001, 87) explains social “agent’s actions are shaped both by their habitus and by the exigencies and logic of the game as it unfolds [i.e., the logic of the field],” but importantly, “the field and habitus are locked in a circular relationship. Involvement in a field shapes the habitus that, in turn, shapes the actions that reproduce the field.” The dialectic between structure and agency, in Bourdieu’s work, thus, is the dialectic between field and habitus. Similar ideas underpin Giddens’ (1984) theory of structuration, although expressed with different concepts. The theory of structuration postulates that social analysis should give primacy to neither social structures nor social agency but rather focus on discerning the mutually constructive relationship between the two. Giddens’ thinking is twofold: Social structures enable and constrain forms of social action, yet structures do not exist prior to the actions they engender. On the contrary, structures are a historical product of the “recursive nature of social life,” or in other words, they are produced through the recursive and accumulating patterns of social actions (Giddens 1984, xxiii). In this view, practices and social structures are mutually constituted. As Giddens (1984) writes, “[s]tructures exits only in their instantiation in the knowledge activities of situated human subjects, which reproduce them as structural properties of social systems embedded in spans of time-space” (304). Practice theory, as illustrated by the two examples above, is an approach that takes the dialectic between structure and agency as the underlying vector through which to explain the dynamics of the social world. This theoretical perspective is articulated differently by different theorist, but it has a distinct character. A practice theory analysis, as such, should centre on understanding the extent to which objective conditions shape social practices, but in its characteristic dialectical twist, a practice theory analysis should be equally concerned with understanding how social practices reproduce or alter the objective conditions that engender them.

69 3.1.2 Defining Practice

The fundamental concept of practice theory is—predictably—practice. The definition of this concept can vary based on the dominant interests informing research across different disciplines and theoretical traditions. As Schatzki (2001) observes, scholars working in the social interactionist tradition (e.g., ethnomethodology and symbolic interactionism) discuss practices primarily through the lens of human activity; on the other hand, scholars working in cultural sociology and cultural studies focus on the social, cultural, and cognitive processes through which symbolic ideas are produced and exchanged; lastly, scholars working in post- humanistic traditions emphasize the extent to which practices are mediated not only by human but also by material actors (e.g., artifacts and technologies). Taking stock of these perspectives, Schatzki (2001) defines practices as “materially mediated arrays of human activity centrally organized around shared practical understanding” (Shcatzki 2001, 11). In a later work, he expands on this definition by introducing the term “practice-arrangement bundles”—that is, a nexus of practical understandings, social activities, and material artifacts “organized and connected through such relations as causality and intentional directedness” (Schatzki 2012, 15; Schatzki 2005, 471; Schatzki 2014). Underlying this conceptualization is the idea of practices having three distinct social, material and cultural dimensions. In the following three sections, I expand on this perspective by discussing literature related to the cultural, social, and material dimension of practices.

3.2 Cultural Dimension: Culture-as-Practice

The conceptual definition of culture discussed in this section originates in the anthropological literature and was later developed in cultural sociology, cultural studies, and organization studies. In this definition culture is understood as the systems of cultural meanings that underpin social actions and is manifested in discourse, language, stories, rituals, symbols, myths, and worldviews (Sewell 1999; Alexander and Smith 2001).51 The specific approach to

51 This definition is different from a view of culture as the collection of intellectual and artistic works produced by a given society (e.g., as it is used in the context of the term cultural heritage).

70 culture of interest here was advanced during the 1980s as a theoretical counterpoint to other views on the relationship between culture and social action. Sewell (1999) identifies two dominant antecedent perspectives, which he describes as “culture as learned behavior” and “culture as the institutional sphere” (40-41). These perspectives are associated with diverse traditions of theorizing on culture’s relationship to social action and have influence on work including Bourdieu’s concept of habitus (acquired through socialization), Marxist perspectives on ideology (Pines 1997) and the normativist functionalism school of sociology (associated with the work of Talcott Parsons), which saw culture as a system of values, beliefs, and norms transmitted through social institutions (e.g., the state, church, school etc.) that social actors socialize into and orient their actions towards (Parsons 1951; Joas and Knöbl 2009). In between these two perspectives, a new definition of culture as a dynamic and fragmented repertoire of cultural resources and meanings emerged. This new perspective offers a “performative” theoretical view on the relationship between culture and social action in which people learn, master, and selectively deploy cultural resources in the course of social action to pragmatic ends (Sewell 1999, 44-46). The fundamental ontological and epistemological argument being that rather than passively socializing into culture people actively master it as a resource for social action—thus redefining the relationship between agency, action, and culture. One of the most influential conceptualizations of this latter approach to culture—and the one on I primarily draw in my analysis—is known as the culture-as-practice (or the tool- kit theory) approach (Swidler 1986), provides the following perspective:

(1) it offers a view of culture as a “tool kit of symbols, stories, rituals, and worldviews, which, people may use in varying configurations to solve different kinds of problems;” (2) it thus suggests that in order to understand “culture's causal effects” an analytical focus should be placed on the “strategies of action, persistent ways of ordering action through time;” (3) and by doing so it locates “culture's causal significance not in defining ends of action [i.e., providing the norms and values toward which action is oriented], but in providing the cultural components that are used to construct strategies of action” (Swidler 1986, 273 [emphasis in the original]).

71 The conceptual shift here is subtle but significant. What culture offers to social actors, it is argued, is not a system of norms and values that guide the conduct of social action, but a system of cultural resources that actors deploy as means of solving practical problems.52 These resources are organized in tool-kits (or repertoires) of symbols, stories, rituals, and worldviews that are situationally deployed by social actors to provide strategies of action and solve pragmatic problems (Swidler 1986). To understand the causal effects of culture, therefore it is not only necessary to provide “thick descriptions” of cultural elements of a given environment (Geertz 1983), but to also ask causal questions about what people do with culture and what practical problems does culture solve. The culture-as-practice pragmatic tenets provide a useful perspective to examine culture’s relationship to action and thus to practice. On methodological terms, as Sewell (1999) explains, the theoretical goal is to enable researchers to operationalize the concept of culture (e.g., symbols, stories, rituals, and worldviews) “as a collection of variables whose influence on behaviour can be rigorously compared to that of such standard sociological variables as class, ethnicity, gender, level of education, economic interest and the like” (45). Following its initial introduction by Swidler (1986), the approach’s tenets were strengthened by empirical work in cultural and organizational sociology. This work has demonstrated the approach’s ability to provide causal explanation of the relationship between culture and action and has been applied to studies of cultural repertoires (tool-kits) at national, organizational, and individual levels of analysis (Martin 1992; Lamont and Thévenot 2000; Swidler 2003) as well as to comparative studies of cultural repertoires across social-classes and racial groups (Lamont 1992; Lareau 2011).53 The approach’s central tenets were further corroborated by work in cognitive psychology, which has reached similar conclusions on the role of culture in action (DiMaggio 1997).54

52 Within this literature, the cultural mechanisms that actors deploy to solve practical problems are typically referred to as cultural tool-kits but also prominently as cultural repertoires. Both terms have the same meaning and refer to the “symbols, stories, rituals, and worldviews, which, people may use in varying configurations to solve different kinds of problems” (Swidler 1986, 273). Often, though, within this literature, the term culture is used to refer to tool-kit or repertoires. I use the terms interchangeably here, hoping that is clear that when I write culture, in the context of the present discussion, I mean cultural tool-kits or repertoires 53 As one of the most—to my mind—exquisite examples of the culture-as-practice perspective potential for providing causal explanation, See Lareau (2011) analysis of differences in parenting styles across social classes. For causal, explanation in interpretive researcher (See, Reed 2011; Lichterman and Reed 2015). 54 All this leading to the emergence of the pragmatic view of culture as a major perspective (and perhaps a paradigm) in the contemporary research on culture in sociology (See, Eliasoph and Lichterman 2013; Patterson 2014).

72 Importantly, for Swidler (1986) culture is used to solve practical problems, but culture does not motivate the problems it solves. Rather culture is “more like a style or a set of skills and habits than a set of preferences or wants” (Swidler 1986, 275). Swidler saw the motivations for using culture as being set by “institutionally-defined problems.” This idea is best elucidated through an example from an empirical study in which Swidler (2003) examines the institution of marriage. She discovers that while the institution of marriage sets the legal and normative expectations for marriage, it leaves out many practical problems unaddressed. One such problem is how to find a marriage partner. Swidler’s (2003) analysis showed that it is in such gaps—when institutional rules and norms cannot provide support to practical action—that culture thrives. Specifically, Swidler (2003) observed that when confronted with the problem of how to find a marriage partner, the cultural myth of “true love” comes to provide practical strategies for action, providing different models of what true love should look like. Empirically this was demonstrated by Swidler’s (2003) research participants elaborating their understanding of true love in relation to a set of cultural myths: a sudden and certain passion (love at first sight), respect between independent spouses, close devotion (all or nothing love), etc. These findings led Swidler to conclude that “[a]s institutions constrict discretion, they reduce the need for cultural elaboration” and that culture flourishes precisely in the gaps left open by institutions “where people must put together lines of action in relation to established institutional options” (Swidler 2003, 133). In this analysis, Swidler (2003) also finds that people “know more culture than they need,” and that they selectively deploy cultural tools to retroactively justify their actions. Culture, then, she argues “describes our own organization of action, and multiple cultural meanings remain in suspension as long as we have many kinds of action to organize” (Swidler 2003, 133). Another important characteristic of culture’s relationship to action is that it is during “unsettled cultural periods”—when the external environment changes and institutional frameworks are weakened—that culture has the greatest agency in shaping action, making “possible new strategies of action” to be elaborated at the group and individual levels (Swidler 1986, 276-280; Swidler 2003, 131).55

55 Swidler’s (1986) definition of “unsettled cultural periods” is broad enough to encompass large-scale social process such (e.g., the industrial revolution) and induvial social processes (e.g., adolescence, becoming a parent, etc.). The idea in both cases is that during such unsettled periods people draw on culture to elaborate new strategies for action (Swidler 1986, 276-280).

73 The culture-as-practice perspective has been criticized for lacking a motivation account of action and having an unclear position on were culture is (in the mind or in the external world) (Vaisey 2008 & 2009). The response to the former criticism is that the use of culture is motivated—as noted earlier— by “institutionally-defined problems.” The response to the latter is that cultural capacities are encoded in, and organized by, “codes, contexts, and institutions” (Swidler 2001; 2003; 2008). This position bears out with work in cognitive psychology, similarly indicating that culture is “offloaded” into the external environment (Lizardo and Strand 2010, 206-208) and its use is “situationally cued” (DiMaggio 1997, 265). On more concrete terms, this view implies that people solve problems in their social environment by drawing on cultural resources available in, and appropriate for this environment—i.e., they would act differently and draw on different cultural resources across institutional contexts (e.g., at work and home).56

3.2.1 Culture and Institutions

Institutional theory is the primary area where organization studies meets cultural sociology. The concepts of institutions and culture are close to the extent that “may be perceived as two metaphors used to think of very similar phenomena” (Zilber 2012, 88). The concept of institutions has been raised several times already (particularly in sections 1.3 & 2.3), and it is time to be discussed in more depth. As the analysis of the literature shows, in recent years, institutional theory has taken a turn that aligns its analytical perspective and concerns with those of the culture-as-practice perspective. Scott (2014) defines institutions as comprising “regulative, normative, and cultural- cognitive elements that, together with associated activities and resources provide stability and meaning to social life” (56). The regulative elements of institutions comprise rules and laws that regulate the conduct of social life (Scott 2014, 59-64). The normative elements of institutions set the social expectations and obligations of how it is appropriate to act in a particular situation (Scott 2014, 64-66). And, what Scott (2014) calls the cultural-cognitive elements of institutions provide the “taken-for-granted, shared understandings” that prop the

56 We will return to this point in the subsequent section on tacit knowledge.

74 stability of meaning in social life (66-70). Institutional theorists argue that institutions predate modern organizations (e.g., religions; marriage) but modern organizations are never outside of institutions. Within this framework, the question of the extent to, and processes through which, institutions shape organizational behaviour has been a focal interest for institutional theory. As Scott (2014) shows, the normative and regulative pillars of institutions have been studied extensively in social and political theory dating back to the 19th century (1-10). The cultural-cognitive elements of institutions, however, were conceptualized and began being studied seriously as recently as the 1980s within the context of the sub-field of neo- institutionalism (Scott 2014, 67; DiMaggio and Powell 1991). While traditional (or old) institutionalism was interested in how institutions shape values, norms, and attitudes, the neo- institutionalism shifted focus on understanding how institutions provide routines, scripts, and schemas people draw on to make sense of social and organizational life and to meaningfully engage with it. This perspective in institutional theory aligns with the culture-as-practice perspective discussed above. This is particularly the case in relation to the concept of institutional logics. Institutional logics are defined as the “set of material practices and symbolic constructions” that provide organizing principles to social action (Friedland and Alford 1991, 246) and more recently as the “frames of reference that condition actors’ choices for sensemaking, the vocabulary they use to motivate action, and their sense of self and identity” (Thornton, Ocasio, and Lounsbury 2012, 2).57 Current work on institutional logic shows that multiple logics can operate in a single organization (Thornton and Ocasio; 1999; Kraatz and Block 2008; Binder 2006; Besharov and Smith 2014; Yu 2015; ), that they have causal influence on organizational practices (Lounsbury and Crumley 2007; Labatut, Aggeri, and Girard 2012; Lounsbury 2008); and support cultural repertoires for evaluation (McPherson and Sauder 2013; Voronov, De Clercq, and Hinings 2013; Gerber and Childress 2017). In the context of institutional theory, analyzing cultural tools in practice serves to elaborate on the “micro-foundations” of institutional logics by revealing the role of cultural meanings in organizational practice (Powell and Colyvas 2008; Zilber 2008).

57 For an introduction, See Thornton and Ocasio 2008.

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3.2.2 Culture-as-Practice at Work: Epistemic Culture and Related Approaches

The culture-as-practice perspective has had an impact in many areas of inquiry seeking to explicate culture’s causal effects on practice. A highly-influential application is Knorr- Cetina’s (1999) concept of epistemic culture. With the goal of studying the production of scientific knowledge in high-energy physics and molecular biology, Knorr-Cetina (1999) defines epistemic culture as the “aggregate patterns and dynamics that are on display in expert practices and vary in different settings of expertise” (8-11). This conceptualization allows to comparatively examine the symbolic, technological, and social “arrangements and mechanisms” through which scientific fields produce knowledge. In the science and technology studies, Knorr-Cetina’s (1999) approach marked a departure from earlier work that examines the agency of human actors and non-human artifacts in the production of scientific knowledge through an action-theory framework (Latour and Woolgar 1979; Knorr- Cetina 1981a; Pickering 1995; See, Knorr-Cetina 1999, 9). The goal of transgressing the action-theory framework by introducing the concept of epistemic culture is not to rebuke the constructive agency of human and non-human actors in knowledge production, but to shift the analytical focus to the social and material context within which agency is situated. As Knorr-Cetina (2005) explains “if the focus in the early [agency oriented] studies was on knowledge construction, the focus in an epistemic culture approach is on the construction of the machineries of knowledge construction” (68). The concept of epistemic culture, as such, seeks to designate the social arrangements, technological tools, and cultural tool-kits or repertoires that scientific fields deploy to solve practical problems—the persistent “arrangement and mechanisms” that make possible knowledge production possible in a domain and organization. Notably—perhaps because of her prior work in science and technology studies—Knorr-Cetina (1999) shows in detail how material artifacts (e.g., scientific tools and instruments) are equally part of the cultural tool- kits deployed in scientific practices, because it is not only their materiality and function but the way they are understood and perceived that shapes the way they are used (26-43). This work has successfully demonstrated that scientific fields exhibit unique epistemic cultures and that these cultures can be mapped out in relation to the social, material, and cultural “arrangements and mechanisms” of practice.

76 A similar perspective on culture has been influential in organization studies (Dobbin 1994, 141). This interest in culture as a tool-kit of strategies of action builds on the already established during the 1980s interest in organizational culture in organization studies (Smircich 1983a&b; Barley 1983; Schein 1996). A highly influential approach in organization studies with tenets similar to the culture-as-practice perspectives is Weick’s (1995) sensemaking approach, which focuses on how organizational actors engage and interpret reality through a variety of frameworks of understanding. But beyond Weick’s contribution, as a recent review indicates, the “contemporary cultural research [in organizations] emphasizes individual agency in the use of culture,” an analytical focus made possible “by theorizing culture less as a tightly interlocked web of meaning and more as a reservoir of relatively small and independent bits of meaning” (Weber and Dacin 2011, 289).

3.2.3 Tacit Knowledge

Tacit knowledge is a topic of interest to scholars of organizations and information (Nonaka 1991; Choo 2000). As Choo (2000) explains, in information research, tacit knowledge is understood as:

the personal knowledge used by members to perform their work and to make sense of their worlds. It is learned through extended periods of experiencing and doing a task, during which the individual develops a feel for and a capacity to make intuitive judgements about the successful execution of the activity. . . [s]ince tacit knowledge is experiential and contextualised, it cannot be easily codified, written down or reduced to rules and recipes (395)

Tacit knowledge is both embodied and cognitive. Moreover, it is important not only because it is hidden and experiential, and as such impervious to codification and didactic instruction, but because it is the hallmark of expertise. Dreyfus and Dreyfus (2005) offer a five-stage model of expert-learning. Tacit knowledge is one of the characteristic features of stage five (expertise). As they explain:

the ability to make more subtle and refined discriminations is what distinguishes the expert from the proficient performer. . . [t]hat is, with enough experience in a variety of situations, all seen from the same perspective but requiring different tactical decisions, the brain of the expert gradually decomposes this class of situations into

77 subclasses, each of which requires a specific response. This allows the immediate intuitive situational response that is characteristic of expertise (787).

It is generally accepted that tacit knowledge (and expertise) are acquired through practice. How tacit knowledge is acquired and transmitted at cognitive and symbolic levels, however, remain areas of research interest in the literature (Choo 2006; Dalkir 2013). The culture-as- practice perspective suggests that “skills, habits, practices, and other cultured capacities as intuitive capacities for perception and judgment, that have to be learned and that people can’t perform with confidence unless they get reasonably good at them’’ are grounded in “codes, contexts, and institutions” (Swidler 2008, & 2001; 2003). Lizardo and Strand (2010) describe this perspective as “externalized cultural scaffolding theory of cognition,” and offer the following characterization of the communitarian and constructivist learning process it presupposes:

In the [culture-as-practice] toolkit theory of culture, in place of the social actor cogitating in an inner realm of detailed means-ends normative representations, we confront the practical agent acting as an equal partner in the generation of creative and adaptive social responses (e.g. strategies of action) by relying on the coupled resources minds, codes, contexts and institutions (Lizardo and Strand 2010, 208).

This view suggests that tacit knowledge is acquired in practice by engaging with the “codes, contexts and institutions” of an organization and through interaction with other human and nonhuman (e.g., technological) actors. It is a process of embodied and cognitive learning, “constituted in actual, physical situations as it is in the mind” (Willems 2017, 1). Tacit knowledge as such is personal and internalized, but that does not mean that it is completely individualistic. Other practice theory work on organizational learning shows that tacit knowledge and expertise are externalized in the “community of practice” and as such traverse across various organizational and national contexts while still providing the pragmatic basis of cognition and action in local situations (Wenger 1998; for more recent accounts, See, Gherardi 2009b & 2009c; Takhteyev 2012). Studying culture, through the perspective developed here, offers a view onto tacit knowledge, indicating how tacit knowledge may be acquired and transmitted and what material arrangements and social mechanisms may support these processes.

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3.3 Practice as a Group Accomplishment: Action, Interaction, and Time

Sociological analysis of social actions and interactions has a long lineage that can be traced back to the 1960-70s ethnomethodology and symbolic interactionism approaches (Dennis, Philburn, and Smith, 2013). These two approaches focus extensively on the subjective interpretations supporting processes of social interaction. The differences between the two are subtle. According to Dennis (2011), the primary difference is that “[f]or symbolic interactionists, the sense of interaction depends entirely on actors’ interpretations and understandings,” while in ethnomethodology, interpretations and understandings unfold through a structural process of rule-taking, where “any interactional move is reflexively tied to its context: action, sense, and situation are mutually elaborative in situ.” (349). Ethnomethodology has been influential in a variety of disciplines examining technology and practice at the micro level, while symbolic interactionism has been influential in cultural sociology.58 Because the central arguments in cultural sociology were discussed in the previous section, this section focuses on ethnomethodological arguments on the nature of interaction as a turn-taking process. Doing so highlights the insights analyzing the patterned conventions of human interaction can offer for the study of workplace practices. Ethnomethodology emphasizes the significance of “the local, moment-by-moment determination of meaning in social contexts” (Heritage 1984, 2). Essential to this idea is the view that social “actors, in carrying actions, employ numerous techniques and procedures to make these actions portrayable and accountable and that in this way they produce the reality of social facts” (Bergmann 2004, 77). Predicated on these ideas, the central objective of ethnomethodological research has historically been to examine the sociological significance of the “common-sense knowledge and the range of procedures and considerations by means

58 In an article about the use of methods in cultural sociology Lamont and Swidler (2014) discuss this point in passing. They write “[t]he relationship between symbolic interactionism (where ethnography has historically been the preferred method of data collection) and cultural sociology is a complex one, in part because the influence of the former declined as the latter increased. At the same time, the two subfields are closely intertwined as a number of leading cultural sociologists are ethnographers, have been influenced by symbolic interactionism, or would self-define as interactionists” (footnote 7, p. 155)

79 of which the ordinary members of society make sense of, find their way about in, and act on the circumstances in which they find themselves” (Heritage 1984, 4). Beginning in 1980s, ethnomethodology had a major impact on the disciplines of human-computer interaction, science and technology studies, and workplace studies (Lynch 1993, Heath, Knoblauch, and Luff 2000; Suchman 2007; Szymanski and Whalen 2011; Tolmie and Rouncefield 2012). Ethnomethodology provides both arguments and methodological insight to these disciplines. The central argument ethnomethodology has had to offer is that meaning vested in social practice is not invisible and hidden but “it is commonplace and on the surface” (Lynch 1997, 338).59 The methodological insight it has had to offer mandates that “methods essential to work (and organization) will be found in details of attention and mutually oriented methods of work, and ordered properties of mutual action, rather than abstract formulations” (Rawls 2008, 702). Collectively these two arguments suggest that the common meanings holding together organizational practices are established in, and therefore can be analyzed based on, the mundane details of interaction at work. Two ethnomethodological concepts of interest to the present analysis are: accountability and interaction order. Accountability is the process of rendering an interactional move mutually comprehensible and intelligible. The concept of accountability is premised on the idea that “context and action are mutually constructive” as such the mutual coherence of a situation is an “interactional accomplishment” (Dennis, Philburn, and Smith, 2013, 52; Dennis 2013, 353). In the same vein, Suchman (2007) explains, it is “our everyday practices that render the world publicly available and mutually intelligible” (76). In this view, mutually shared meanings emerge in the temporality of interaction, in between the interactional moves of actors. Interaction order is intricately connected to accountability. It designates the sequential unfolding of practice in time allowing “participants to orient to the sense of one another’s activities, and in this way to contribute to the temporal development of those activities”

59 Randall and Sharrock (2011) similarly state that ethnomethodology “holds that social order can be found within a social setting, through the practical analysis of the features of the social setting, as a part of the practical production of the activities of that setting” (7 [emphasis in the original]).

80 (Lynch 1993, 15 cited in Nicolini 2012, 136).60 The interaction order as such has a symbolic and temporal logic.61 Analyzing practice from an ethnomethodological perspective brings to light the “interactional what of practice”—that is, the “details of work, and in particular the tacit, seen but unnoticed, social and interactional resources on which participants rely in the practical accomplishment of organizational activities” (Heath, Knoblauch, and Luff 2000, 316). The ethnomethodological concepts of accountability and interaction order focus the analysis on the moves through which groups organize action through time (Rawls 2005), and asks to examine the “the tacit, seen but unnoticed, social and interactional resources” that make interaction possible in the workplace (Heath, Knoblauch, and Luff 2000).

3.4 Socio-materiality

It is widely recognized that because “technology and contemporary work practices saturate each other, further efforts to theorize practice must encompass technology in organizations” (Orlikowsi and Scott 2008, 462;).62 This section present a theoretical perspective on technology in organizations. This perspective has been influential in the organization studies (Orlikowsi and Scott 2008; Leonardi 2012), information systems (Mitev 2005), workplace studies (Suchman, et al. 1999; Heath, Knoblauch, and Luff 2000; Szymanski and Whalen 2011) and science and technology studies (Latour 1999; 2005) literature, and it is generally referred as socio-materiality perspective. Work in the socio-materiality perspective on technology centres on two primary question (1) how technology is influenced by the social dynamics in organizations, and conversely, (2) how technology influences the social dynamics of organizations. With regard to the first question, as Leonardi (2012) explains, the socio-material perspective postulates that “whereas materiality might be a property of technology, socio-materiality represents that

60 The extent to which the interaction order of activities matters for establishing mutual intelligibility is best understood in relation to the so-called breaching experiment conducted by Harold Garfinkel and his students. See, Heritage 1984 (78-83); and also Breaching experiment. Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Breaching_experiment 61 One of the breaching experiments Garfinkel conducted involved saying “hello” at the end of the conversation; thus, disturbing the temporal logic of the interaction order. See URL above. 62 A central influence on the development of these ideas in organization studies has been the so-called social construction of technology school of thought (Collins and Pinch 1982; MacKenzie and Wajcman 1985; Bijker 1995). For an overview and discussion, see Orlikowski and Gash (1994).

81 enactment of particular set of activities that meld materiality with institutions, norms, discourses, and all other phenomena we typically define as social” (34). With regard to the second question, the socio-material perspective suggests that “[i]n addition to studying social dynamics such as perception and interpretation, paying attention to what a technology lets users do, what it does not let them do, and to the workarounds that they develop to address the latter” is central to understanding how technology shapes organizational practices (Leonardi and Barley 2008, 164). From a socio-material perspective, then, technology is seen as simultaneously shaping organizational practices, and being shaped by them. The following sections suggest how these dynamics can be analyzed by introducing four socio-material concepts. The first is entanglement, a concept that sets the broad epistemological and ontological arguments for a relational view on the agency of human actors and material artifacts in practice. The following three concepts are affordance, workarounds, and genre. They have a different analytical purpose in the present analysis—each of the three concepts identifies potential mechanisms through which human and material agency become entangled.

3.4.1 Entanglement

The concept of socio-material entanglement originates in the relational terms of Actor- Network Theory’s view on human and non-human mediation of action. According to Latour (1999) the relationship between human and non-human agents (or “actants”) could not be sufficiently explicated in relation to the classical view in which humans employ a non-human object (a tool or technology) in order to satisfy a specific goal.63 As an alternative to this view, Latour argues that when human actants use a specific technology they do not simply engage with a neutral object that unambiguously translate their agency into an outcome. Rather they engage with a material artifact that already has a predetermined function (a

63 Latour opts for the term “actant” because it is more suitable for the discussion of the agency of non-human entities and does not carry the semantic baggage that link the terms “actor” or “agent” to human agency. In his discussion of the ways in which the action of firing a gun changes the ontological status of both the human who fires it and the gun that is being fired, Latour (2005) writes: “We must learn to attribute—redistribute—actions to many more agents then are acceptable in either the maetrailist or sociological account. Agents can be human or (like the gun) nonhuman, and each can have goals (or functions, as engineers prefer to say). Since the word “agent” in the case of nonhumans is uncommon, a better term, as we have seen, is actant.” (180).

82 “script”). By virtue of being enfolded into social action, this artifact comes to influence the final outcome of the action and in the process can also redefine the original goal (Latour 1999, 178-179). This understanding of the use of materiality as a medium facilitating the two-way flow of human and nonhuman agency leads Latour (1999) to conclude that the “prime mover of action”—and the proper level of analysis of socio-material phenomena—is neither the human or non-human actant but rather the “nested series of practices whose sum may be possible to add up but only if we respect the mediating role of all actants mobilized in the series” (181). To understand technology-mediated practices, Latour (1999) suggests, we must pay attention to both human and non-human agency. The concepts of affordances, workarounds, and genres map out three complementary perspectives for describing and analyzing socio-material entanglements.

3.4.2 Affordance

The concept of affordance designates a set of socio-material entanglement mechanisms. In studies of information technology in organizations, affordances are defined as a set of characteristics that make various technologies more or less suitable to different types of use. But, by virtue of the concept’s origins in ecological psychology, the argument is that affordances are not solely a property of the technology but emerge at the intersection of materiality, affect, and mediation constructed in relation to the context of use; they are adaptive and conducive to multiple uses (Gibson 2014 [1979]).64 As Leonardi (2011) observes, virtually all contemporary technologies in organizations are designed in way that allows them to support more than one articulation of workplace practices. He thus describes technologies in modern organizations as flexible technologies designed to meet flexible organizational routines. A central property of these flexible technologies allowing them to meet flexible organization routines are their affordances. As Leonardi (2011) explains, the “concept of affordance is useful in explaining why human and material agencies become imbricated: Technologies have material properties, but those material properties afford different possibilities for action based on the contexts in which they are used. Although the

64 As such, the concept of affordance is similar to what Latour (1999) calls a “script” (in the previous section).

83 material properties of technology are common to each person who encounters them, the affordances of that artifact are not. Affordances are unique to the particular ways in which an actor perceives materiality” (153 [emphasis added]).

3.4.3 Workarounds

Another concept useful for studying socio-material entanglement is the concept of workarounds. To understand this concept, it is useful to contrast it with other views on the articulation between technology and organizational practices. One leading view in this line of analysis is that technology and organizational practices adapt to one another reciprocally, with neither of the two having an undue influence on the other. The reasoning being that while technology influences practices, its functioning is equally conditioned by human agency and reflects personal and organizational interests (Barley, 1990; Orlikowski 1992; DeSanctis and Poole 1994; Leonardi 2011). Much of this work follows the blueprint of Anthony Giddens’ structuration theory (Jones and Karsten 2008). The concept of structuration is a good conceptual tool to think with when analyzing the intersection of technology and workplace practices. It is, moreover, undoubtedly valid in the context of my analysis, given that numerous empirical studies on the adoption of digital technology in news production environments indicate that new technologies engender changes in news production practices but do not fundamentally change their core tenets (Cottle and Ashton 1999; Avilés and Bienvenido 2002; Boczkowski 2004 & 2010; Molster 2010).65 Yet, structuration is not the only perspective through which socio-material dynamic could be analyzed. Alongside structuration, authors have also advocated for the concept of workarounds. This concept has a history in the workplace studies and information systems literature. Gerson and Star (1986) define workarounds as “misfits with the idealized representations of work that requirements have represented,” and as often necessary

65 For example, Cottle and Ashton (1999) conclude that while digital technologies have “undoubtedly facilitated a change in working practices as the means to achieve cost savings and efficiency gains, increased pressures of work relating to multi-skilled practices and multi-media news production are unlikely to encourage radical new directions in program making” (46); Avilés and Bienvenido (2002) conclude that despite the “increasing pressures [brought about by digital technologies], the existence of a specific journalistic culture ensures that a set of shared practices and values continues to exist in newsrooms” (98); Boczkowski (2004) concludes that changes in digital newsrooms “cannot be solely attributed to the properties of new technologies but also to the production processes that mediate actors’ adoption of these artifacts” (208).

84 articulations “to meet local resource constraints, deadlines, configuration limitations, or a mix of technical capacities” (266-267). Spinuzzi (2003), who has studied workplace practices, also observes that workarounds emerge when patterns of work are confronted with structural constraints imposed by new technologies (215).66 Through an exhaustive literature review on the topic, Alter (2014, 1044) defines workarounds as:

a goal-driven adaptation, improvisation, or other change to one or more aspects of an existing work system in order to overcome, bypass, or minimize the impact of obstacles, exceptions, anomalies, mishaps, established practices, management expectations, or structural constraints that are perceived as preventing that work system or its participants from achieving a desired level of efficiency, effectiveness, or other organizational or personal goals

According to Alter (2014), several drivers can trigger the emergence of workarounds, and likewise, workarounds can have a variety of consequences. The unique view a goal-driven adaptation of technology into organizational practices, thus usefully supplements the structuration perspective. It also furnishes us with a third view on the processes through which technology and objects may become entangled in organizational practices.

3.4.4 Genre

Lastly, a concept useful to introduce under the rubric of socio-materiality is the concept of genre. This concept is useful because it enables the analysis of the discursive agency of objects and technologies. As such it is particularly well suited to the analysis of information representation tools such as plans, charts, databases, or metadata models. Work in information studies reveals that information representation tools are central to information practices (Pollock 2012; Dourish and Mazmanian 2013). Similarly, work in archival science, reveals that archival practices are highly dependent on the tools of systematic representation of information (e.g., finding aids) (e.g., Yakel 2001; Trace and Dillon 2012; MacNeil 2005; 2011; 2012). Digital curation is similarly saturated with discursive artifacts (e.g., metadata). In light of this, a concept that underlines the role of discursive artifacts in situated practice is highly useful to the analysis of digital curation practices.

66 Spinuzzi’s (2003) work will also be discussed in the next section, for reasons that will become clear then.

85 The concept of genre we originally developed in rhetoric and literary studies to classify the formal characteristics of forms of discourse. It was further extended during the 1980s by placing analytical focus of the relationship between discourse and social action (Miller 1984). The definition of genre as elements of social action rests on two arguments. The first is that discursive artifacts (textual or verbal) are not solely sources of information but artifacts that have social agency (what Latour would call “actants”). The second argument further specifies the tenets of the first by clarifying how genres acquire a degree of social agency. The argument being that by virtue of their recurrent use within a specific social situation, discursive artifacts become associated (entangled) with those situations. Genres thus become part of a “common stock” of “rhetorical forms” belonging to a social group, and their use becomes directly associated with “a set of particular social patterns and expectations” (Miller 1984, 158). They become, as it were, “typified rhetorical actions based in recurrent situations” (Miller 1984, 159). Genres as such are communication mechanisms used in social interactions, which in later work Miller (2003) describes as belonging to a “rhetorical community.” This definition of genre has been explored by a variety of authors in the field of organization studies and organizational communication, who have built on the idea that genres enable “particular cultures to configure situations and ways of acting” (Bawarshi and Reiff 2010, 78) and have examined how genres “coordinate the work of organizations” (Schryer 2010, 1934). More specifically, genres have been described as a “rhetorical tools-in- use” that serve to establish a cohesion among members of a specific organization (Russell 1997, 546). In this line of thinking, by drawing on Giddens’ theory of structuration, Yates and Orlikowski (2002) argue that “[w]hen individuals draw on the rules of certain genres of organizational communication (genres as the vehicle of communicative action), they also reproduce these genres over time (genres as the outcome of communicative action)” and thus “in effect, sustain the legitimacy of those rules through their actions” (302). As Yates and Orlikowski (2002) observe, the significance of genres in the context of organizational practices is not limited to their utility as discursive artifacts, rather they are a type of “interactional templates that participants draw on across media, time, and space” (18). Genres, conceptualized in this way, do not only need to be textual artifacts to have a discursive agency. Material artifacts equally well can “perform some of the work entailed in establishing and maintaining social interactions” (Carlile, Langley, and Tsoukas 2013, 7; See

86 also Latour 1999, 174-216 and Orlikowski 2007). Working in the field of information design and human-computer interaction, Spinuzzi (2003) has used the genre concept as a lens to examine how information artifacts such as maps, databases, spreadsheets, and computer interfaces are articulated in practice. Thus, he has theorized genres as traditions of practical activities that delimit the social perception of the use and usefulness of information artifacts. For Spinuzzi, genres are not “discrete artifacts, but traditions that make their way into the artifact as form-shaping ideology” (Spinuzzi 2003, 41 [emphasis in the original]). Based on these ideas, it can be argued, further, that just as typified rhetorical forms of communication “software tools [also] encapsulate craft knowledge, working practices, and cultural assumptions [and that] these encapsulated qualities are reproduced with each new software revision, often enduring for decades” (Haigh 2009, 7 cited in Blanchette 2011, 1055-1056). This conceptual redefinition of genre highlights its efficacy as an analytical lens for examining how technological artifacts mediate workplace practices—as discursive elements of culture akin to documents. Genres, as conceptualized by the authors discussed above, stabilize social interactions at the workplace, mediating in the ongoing process of technological change and offering means for understanding how an activity that in the past was done with one set of discursive, material, and technological tools is now done with a different set of tools. Distinctively, this also allows to determine when new genres emerge in the situated context of workplace practices—that is to say, to sight “when a new conjunction of form and purpose becomes recognized by its community as different from the old” (Yate and Orlikowski 2002, 545). Importantly, genres of workplace practice change not when workplace technologies change, but when the “traditions” and established ways of “acting together” in the workplace change (Foscarini 2014, 2).

3.5 Evaluative Practices

The practices of evaluation have in the past decade become a research area of wide transdisciplinary interest.67 Evaluation is a ubiquitous social process occurring across a range

67 In this literature, evaluation and valuation are often paired and contrasted. The difference is subtle and important. As Lamont (2012) explains: “valuation practices (giving worth or value) and evaluative practices (assessing how an entity attains a certain type of worth) are often conflated in the literature, and intertwined in reality” (Lamont 2012, 205).

87 of social settings and of relevance to a range of substantive areas in the social sciences including the study of social hierarchies, public governance, economic markets, cultural and knowledge production, inequality, management, and innovation (Lamont 2012, 202-204). For many disciplines, studying evaluation within the context of their respective areas has garnered novel insights. The study of evaluation could similarly advance the knowledge on digital curation and related information practices. As discussed in chapter 2, appraisal is one important evaluative practice in digital curation and digital preservation is arguably another. But beyond that, it is reasonable to expect to find evaluative practices at other stages of a digital curation lifecycle, given that the defining objectives of digital curation presuppose some form of evaluation. This section reviews the literature on evaluative practices to provide a perspective on what their study entails and highlight current theoretical insights. Questions of relevance to evaluation have been studied before in work on classification and standardization (Bowker and Star 1999; Lampland and Star 2009; Timmermans and Epstein 2010). These studies have examined the social and political processes of creating, adopting, and naturalizing standards but only marginally the situated practices of applying them. More recently, the focus has shifted with scholars’ showing a greater interest in the practice of evaluation. This work has examined financial evaluation of cultural and economic goods, the operating logics of the mechanisms supporting market exchange and other topics in financial markets (Callon and Muniesa 2005; Karpik 2010; Castelle et al. 2016). In a similar vein, extensive attention has been placed on studying the social nature and consequence of quantification in evaluation (Espeland and Stevens 1998; 2009). Parallel to that, other work has examined the pragmatics of applying moral principles of justification in the public sphere (Boltanski and Thévenot 2006), the pragmatics of taste and connoisseurship (Hennion 2004; Wijnberg and Gemser 2000; De Valck and Soeteman 2010), and the evaluation of creative ideas and innovation at individual, group, and organizational levels of analysis (Harvey and Kou 2013; Antal, Hutter, and Stark 2015). Lastly, a dedicated strand of research has emerged on non-monetary practices of evaluating cultural and symbolic goods including studies on book reviewing (Chong 2011, 2013, 2015) and academic peer-review (Lamont 2009; Hirschauer 2010).

Although the difference between the two is blurred, my focus aligns more with evaluative practices as this conceptualization better reflects non-monetary evaluations, a topic which will be discussed in this section.

88 Work on evaluative practices finds its theoretical foundations in several sources. One is the thinking of the pragmatist philosopher John Dewey who has extensively dealt with the topic of value (Muniesa 2012). In this perspective, studying evaluative practices is justified on the grounds of Dewey’s argument that “value both as an idea and as existence depends upon judgement on what to do,” a position proposing that value comes into existence only as an outcome (a product) of evaluation (Dewey 1915, 516, cited in Muniesa 2012, 26). Thus, in a characteristic twist for the pragmatist school of thought, Dewey moved the discussion of value away from axiological deliberations and places it on the pragmatics of evaluation.68 Following this line of thought, scholars of evaluation see the study of value as inseparable from the study the contextual constraints, rules, norms, tools, and practices in relation to which value comes to be recognized and defined (cf. Muniesa 2012; Kornberger et al. 2015, 8-10). A central interest for this strand of research is how subjective judgments of value become established as inter-subjective agreements on value. Another influence on scholars of evaluative practices has been Bourdieu’s work on the evaluation of symbolic goods in the field of cultural production. In particular, these scholars have criticized Bourdieu inspired analysis of cultural production for their narrow focus on broader structural—i.e., field—dynamics (e.g., the inner workings of the institutions and markets for symbolic goods), at the expense of attention to the “actual evaluative practices and deliberations on the ground” (Beljean, Chong, and Lamont 2016, 41). Consequently, these scholars have called for an empirical and analytical work on evaluative practices “on the ground” in an effort to fill in the “blind-spots” in Bourdieu’s work (Beljean, Chong, and Lamont 2016). A third philosophical influence has been the work of Boltanski and Thévenot (2006) and their concepts of “orders of worth” and “regimes of justification”—two concepts that demarcate competing frameworks of moral principles that guide practical reasoning. Boltanski and Thévenot (2006) see these principles as organized in groupings (regimes) and as being applied in the contexts of varying institutions and contexts, but also as transcending any one given situation and having a stable ontological basis. The regimes of justification thus serve as frameworks fostering social interaction, communication, and cohesion among and within groups. Disagreement occurs when principles belonging to competing “regimes”

68 An introduction to American pragmatists thought is available in Misak (2013).

89 are intermixed in the public sphere, resulting in incommensurability of values and inability of reaching an inter-subjective agreement. A key implication Boltanski and Thévenot (2006) ideas have had on empirical research on evaluation is to draw “attention on one, very specific category of practical reasoning, namely, the range of arguments and principles of evaluation which individuals deploy in the process of trying to define what may be the most proper or legitimate action or standard of action” (Silber 2003, 429). This work, while distinctive, is in many ways congruent with the tenets of the culture-as-practice perspective and the institutional logics perspective, discussed earlier (See, Silber 2003; Diaz-Bone 2014). Where Boltanski and Thévenot (2006) see “orders of worth” and “regimes of justification,” other scholars see cultural tool-kits and institutional logics. Perhaps because of this homology, Boltanski and Thévenot (2006) ideas have been well received in organization studies (Jagd 2011; Boxenbaum 2014; Cloutier, Gond, and Leca 2017) and are also making inroads in information research (Ekbia and Evans 2009; Huvila 2015). Lastly, a fourth influence has been the culture-as-practice perspective. This is particularly the case with scholars working on non-monetary evaluation, who have used the concept to examine cultural tool-kits (repertoires) of evaluative practices and their corresponding social and material arrangements and mechanisms (cf. Lamont 2009; Chong 2013). The focus of this work most closely aligns with the focus of the present study because, as discussed in chapter 2, evaluation in digital curation (e.g., in appraisal or evaluation of significant properties for digital preservation) pertains primarily to the non-monetary evaluations of authenticity and value and in many ways takes on the trappings of a scholarly act. Lamont (2012) provides an agenda for the study of evaluative practices directing analytical focus to (1) the methods of comparison; (2) criteria and conventions, (3) evaluator’s self-conception, and (4) tools used in evaluation (211). In this line of work, Lamont (2009) has shown that different domains of knowledge-making practices exhibit unique articulations of methods of comparison, criteria, conventions, and tools of evaluation.69 Following Knorr-Cetina (1999), Lamont (2009) defines these articulations as “evaluative cultures” (6). Chong (2013) has corroborated this concept by providing

69 Hence, Lamont’s (2012) call for a comparative sociology of evaluation and valuation.

90 comparative analysis of the evaluative culture of book reviewing and also by drawing parallels to the work of Swidler (1986). Another theme in the work of both Lamont (2009) and Chong (2013; 2015) is the subjectivity and emotions of evaluators. In her analysis of multidisciplinary grant and scholarship adjudication panels in the US, Lamont (2009) discovers that “emotions, self- interest, and expertise” are deeply intertwined and engaged in group processes of evaluation, but also observes that all three are managed and regulated in relation to the strategies afforded by the evaluative culture of panel peer-review; thus, she designates the evaluative culture as the primary mechanisms for coordinating “actions and judgments” in evaluation (240). Lamont (2009) also analyzes the difference between the abstract principles of academic excellence held by members of different disciplines (e.g., history, economics, anthropology) (53-107). It is because of this diversity of principles, in Lamont’s (2009) view, that the strategies of action afforded by an “evaluative culture” take precedence in guiding evaluative practice at the group level, as evaluators seeks to reach an inter-subjective agreement. In her study of non-fiction book reviewing, Chong (2013) discovers that in the absence of clear objective criteria of value, emotions, preferences, and intuitions (i.e., subjectivity) become primary “tools” for evaluation. Chong (2013) thus suggest that that subjectivity’s role in evaluation is stronger when the clear principles of value are absent or difficult to agree on. In subsequent work, Chong (2015) examines evaluation at the inter-group level. She shows that book reviewers, many of whom are also practicing authors, are concerned with how their reviews will be perceived by their peer-community and consequently shows how book reviewers’ awareness of their position in the “field” along with their emotions and self- interest inform the content of their evaluations.70 Lamont (2009) also studies the inter-group level of evaluative practice arguing that grant peer-review panelists “engage in a genuinely social—that is interactional—micro-political process of decision making” through which subjective judgments at the individual level are transformed into inter-subjective agreements on value at the group level (246). Hirschauer (2010) analysis of editorial peer-review panels likewise leads him to conclude that peer-review is “not an asymmetrical evaluation in which a reader looks at a text but involves reciprocal observations of judgments [within the group]

70 On the blind-spots of Bourdieusian thought, See Beljean, Chong, and Lamont (2016) discussed in on the page above.

91 that complement and compete, control and court one another” (Hirschauer 2010, 74 [emphasis in the original]). Both Lamont (2009) and Hirschauer (2010) observe that aside from being based on principles and guided by the conventions of an evaluative culture, evaluative practices are dependent on interactional and temporal dynamics. Consequently, both authors adopt elements of the ethnomethodological and symbolic interactionist traditions of analysis to account for the social-interactional dynamics of evaluative practices (Lamont 2009, 17 and 160; Hirschauer (2010, footnote #8 p. 99). In sum, collectively, these studies suggest how in the absence of objective value criteria emotions and one’s self-conception of her role and position in the “field” filter into evaluation. They further underline the stabilizing role evaluative cultures play by providing methods of comparison, criteria and conventions, and tools to guide the conduct of evaluative practice. Importantly, these studies also point to the social and interactional nature of evaluative processes through which individual, subjective judgments are advanced in interactional turns, debated, and then transformed into group, inter-subjective agreements on value.

3.6 Methodology: Research Design, Methods, Data, and Analysis

To examine the digital curation practices at the CBC news archive I adopted a case study research design and used participant observation, interviews, and document and information artifacts as evidence. The case study design is an established approach for studying contextually bounded systems (e.g. organizations) and real-life phenomena (e.g. workplace practice). It is conducive to observing empirical phenomena in “real-time” in settings where the “boundaries between context and phenomena of interest are not clearly evident” and for “addressing how and why questions” (Yin 2012, 3-21; Stake 2009). This makes the approach suitable for observing the regularities and patterns of organizational processes (Langley and Tsoukas 2010) and for capturing the behavioural and cultural reality of organizational work (Watson 2011; 2012; Fayard and Van Maanen 2015). In developing the present study’s design, I consulted established philosophical and methodological conventions in the social sciences. In addition, I followed a methodological

92 advice on operationalizing practice theory in organizational settings in the organization studies and workplace studies literature. The rationale for seeking methodological advice in this literature is that at their most rudimentary level, the digital curation practices under analysis in this dissertation are an organizational phenomenon and a technology-mediated workplace practice. I also consulted the literature in cultural sociology for techniques on qualitative interviewing. The data was analyzed qualitatively through pattern-matching and explanation building techniques and following the tenets of interpretive analysis. The sections below clarify the study’s design principles and implementation procedures.

3.6.1 Research Design and Questions

The overarching design of the study follows an embedded, single-case study model. This model is based on a single, holistic case that is in turn divided into sub-cases (Yin 2012, 7-9). In the present study, the holistic case is the digital curation practice at the CBC news archive. I treated the digital curation practice as a process (lifecycle) and each of the five departments therein——acquisition, cataloguing, media management, preservation, and visual resources—as sub-cases and elements of that process (Langley and Tsoukas 2010). The primary advantage of an embedded, single-case study design is that it allows data to be collected and comparatively analyzed among the sub-cases. The primary drawback is that by virtue of examining a single, holistic case, the study’s findings cannot be generalized to larger populations in comparable settings—e.g., other broadcasting news archives. This drawback places limitations on the study’s reliability that can be addressed either with a multi-case study design (a direction not taken due to the fact that it was impossible to obtain access to another comparable digital broadcasting archive) or by a subsequent work that replicates the study’s design and procedures in a comparable research site. Single-case study designs, however, provide an opportunity for rich data and insight; in addition, there are several strategies for increasing their validity and reliability. The validity of qualitative case-studies depends on the extent to which their findings are grounded in the data, justifiable, and convincing. Validity can be sub-divided into three types: construct validity, internal validity, and external validity. Reliability, on the other hand, pertains to the extent to which the study’s findings and conclusions can be replicated

93 (and thus generalized) beyond the immediate population and settings of inquiry (Yin 2009, 40-45). In Yin’s (2009) view the validity and reliability of a case study design is established through logical cohesion among five research components:

1. Research questions 2. Theoretical propositions 3. Units of analysis 4. Logic linking the data to the propositions 5. Criteria for interpreting the findings

Yin (2009) stipulates the following functions and connections among these components. The research questions define the goals and objectives of the study. The theoretical propositions direct attention to specific units of analysis of the study, indicating what could be counted as “relevant evidence” in answering the study’s questions; they also inform the analysis and interpretation of the data and play a key role in analyzing the study’s findings (Yin 2009, 28). The units of analysis are identified in relation to the questions and theoretical propositions of the study and inform the choice of data collection methods (Yin 2009, 29-30). Defining the units of analysis effectively defines what constitute the “holistic case,” and hence their definition needs to be theoretically motivated. The logic linking the data to the propositions and the criteria for interpreting the findings are also interdependent. Yin (2009) outlines several established logics for linking data to proposition including: pattern matching, explanation building, time-series analysis, logic models, and cross-case synthesis (34). He offers no detailed advice on choosing criteria for interpreting the findings (i.e., data analysis strategy), noting that in qualitative research the use of several strategies is possible including: “relying on theoretical propositions” (deductive); “working with your data from the ground up” (inductive); “examining possible rival explanations” (abductive); and “developing case description” (descriptive) strategies (Yin 2009, 137-142). As noted, the validity and reliability of a case study research depend on the cohesion between the five design components (Yin 2009, 30). While designs would inevitably vary from one study to another, Yin (2009) provides several “tactics” for testing the validity and reliability of a case study research design. They are:

94 Tests Case Study Tactic Phase of research in which tactic occurs Construct ♦ use multiple sources of evidence data collection validity ♦ establish chain of evidence composition ♦ have key informants review draft case study report Internal ♦ do pattern matching data analysis validity ♦ do explanation building ♦ address rival explanations ♦ use logic models External ♦ use theory in single-case studies research design validity ♦ use replication logic in multiple-case studies

Reliability ♦ use case study protocol data collection ♦ develop case study database

Table 1. “Case Study Tactics for Four Design Tests.” Taken from Yin (2009) figure 2.3., p. 41.

In the next sections, I clarify the key components of the present research design, indicating the extent to which they make use of Yin’s validity and reliability tactics.

3.6.2 Theoretical propositions

As discussed in chapter 1, the overarching theoretical proposition guiding this study is Schatzki’s (2001) argument that practices are “materially mediated arrays of human activity centrally organized around shared practical understanding” (11). The additional literature reviewed in this chapter allows to further elaborate on this argument and to formulate four theoretical propositions to guide data collection and analysis in alignment with the research questions. They are summarized below with reference to the relevant literature discussed at length in this chapter:

Cultural dimension—culture is a dynamically evolving fragmented system of cultural resources (symbols, stories, rituals, and worldviews) that provides coherence and meaning to social action. Culture is grouped in tool-kits (or repertoires) and selectively used to articulate lines of action towards solving practical problems (Swidler 1986; DiMaggio 1997). It is experienced in an embodied cognitive capacity as a “set of skills and habits [rather] than a set of preferences or wants’’ (Swidler

95 1986, 275), and it is “offloaded” in the external environment (Lizardo and Strand 2010), where traces of culture are empirically observable in “codes, contexts, and institutions” (Swidler 2001;2003;2008). Institutions provide normative and regulative frameworks for social action (Scott 2004), and cultural strategies for action (symbols, stories, rituals, and worldviews) emerge in the gaps left open by institutions. Domains of expert practices and knowledge-making (e.g., physics, biology, peer-review, book- review) can be described and characterized in relation to their unique epistemic cultures, which are empirically manifested in cultural, technological, and social “arrangements and mechanism” and their corresponding modes of practice (Knorr- Cetina 1999; Lamont 2009; Chong 2013).

Social dimension— Social interactions unfold in sequential, turns or interactional moves. The mutual coherence (accountability) of the situation depends on this “interaction order.” The interaction order has a symbolic and temporal logic. The practical accomplishment of organizational activities depends on the interaction order, which is manifested in the “details of work, and in particular the tacit, seen but unnoticed, social and interactional resources” (Heath, Knoblauch, and Luff 2000, 316).

Material dimension—people, technologies, and objects in organizations are entangled in socio-material assemblages. These assemblages evolve and grow as new elements are subtracted or added to the mix (Latour 1999; Suchman, et al. 1999; Orlikowsi and Scott 2008). Technologies and objects have affordances, which allow them to be used for different purposes in different contexts (Leonardi 2011; Gibson 2014 [1979]). Workarounds may emerge when practices are confronted with structural constraints imposed by social and technological arrangements (Alter 2014). Through processes of recurrent use, discursive artifacts come to be associated with recurrent situations (Miller 1984). Their use in the workplace coordinates work and organizing by configuring situations and ways of acting. In this way, discursive artifacts become “genres” part of the epistemic culture of a workplace (Spinuzzi 2003; Foscarini 2014).

Evaluative Practices are a ubiquitous social process occurring in a range of social settings (Lamont 2012). Different domains of knowledge production exhibit unique evaluative cultures (part of their wider epistemic culture); evaluative cultures typically include methods of comparison, criteria, conventions, and tools of evaluation (Lamont 2009; Chong 2013). Evaluative practices tend to be social and interactional in nature (Lamont 2009; Hirschauer 2010; Chong 2015). Emotions, preferences, and intuitions (i.e., subjectivity) play a role in evaluation particularly when objective criteria of value are ambiguous or absent (Chong 2013).

96 3.6.3 Case Selection and Participants

The CBC was selected as a case study because of the complexity of its curation practices, inferred from its reputation as the largest digital broadcasting news archive in Canada. Six participants enrolled in the study for its entire length. An additional participant enrolled in the study during the interview data collection stage. All six participants hold senior managerial positions in the five departments at the CBC news archive (1) acquisition, (2) cataloguing, (3) visual resources (access and reuse), (4) media management, and (5) preservation. The seventh research participant holds the title of Director, Content Management, Special Programming and Partnerships (hereafter the senior divisional manager).71 All research participants have ten or more years of experience in the organization, some with over 30 years of experience. All (except the senior divisional manager) hold the title of Senior Media Library Coordinators, a senior operations management role. Their managerial responsibilities pertain exclusively to the daily operations at the organization, and they also partake in the daily work on the ground. They are responsible for training new staff. Limiting the study only to observations and interviews with operations managers was necessitated by the level of access I had to the research site, but it is also justified based on the view that by virtue of their middle-range managerial roles, requiring both participation in daily work and an operational decision-making, the research participants in the study qualify as “expert research informants.” Interviewing managers is an established approach in organizational research and specifically qualitative and ethnographic studies, where it is valued for its ability to garner insight into both the procedural and cultural context of organizational practices (Trinczek 2009). The research participants were invited to review and comment on the dissertation’s findings and their comments were incorporated in revising the manuscript (construct validity tactic). Participation in the project was voluntary. Research permission was sought at the administrative level at the CBC and on an individual level directly from the research participants. The research participants agreed to participate in the project on the condition that their names and any significant personally-identifiable information is kept confidential, but they allowed me to reference their job roles in the manuscript. The research process was

71 The governance structure and managerial lines of control at the CBC news archives will be clarified in chapter 4.

97 approved by, and followed the guidelines of, the University of Toronto Research Ethics Board.72

3.6.4 Unit of analysis and analytical levels

For an insight on how to conduct a qualitative study of practices, I followed a methodological advice on operationalizing practice theory in the organization studies literature. The central unit of analysis of practice theory is the practice. According to Nicolini (2012), methodologically a practice theory study must accomplish two primary goals. On the one hand, it must be able to “zoom in” and examine the “accomplishments of a practice” at an individual level by showing their internal mechanisms at the micro-level of situated activity (216-228); and parallel to that, it must be able to “zoom out” and examine the external relationships “in space and time” that establish the continuity of practices within a wider collective context (229-237). Nicolini (2012) suggests that zooming in and out of practice should be done by switching between theoretical lenses and data collection methods—what he calls a “theory-method package.” Similarly, Gherardi (2009) explains that examining practice “from outside” focuses on “the pattern which organizes activities, and on the more or less shared understanding that allows their repetition [within the workplace];” conversely, examining practice “from within” focuses on “the activity that is being performed, with its temporality and processuality, as well as the emergent and negotiated order of the action being done . . .” (Gherardi 2009, 177). Lastly, Whittington (2006) identifies three key analytical levels for practice theory studies: practices, praxis, and practitioners. Whittington (2006) defines practices as “shared routines of behaviour, including traditions, norms and procedures for thinking, acting and using things”; praxis, on the other hand as the “actual activity, what people do in practice;” and lastly, practitioners as the actors “who both perform this activity and carry its practices” (619). Considering these views in light of the study’s questions the theoretical propositions led to the formulation of four analytical levels of practice: (1) social and organizational structures and dynamics, (2) individual routines, (3) technological settings and tools, (4)

72 University of Toronto Research Ethics Board Protocol Reference #: 31556

98 cultural tool-kits (repertoires). The connection of the four analytical levels and data collection methods is described next.

3.6.5 Data Collection Methods

Data was collected through three principle methods: participant observation, semi-structured interviews, and analysis of organizational documents and information artifacts. Participant observation data collection took place between October 2015 – December 2016. I used these data collection methods in iterative stages as shown in figure 8 below. An iterative data collection process has several methodological advantages. First, it allows for a succeeding refinement of the quality of data collection by allowing emerging topics of interest to be examined in-depth in successive stages. As Figure 8 indicates, in the case of my design, the data collected during the participant observation stage of the study was used to refine the topics and questions used during the interviews. Iterative data collection also contributes to establishing a “chain of evidence” (construct validity tactic) (Yin 2009, 123-124), meaning that topics and themes that were discovered and analyzed at one stage of the data collection process can be further interrogated during subsequent stages. The “chain of evidence” thus points to the relationship between raw pieces of data and the findings they support. The combination of the three methods further allows for data triangulation (construct validity tactic). Data triangulation is the combination of multiple sources of evidence collected through different data collection methods (Denzin 1970). The combination of data collection methods used in the study provides the following three data types: (1) aggregate data—i.e., individual accounts of the social agents at the site as a single site; (2) interactive data—i.e., accounts of the interaction occurring between the social agents at the site; and (3) a collective data— i.e., accounts that takes a birds-eye view and evaluates the entire social site as a single unit (e.g. society, nation-state, or in my case, an organization) (Denzin 1970, 302). Lastly, the three data types—aggregate, collective, and interactive data—correspond to the levels of analysis outlined by Nicolini (2012), Gherardi (2009), and Whittington (2006). The alignment between data collection methods, theoretical proposition, units of analysis, and types of data is summarized in Table A2 below.

99 Data Analytical Levels Theoretical Analytic Analytical Types of Data Collection propositions al Level Level (Denzin 1970) Method (Nicolini (Whitting 2012) ton 2006) Participant Social and Social Zooming Practices collective data observation organizational out interactive data and interviews structures and dynamics Participant Individual Social Zooming Praxis and aggregate data observation routines in Practitione and interviews (including use of rs technology and social interactions)

Participant Technological Material Zooming Practices collective data observation, settings and tools out interactive data interviews, aggregate data document, and information artifacts analysis Participant Cultural tool- Cultural Zooming Praxis and collective data observation, kits/repertoires; in Practitione aggregate data interviews symbolic rs classifications and semiotic codes; evaluative rules, norms, and strategies Table 2. Alignment between data collection methods, theoretical proposition, analytical level, and types of data.

3.6.6 Data Collection Procedures

In this section, I describe the underlying logic and process guiding my data collection. Participant observation is a data collection method that involves direct observations of social settings. The goal of participant observation is to develop a rich description of the social settings under analysis moving from general contextual observations to more focused and selective observations of specific phenomenon of interest (Kawulich 2005). As Jorgensen (1989, 13) explains, participant observation is an apt method for data collection when: “the research problem is concerned with human meanings and interactions viewed from the

100 insiders' perspective”; “the phenomenon of investigation is observable within an everyday life situation or setting”; “the phenomenon is sufficiently limited in size and location to be studied as a case”; and “the research problem can be addressed by qualitative data gathered by direct observation and other means pertinent to the field setting.” The role of the researcher in participant observation data collection may vary from that of an “outsider”, meaning a passive observer, to that of an “insider,” who actively partakes in the social processes under analysis (Neyland 2008; Jorgensen 1989, 58-62). My previous education and expertise in the field of moving image archiving and digital curation (which led me to this topic of study in the first place) allowed me to establish rapport and to assume an “insider” role during the observations. I also consulted the workplace studies’ methodological literature on conducting fieldwork in technologically-mediated work environments (Button and Sharrock 2009). This provided me with the following axioms to which I adhered closely in conducting the observations:

• Engage socially with the participants (as opposed to a fly-on-the-wall approach) • Describe the empirical reality in detail; theorize it later • Focus on the process, rather than its outcomes • Follow the process, wherever it may take you • Look for problems/challenges, big or small; they are instructive • Consult office work guidelines, but keep in mind that work seldom follows the stipulations laid in these guidelines • Examine the organizational structure and the collaborative relationships; the two not always match (Button and Sharrock 2009).

The participant observation data collection was conducted between October 2015 — March 2016. Data was collected through bi-weekly site visits at the each of the five departments. I spent three weeks at each department, conducting six visits per department, 36 visits in total. A site visit lasted approximately four to six hours. I observed the participants in the context of their daily work and engaged them in conversations about their work and the organization. Typically, at my arrival at a department, I would ask to be given a standard onboarding training/orientation to the job, as it would be given to a new employee. All participants were happy to oblige. As such, the research participants did not only allow me to observe them performing their daily work but actively introduced me into the roles and tasks at their departments, essentially providing training elements that would be used to induct new

101 employees in the workplace practice (McDonald and Simpson 2014). In addition, for the entire duration of the participant observation, I actively inquired about and recorded the research participants rationale for actions and their thoughts on various processes and events within the organization. I recorded and subsequently transcribed all field notes and wrote summaries and analytical memos immediately after each site visit, following advice in Jorgensen (1989) and Emerson, Fretz, and Shaw (1995). I also created a case study database using NVivo 10 (reliability tactic). In writing up the analytical memos, I reflected on my observations of how the research participants accomplish their daily work, but also on what they do between formal tasks, where they go for help, and the rationales and justifications they offered in explaining their actions. The overall dynamics of the participant observation data collection provided collective, interactive, and aggregate data. After taking a three-month-long hiatus from fieldwork to analyze the participant observation data, I returned to the research site to conduct interviews in November 2016. One new participant (the department’s senior divisional manager was) enrolled in the study at this stage. I followed Witzel and Reiter’s (2012) problem-centred interview approach for interviewing research participants with an expert knowledge of a topic or issue under study (in my case, the curation practice). The problem-centered interview approach is designed for addressing research questions that “correspond to an everyday problem in the perspective of practical knowledge that the respondent can articulate and also has an interest in dealing with” (Witzel and Reiter 2012, 5). This approach to interviewing has found applications across the social and behavioural sciences, but it is particularly suitable for “expert interviewing” (Bogner, Littig, and Menz 2009; for a discussion of problem-centered approach applicability to “expert interviewing” see Witzel and Reiter 2012, 33-35). The goal of a problem-centered interview approach is to vary between interviewing techniques in order to solicit both evidence of actual behaviour as well as evidence of the subjective meanings underlying this behaviour (Witzel and Reiter 2012, 8). As such, the interview approach is effective in gathering both collective and aggregate data. The problem- centred interview approach requires that an interview begins with a series of broad open- ended questions that can solicit a narrative response from the researcher, thus generating insight of the research participant’s insider (i.e., emic) understanding of the topic under inquiry. Having obtained this initial understanding, the researcher is encouraged to follow up

102 on emerging themes and topics with additional questions generated directly from the participant’s earlier responses, thus creating an opportunity for in-depth conceptual exploration (Witzel and Reiter 2012, 64-94). I followed this logic but modified it by splitting the interview process into two stages. I began the interview process with an interview elicited through a series of directed questions, seeking to elicit detailed insider (emic) insight into the practice. This was followed by a second in-depth narrative interview, elicited through open- ended, conceptual questions. The first interview provided insight into the processual dimension of the practice, while the second interview gave an opportunity to examine more closely the subjective meanings they attach to their actions and environment and to further corroborate emerging findings and themes. Procedurally, the interviewing process took on the following dynamic: I interviewed the participants over two sittings conducted two weeks apart. The first interview sitting was centered on an extensive set of questions designed to elicit as detailed as possible description of the social, cultural, and technological dynamics of the participants daily work. I consulted my field notes, memos, and preliminary data analysis prior to each interview to refine the questions. The second interview sitting took the form of an open discussion organized around the four analytical levels. Because each of my research participants had a different area of expertise (by virtue of their role in the organization) questions across the interviews varied— i.e., not all participants were asked all questions as some were not relevant to their area of expertise and daily work. In addition, particularly in the second interview, following methodological advice on interviewing in cultural sociology (Pugh 2013; Lamont and Swidler 2014), I asked broad questions that can solicit extensive reflection on the practice and the cultural and cognitive processes behind it. These questions took on varying forms—for example, what skills and talents it takes to be good at your job; how working in such an institution influences the nature of your practice; would your practice have been different if it was not at the CBC; how digital technology changed the nature of your work; etc. While such questions are open- ended, they allow the research participants to elaborate on their thinking and hence to make visible the cultural strategies underpinning their thinking (Lamont and Swidler 2014, 157- 160). I also approached many key topics indirectly to solicit discussion of the practice. Such an interviewing technique was particularly useful for learning more about evaluative practices. For example, instead of asking what is the value of news materials, I would ask

103 what type of news material is hardest to evaluate. Similarly, I would ask questions about authenticity to then record how the research participants evaluate this complex construct. Particularly during the second set of interviews, answers were followed up with clarification questions pursuing naturally emerging themes in the interview. Lastly, in both the first and second interview, I continually encouraged the research participants to reflect narratively on their practice as if they are describing it to a novice. Such first-person narrative accounts have been recommended for interviewing in practice theory studies (Nicolini 2009). I recorded and transcribed all interviews verbatim and included them in the NVivo 10 database. Appendix B presents my interview guide. Specifically, Guide 1 includes my full inventory of questions organized around the four analytical levels. As described above, not all questions were asked to all participants and in this particular order; many questions (roughly a quarter) were added to the guide during fieldwork. Guide 2 in Appendix B is an example of the notes I would prepare and bring to the second interview sitting. The interview questions for both the first and second interview were not shared with the research participants beforehand. Lastly, the third stage of data collection developed parallel to both the first and second stages. It consisted primarily of the collection, organization, and analysis of various policy documents, training manuals, administrative forms, and metadata records, as well as the analysis of the knowledge organization structure, databases, and media management software tools and systems used in practice. This stage of data collection depended on input from both the participant observation and interview stages, as indicated on the figure below.

Figure 8. Data Collection Process

104 3.6.7 Data Analysis Approach and Procedures

The overarching analytical strategy I adopted is rooted in the interpretive inquiry tradition and guided by the interplay between inductive and abductive logics of discovery (Schwartz- Shea and Yanow 2012; Timmermans and Tavory 2012). There are several descriptions of this analytical approach in the literature. All define analysis as an iterative-recursive process in which the analyst moves between the data, the theoretical propositions, or other relevant literature, to construct a conceptual explanation of the phenomenon under analysis. Several authors have described the process as:

• A process of putting together a set of theoretical “representations that is fitted to the specifics of a complex situation” (Denzin and Lincoln 2005, 4).

• A process that seeks to “reconstruct the meaningful context of social action, and to do so she [the analyst] draws upon a plurality of theoretical abstractions; these different theoretical tools need not—pace realism—add up to coherent, general, and referential theory of social reality in the abstract. Rather the investigator combines bits of theory with bits of evidence, and then these theory-fact pairs are brought into a meaningful whole. This meaningful whole is the deep interpretation the investigator constructs, and it gives coherence to her case” (Reed 2011, 10).

• A “puzzling-out process [in which] the researcher tacks continually, constantly, back and forth in an iterative-recursive fashion between what is puzzling and possible explanations for it, whether in other field situations (e.g., other observations, other documents and visual representations, other participations, other interviews) or in relevant research literature” (Schwartz-Shea and Yanow 2012 27).

The data analysis process was divided in two stages: preliminary and final as shown below.

Figure 9. Data Analysis Process

105 At both stages data was coded in NVivo10 following an open-coding approach (meaning that I started with a blank code book which was populated in the coding process). Following advice in Saldaña (2013), I first coded all data with structural and descriptive “elemental codes”—i.e., “basic but focused filters for reviewing the [data] corpus and for building foundations for future coding cycles” (Saldaña, 2013 pp.83-96). This was followed by a thematic coding cycle (Saldaña, 2013 pp. 207-204). I consulted additional advice on coding for a developing a thematic analysis (Guest, MacQueen, and Namey 2011, 49-79). The codes I developed fall within the following categories:

Elemental • Processes/events—codes related to the workflows across the five departments, as well as other processes that impact practice (e.g., news cycle pace, purge cycles) • Topical markers—codes related to software/hardware artifacts (e.g., metadata, types of content, software systems) or other characteristics of the workplace and the objects therein.

Thematic

• Concepts—codes related to key theoretical concepts of interest (e.g., authenticity, value, accountability, interaction order, engagement, culture, institutional logic); several concepts can be part of a theme. • Themes— codes related to emerging theoretical conceptualizations that I develop and will present in the chapter 7; themes could be comprised from multiple other codes

The data was analyzed, and the thematic codes were assigned, qualitatively through pattern- matching and explanation building techniques (internal validity test). The pattern-matching technique requires to gauge the extent to which empirical findings align to patterns stipulated by the theoretical propositions. The explanation building technique requires to identify patterns and to further specify the causal links between them (Yin 2009, 143-150). I used data matrix techniques to organize some of the data and to identify patterns and explanations (Miles, Huberman, and Saldaña 2013, 107-121) (Appendix A—Tables). The use of data matrices enhances the “chain of evidence” by establishing a relation between the raw data and the study’s findings. In addition to the data matrix and network display techniques, I also

106 reproduced a significant portion of the raw data in the text (and particularly interview passages), which further adheres to the principle of “chain of evidence.” The findings of the dissertation are presented as narrative accounts—i.e., by constructing “a detailed story from the raw data” (Langley 1999, 695). The study’s theoretical discussion and conclusions (chapter 7) adhere to the principles of “analytical generalization,” meaning that practice theory concepts were used “as a template with which to compare [and think through] the empirical results of the case study” (Yin 2009, 38) (external validity test). In the next three chapters (4,5, & 6), using the research approach described above, I explore the following two research questions (stated earlier in chapter 1):

How do archivists at the CBC establish and apply criteria to enhance the value and enable the repurposing and reuse of news materials?

And what articulations of social interactions, technological tools, and practical understandings support these tasks?

A note on writing style, formatting, and pseudonyms. In the subsequent chapters, I present an extensive description of the research site and develop several narrative accounts (Langley 1999). Unless otherwise noted, the evidence backing up these accounts comes from my participant observation data. When I present my participant observation data, I write in an expository style. I largely avoid the first- or third-person narrative style, common in ethnographic writing when presenting my findings. I do so because I consider expository style as more conducive to conveying research findings. Furthermore, I draw extensively on statements made by the research participants during the interviews to corroborate findings and to establish a “chain of evidence” based on my observations and relevant interview passages. When interview passages are longer than 20-30 words, I set them off from the rest of the text as block quotes. When they are shorter and appear in the main body of the text, I set them off with quotation marks. Lastly, although I see and study them as archivists doing digital curation, I refer to the research participants by using their official job titles: library coordinators. I use the plural media librarians as mass noun to refer to the vocation of news curation in general. Officially, permanent L+A employees hold the titles of library coordinators, senior media librarians, media librarians, and library assistants.

107 CHAPTER 4: Setting the Stage: The Social and Material Context of Curation

This chapter presents an account of the social and material arrangements and mechanisms underpinning the digital curation practice at the CBC news archive. Its objective is to set the foundations for the analysis of curation practice in chapters 5 & 6 by providing insight into the overall organizational context at the CBC news archive. The chapter begins by discussing the governance structure and the organizational dynamics at the news archive, clarifying the managerial lines of responsibility at the organization as well as the dominant attitudes toward collaboration, knowledge sharing, and expertise at the organization. This analysis is followed by a discussion of the archival holdings. Lastly, the curation infrastructure at the CBC news archive is discussed through an analysis of the systems, software tools, and metadata used in curation.

4.1 The Governance of the CBC News Archive

The CBC news archive is part of the Libraries + Archives department (hereafter L+A). L+A is divided into three units: News, Post and Sports.73 The Post unit is tasked with the curation of media produced by the Current Affairs and Arts & Entertainment production departments and the Sports unit with the curation of media produced by the CBC sports production department. L+A also has a large radio archive unit under the same management but functioning largely independently from the news, post, and sports units. The news unit (hereafter, the news archive) of L+A is the largest of the three and responsible for the curation of broadcastings news materials.74 It is also the home of the National Federated CBC media archive, comprising over 500,000 hours of television content. The discussion in the next three chapters centers solely on the news archive although other organizational units and

actors are referenced when pertinent.

73At the time I was completing fieldwork on this project, L+A was in the process of take over the curation of the media assets in the Children’s production department. 74 I refer to the News division of L+A as the news archive because, as I will show in the next section, its intellectual organization (arrangement & description) do merit a classification as an archive.

108 There are three managerial divisions at the news archive, officially referred to as the (1) metadata and cataloguing, (2) media management, and (3) client services divisions. The divisions comprise five operational departments: (1) acquisition, (2) cataloguing, (3) preservation, (4) media management, and (5) visual resources. Overseeing the daily operations of the departments is a responsibility of the senior media library coordinators (hereafter, the library coordinators), who are the main research participants in this study. 75 The library coordinators report to the Director, Content Management, Special Programming and Partnerships, (hereafter, the senior divisional manager) and to their respective divisional managers, who in turn are accountable to the Director, Libraries and Archives (L+A’s most senior executive). The Director, Libraries and Archives, sets the broad strategic vision for L+A, secures the annual budget, and liaises with the CBC Board of Directors. The L+A budget consists primarily of salaries. This is because all decisions regarding technological infrastructure development and maintenance costs are outside of L+A’s managerial remit. The overall governance structure of the L+A exhibits clearly delineated managerial lines of control, as shown in the figure below.

Director, Libraries and Archives

Director, Content Management, Special Programming and Partnerships

Media Management Metadata and cataloguing Client services division division division

Acquisition dept. Media Management dept. Preservation dept. Cataloguing dept. Visual Resources dept.

Figure 10. Organizational Structure

75 As noted earlier, I refer to my research participants as library coordinators to be consistent with the internal titles used at the organization. I use the plural media librarians as a mass noun to refer to employees working at the news archive. Officially, permanent L+A employees hold the titles of library coordinators, senior media librarians, media librarians, and library assistants.

109 The acquisition, cataloguing, preservation, media management, and visual resources departments vary in size. The largest two are cataloguing and visual resources with 15 plus employees. Acquisition is the smallest department with three employees. The preservation and media management departments have six employees in total. Contract workers are routinely hired on a project basis to assist with cataloguing or digitization projects. The senior divisional manager, the divisional managers, and the library coordinators meet officially bi-monthly and sometimes once a month. The Director, Libraries and Archives holds an all-staff meeting every three months. But given that the department is situated in the same workspace—the second floor of the Canadian Broadcasting Centre in Toronto—media librarians and management interact on daily basis in formal and informal capacities. These social interactions facilitate open channels of communication among employees and management, which is highly valued within the CBC—e.g., See Strategy 2020 discussed in chapter one section 1.3.

4.2 The Organizational Dynamics

The library coordinators play a vital role in the management of daily work across the five departments. They have a considerable decision-making autonomy in matters pertaining to the daily operations of the news archive and are responsible for coordinating workflows, setting weekly work schedules, and for recruitment in their respective departments. Parallel to their managerial duties, the library coordinators actively partake in the daily work at their respective departments. They often pick up on the work of media librarians when media librarians are absent or on leave or when the department is struggling to cope with workload and deadlines. The library coordinators have open lines of communication with senior executives, acting as the first point of contact for all work-related issues in the departments. Equally, they are at arms-length to the staff they supervise. As the senior divisional manager explains:

[library coordinators] they are very senior and are on the floor, so they handle it day- to-day, doing the schedules and troubleshooting, but if there is a major problem they will call me, give me a heads up on the administrative issues that are coming my way, and I will deal with that. But for the day-to-day [work], I trust the coordinators and that is their role.

110 — INTERVIEW # 6 — 00:54:18.7 - 00:55:22.4

While there are clear functional and organizational lines of control at the news achieves, in practice, all five departments work in close collaboration. The cataloguing and visual resources departments, in particular, are closely integrated. Despite that, the two departments fall under different divisions (see Fig. 10), their employees rotate working for a couple of days a week in each of the two departments. This is seen as necessary for the development of cross-organizational skills. The rationale being that by cataloguing archival materials employees are better equipped to search and retrieve them, and vice versa, by searching and retrieving archival materials they hone their cataloguing skills. But beyond cataloguing and visual research, all permanent employees are cross-trained in cataloguing and archival research, as those skills are seen as foundational competencies for curating news archives at the CBC. This is further evinced by the current onboarding procedures for introducing new employees to the workplace, who receive extensive training in both the cataloguing and visual resources departments. As the following quote by the senior divisional manager reveals:

Usually when someone comes in at an entry level to get them up to speed we will put them with someone like [the library coordinator in visual resources]. I will put that person with [ditto.] for three weeks. Then they will spend two-three weeks with [the library coordinator in cataloguing] learning to catalogue one-on-one. — INTERVIEW # 6 — 00:14:14.7 - 00:18:51.9

As media librarians progress through their careers, they are trained to work across all of the five departments. The notion of continuous learning and the development of cross- organizational skills—not atypical in contemporary knowledge organizations—is characteristic of the organizational dynamics at the news archive. It is encouraged at all levels of management and set out in strategic corporate policy e.g., Strategy 2020, discussed in section 1.3. It is initiated in practice by the library coordinators, who routinely train staff. As a result, although media librarians do specialize in given areas, and have more or less stable daily responsibilities, the vast majority of them frequently work across all five departments and are capable of stepping into multiple work roles. Likewise, all library coordinators I observed and interviewed for the duration of my fieldwork began their careers

111 as entry-level employees and were internally trained and subsequently promoted to senior positions. However, not all positions are open to all. Joining the acquisition, preservation, or the media management departments—which are also smaller— typically occurs after at least a few years in the organization, requiring an already developed set of work skills and competencies. While such a career trajectory is typical across many knowledge organizations, at the news archive it is motivated by the view that the nature of work is highly-specialized and peculiar to the extent that no prior training can adequately prepare one to assume more responsibility in the organization without, as it were, first learning the ropes on the ground.76 As the senior divisional manager puts it: “it is not a cookie-cutter job ... not at all and it never was.” All research participants I interacted with and interviewed share this view. Library coordinators perceive their work as complex for many reasons, which will be gradually clarified over the following chapters, but one reason is what they consider as the uniqueness of the technological tools used in practice. As it will be discussed below, many of these tools are exclusive to the broadcasting industry, and not widely used outside of it. Importantly, however, the complexity is seen as resulting not so much from the tools per se but from the ways they are used and from the workflows and procedures they put in motion. New employees, therefore, spend a significant amount of time learning how to use these tools. As a library coordinator explains:

It is a special library, and you need special training. The [library coordinators] take a month and up to six weeks to train everyone in every aspect. It is a huge learning curve. And I can imagine it could be very intimidating if you are not a journalist. Like if you don't like it, it is scary. If you are in the middle of a newsroom and you are expecting to be in the middle of a library, it is going to be very overwhelming to you. — INTERVIEW # 3 — 00:19:07.1 - 00:19:55.1

The specialized nature of practice, rather than the technology itself, is perhaps why another library coordinator similarly describes the work as “highly specialized and highly specific.” To begin actively partaking in daily work, therefore, requires a significant commitment to

76 This statement does not pertain to senior managerial roles beyond the level of library coordinators. Recruitment and hiring for senior roles often happens externally, requires different expertise and competencies, and is based on criteria that were not examined in the study.

112 learning the workflows, procedures, and technology of curation—what collectively could be conceptualized as the curation infrastructure. To further explore this topic, section 4.4 will introduce the curation infrastructure at the news archive by describing the technologies and tools of curation. But before that, it is germane to provide a brief description and conceptualization of the CBC archival holdings and in the process to also clarify some key terms that will feature prominently in the discussion that follows.

4.3 The CBC Archival Holdings

As Dick (1991) reveals, the holdings of the CBC news archive developed organically and somewhat haphazardly. Technological advances have played a role in streamlining these processes as the maturation and lowering cost of videotape formats and equipment made the acquisition, preservation, and reuse of broadcasting archives technologically and economically feasible. The CBC began to systematically acquire broadcasting materials only in the late 1970s. Archival materials predating the 1970s exist but offer only a partial representation of the corporation’s production output during that time. From the 1970s onwards, news shows were regularly acquired and preserved. Parallel to that, other archival holdings began to accumulate across different branches of the organization. In the absence of comprehensive selection and acquisition guidelines and policies, selection and acquisition decisions were often made informally by individual news producers and archivists, who developed collections (internally referred to as “news libraries”) (Dick 1991, 257-258). Because different moving image media formats—such as film reels and different generations of videotape—pose unique handling and storage challenges, the news libraries were physically grouped in relation to media formats (Dick 1991, 260). As my observations reveal, it was following the CBC’s digital transformation in 2008, when these archival materials, originally spread-out across 11 collections were consolidated into one digital collection. As digital files, archival materials are now organized in relation to their production type and divided into what is known as full programs, items, and stox. In order to understand the current structure and organization of the CBC news archival collection, it is necessary to describe in more detail the categories of archival materials within. In particular, there are three main types of materials: Full programs, items, and stox. Full

113 programs are news programs acquired and preserved in full as they air on the CBC. They are literally captured as they air on TV. Full programs are preserved as a mixed-track files, which means that the sound and visuals are mixed (“flattened”) and as such are not conducive to editing and reuse. The second category, items, is the most diverse. Items are news stories shot by reporters in the field and edited as part of a news broadcast, news stories delivered by the news anchor in studio, and talking head panels and interviews. The term originates in the terminology of news production practices. News programs are assembled from pre-produced news items, which are cued and broadcast live for the duration of the news program. Items are acquired and preserved as split-track files, which makes them suitable for reuse. The third category is stox, which are materials acquired for the purpose of being reused as stock footage. Stox are generated in several ways. The most common way is by selecting footage shot by CBC camera crews during the production of news items. Typically, only a fraction of the raw footage shot in news production becomes stox and even a smaller part makes it into items. A second way of acquiring stox is by selecting from the digitized legacy material in the collection. Stox are created exclusively from material whose copyright the CBC owns. Full programs, items, and stox, are organized chronologically into separate collections, which facilitates their search and retrieval. Theoretically, each of the three categories is associated with the specific news program from which it originates, analogous to the archival concept of fonds. Items are part of news programs and stox are accumulated in the production of items and news programs. This provenance association is not directly visible from the way the material is organized and stored within digital collections.

FONDS Collections Collections Collections The National FULL PROG. 2011 ITEMS 2011 STOX 2011 Toronto news at 6 FULL PROG. 2012 ITEMS 2012 STOX 2012 Metro morning FULL PROG. 2013… ITEMS 2013… STOX 2013…

Figure 11. Archival Collections at CBC News Archive

The provenance between each individual information object (full program, item, or stox) is manifested only in the descriptive metadata kept in the TVNLS database (discussed next). Yet, this metadata provides grounds for conceptualizing the relations between these three information objects as one constituting an archival bond and as such to think about this

114 particular aggregation of information as one that resembles what is traditionally understood as archives.

Chronologically Chronologically Chronologically Organized Organized Organized

FONDS e.g., The National FULL PROG. ITEMS STOX

Figure 12. Archival Bond

4.4 The Curation Infrastructure

This section describes the IT systems, software tools, and metadata used for digital curation at the news archive. The concept of curation infrastructure is used to collectively refer to these elements. The section begins with an overview of the IT systems and software tools at the news archive. This is followed by an analysis of the folder structure of the media management system (InterPlay Production) used in curation. The concept of metadata is applied to the analysis of the folder structure as the folder structure could be reasonably seen as providing information about how to identify, locate, and retrieve other information. The analytical perspective adopted is that of “metadata as process” as developed in Edwards et al. (2011) (see chapter 2). Correspondingly, the focus is equally on understanding how metadata is created and used and how it enables interaction and communication among curation stakeholders. While a folder structure may not be readily seen as metadata, a case is made that it functions as such at the CBC news archive. As the analysis—in this and the following chapter 5—will show along with descriptive metadata records and naming conventions, the folder structure is an essential tool for making sense of where news materials are, what they are, and how they should be processed. Lastly, this section discusses and analyzes two other forms of metadata: the file naming conventions and the descriptive metadata database at the news archive.

115 4.4.1 Systems

The design vision, principles, and standards underpinning contemporary digital broadcasting systems discussed in chapter 2 inform the design of information systems at the CBC news archive. This infrastructure is almost entirely based on proprietary hardware and software solutions provided by the technology companies Oracle and Avid. The CBC transitioned to digital infrastructure, which is referred to internally as DTV (an acronym for digital television), in 2008.

Media Management infrastructure

asset management system + Command line database AVID Interplay |Production + TVNLS Database fast storage 65 terabytes AVID ISIS purged weekly (i.e., ingest workspace) Infinitely Scalable Intelligent Storage 81 terbytes (blade serves ) Held material and low-res copies

StorageTek LTO DataTAPE storage deep archive + permanent storage Oracle DIVArchive: Content Storage 7 petabytes Management

Figure 13. Curation Infrastructure

As shown in the figure above, at the core of the infrastructure is an automated tape data storage library, with 7 petabytes capacity, internally known as the deep archive. The hardware component of the deep archive is the automated data tape library system StorageTek SL8500 developed by Front Porch Digital, a leading producer of automated data- storage solutions, which in 2014 was acquired by Oracle. The StorageTek SL8500 Modular Library System is controlled by the Oracle DIVArchive: Content Storage Management system that provides a range of advanced content management functionalities including ingest, file format migration, partial restore of files (i.e., restoring only a few minutes from an

116 hour long file) as well as automated preservation workflows compliant with the OAIS information model metadata specifications for generating “fixity, provenance, context, reference, open metadata encapsulation, and access control” information (Oracle Diva Archive 2015, 6). The deep archive could be expanded to up to 857 petabytes through the addition of data tapes and racks in the StorageTek SL8500 Modular Library System. Currently, the deep archive uses LTO-7 data tapes with 6 terabytes capacity. All CBC archival material is stored for long-term preservation on the deep archive. While a reliable preservation system, the deep archive is a relatively slow and cannot support real-time data transfer speed necessary for editing and handling of broadcasting materials. All of the archival processing happens at a second level of the systems architecture, on the much faster storage system AVID ISIS 5500, which stands for Infinitely Scalable Intelligent Storage.77 The ISIS storage system has a total capacity of 141 terabytes and it is theoretically infinitely expandable. However, expanding the ISIS’ data storage capacity requires the addition of blade serves, which are costlier than LTO tapes, rendering it unfeasible as a long-term data storage solution. 65 terabytes on the ISIS serves are used by the CBC for the ingest and management of current materials as well as the processing of archival materials. These 65 terabytes are deleted on weekly basis in the so-called purge cycles, which essentially means that archivists have only a week to process new materials and move them to the deep archive before they are deleted from the ISIS servers. The deep archive and ISIS are fully integrated. Materials can be transferred from ISIS to the deep archive and back. While doing so is technically uncomplicated, restoring files from the deep archive to ISIS takes time and often there are queues forming that are managed automatically by the Oracle DIVArchive: Content Storage Management system. In addition to the deep archive and ISIS, CBC also uses the file transfer system known as InterCity. This system enables the sharing of media between CBC branches across the country. In the past, sharing media among CBC’s branches was difficult and expensive. Videotapes could either be mailed or transmitted via satellite from the CBC Toronto office across the country, which was typically done twice daily. Exchanging files between CBC branches nationally in the current digital systems is much simplified, requiring moving the file in a folder and clicking send. Furthermore, the CBC also uses a physical asset storage

77 AVID ISIS 5500 http://www.avid.com/products/isis-5500

117 management system called EDC to manage its over 400,000 videotape holdings. EDC is used for the random shelving of tapes (or other physical assets). In order to shelve a tape, its barcode is scanned and then matched with the barcode of the shelf the tape is placed. When the tape is searched in the EDC, the system matches the barcodes and points to the tape’s location. EDC does not contain information about the content of videotapes, it only facilities their storage and retrieval.

4.4.2 Curation Tools

All processing of news materials happens through an AVID asset management system called Interplay Production. Interplay Production is a leading solution in the broadcasting industry.78 At the heart of the system sits the Interplay Engine, “a server that combines an asset database with workflow management software” that is integrated with both the ISIS and deep archive storage systems and supports file interchange through the combination of the MXF and AAF wrappers and metadata (AVID Interplay Production 2016,16). In addition, Interplay Production provides several graphical-user-interface (GUI) tools for the management of broadcasting materials. The main tools used at the CBC news archive are:

• Interplay Access—an application that facilitates the search, browsing, and retrieval, as well as editing of asset metadata (AVID Interplay Production 2016, 17)79 • Interplay Assist— an application that similarly to Access facilitates search, browsing, retrieval, and viewing of assets but has the additional functionality of indexing media assets through adjustable cataloguing templates thus enabling a richer descriptive metadata creation (AVID Interplay Production 2016, 24) 80 • Interplay Capture—an application used for the scheduled and automated recording and ingest of programs that go live on air (AVID Interplay Production 2016, 24)81 • AVID iNews—an interface used for the arrangement of scripts, shot-lists, and video in the preparation of news programs; it also includes detailed transcripts of the content of the news program82 • Media Central UX—a web-based application that provides access to all of the tools of Interplay Production, which are integrated into a single interface. In essence, the

78 Interplay Production http://www.avid.com/products/interplay-production 79 Interplay Access http://www.avid.com/products/interplay-access 80 Interplay Assist http://www.avid.com/products/interplay-assist 81 Interplay Capture http://www.avid.com/products/interplay-capture 82 AVID iNews http://www.avid.com/products/inews/features

118 application was designed to allow reporters, producers, and other broadcasting stakeholders to log-in and use Interplay Production tools remotely.83

All of the Interplay Production tools can be installed on Windows or Mac computers and connected to the ISIS servers. In addition, Media Central UX runs on a Chrome or Safari web browsers as well as on iPads. The use of all Interplay Production tools is facilitated by GUI and is as user-friendly as using standard operation management systems and software. For example, files can be moved across folders by dragging and dropping and can be manipulated through menus accessible either at the pane atop the application screen or by right-clicking on a file. Furthermore, all Interlay Production interfaces operate around centralized folder- structure that encompasses both AVID ISIS and the deep archive. Within the folder structures, there are three types of media assets: master clips, sub- clips, and sequences. A master clip could be an hour-long news program or a two-minute- long item that aired as a part of a program. A characteristic feature of master clips is that they are associated with single media files. Sub-clips comprise a series of metadata references pointing to different master clips (on separate media files). Although, when played and viewed, sequences resemble master clips, they are not media files per se, but AAF series of metadata, which instructs the system what sequences to play and in what order. This technological feature facilitates the exchange and editing of video files. Finally, sequences are the elements comprising sub-clips. Each of the three assets can be copied, transferred, or preserved independently, but only master clips are preserved as archival assets by virtue of being the only self-contained and permanent asset. Past experiences at the organization show that preserving sub-clips is not practical as the metadata cannot be dynamically updated between ISIS and the deep archive. In their daily work, media librarians deal primarily with master clips, and they often transform sub-clips into master clips.

4.4.3 The Objects of Curation (at system level, i.e., files)

It is important to restate that sub-clips and sequences are AAF metadata files that point to specific content residing on MXF media files along with metadata about editing decisions,

83 Media Central UX http://www.avid.com/products/mediacentral-ux

119 graphics, visual effects, settings and editing preferences. The exchange of sub-clips is based on the edit-in-place method for integrating AAF and MXF wrappers described in chapter 2 (See Fig. 7 in chapter 2). As such, sub-clips can be altered easily, without due notice. When acquiring material for the archive, media librarians need to identify the version they want to preserve (typically the so-called last-to-air version) and transcode (internally known as “flatten”) the sub-clip into a master clip and to then send it to the deep archive. This functionality is built-in across all Interplay Production tools, but media librarians primarily use Interplay Access or Assist to accomplish such tasks.84 The majority of media files at the CBC are high-definition (HD) video files in MXF wrappers paired with the Sony proprietary codec XDCAM (CBC, technical specifications 2017, 6-7). As it was revealed to me during my observations at the preservation department, the reason for using the XDCAM codec is the format used by the Sony video cameras currently used by the CBC. XDCAM is a proprietary codec and unideal for preservation, but the service agreement CBC has with Sony grants XDCAM a status as the dominant codec for production and preservation.85

4.5 The Folder Structure of InterPlay Production

An essential element of InterPlay Production is a folder structure that encompasses the storage space on both the ISIS servers and the deep archive. The folder structure is customizable by design. Folders can be created in various configurations, groups, and sub- groups. Access permissions can be granted or denied to designated users. AVID’s official documentation provides technical guidelines for setting up and managing a folder structure, emphasizing its flexibility, allowing it to be deployed in a way that complements organizational workflows and business processes (AVID Interplay Production [manual] 2016, 33).

84 Additional system for transcoding files, known as Flip Factory, is also available, but it is used primarily for transcoding of material that enters the organization externally (i.e., material not shot by CBC crews but, say, shot on iPhone and sent in by citizen journalists, or any other content obtained externally, etc.). See, Flip Factory https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/FlipFactory 85 Additionally, the Apple QuickTime wrapper (.MOV) is sometimes used in production but it is rarely handled by archivists. Also, the MPEG50 codec in MXF wrapper is used for standard definition (SD) video, but SD materials are no longer acquired by the archive.

120 At the CBC, the folder structure is divided into 21 master folders. The master folders can be categorized into three general classes: production folders, system administration folders, and L+A operational folders.

Figure 14. InterPlay Production Folder Structure – Master Folders

While only the third folder category— L+A operational folders— is of direct interest to the present analysis the discussion begins with a brief overview of the production and system administration folders.

4.5.1 Production Folders

The production folders—encompasses the PRODUCTION, LONG TERM PROJECTS, SHOWS and Projects folders, which are used by CBC production departments. The TEMPLATES folder houses past and current visual graphics and special effects used in the production of news and television programs. The SRC PRODUCTION folder is a designated space on the Toronto ISIS server used by CBC French Services. The Catalogs folder provides

121 individual server space to all CBC staff (i.e., both production and L+A staff) in which material can be stored temporarily. The Catalogs folder is organized alphabetically by last name.

Figure 15. Catalogs folder detailed view

The Catalogs folder is deleted once a week in the weekly purge cycle. If users want to protect material from deletion, they need to contact a media manager, who will move the material in the HELD MATERIAL folder. The sub-folders within the HELD MATERIAL folder are organized by the last name of the person requesting the hold and the date on which the hold expires. Lastly, within this category is the HOLD REQUESTS folder, a temporary space within which edited master clips are placed and finalized before broadcasting.

122 4.5.2 System Administration Folders

System administration folders are used by the staff of the media management department. They include The MAM, Unchecked-in Avid Assets and DELETED Items folders, which are hidden from general users and are accessed only by authorized media managers. The TO BE DELETED folder, which houses materials that will soon be purged from the server, offering users an opportunity to check if a specific material of interest to them is scheduled for deletion. The ORPHAN CLIPS folder automatically captures MXF media files residing on the servers but without a metadata association. The TRANSCODE folder houses media that has been obtained externally and is yet to be transcoded and ingested in the system. Lastly, the REMOTE LOCATION folder is connected to the CBC’s broadband network allowing for media to be exchanged across all of the CBC regional branches (See, Fig. 14 above).

4.5.3 L+A Operational Folders

The third class of folders encompasses folders that are directly relevant to the daily operations of the L+A and of the news archive in particular. There are four folders in this category: Incoming Media, DAILY NEWS, LIBRARY COLLECTION, LIBRARY WORKING. As one of the research participants told me “[L+A staff] work with 70% of the media [within the organization] but not more than 3% of the folder structure.” While this description is one personal estimate, my observations also confirmed that the majority of L+A work is localized to a small portion of the folder structure, spanning four folder sub- structures. The INCOMING MEDIA folder encompasses all materials that enter the organization daily. It is a folder in which new materials are triaged before being used or processed by various actors at the news archive. The folder has seven sub-folders, one for each day of the week. Within each of the daily sub-folders sits another set of sub-folders organized in relation to different channels through which material enters the system. All folders are deleted and repopulated with new materials once a week.

123

Figure 16. Incoming Media (detailed view)

These sub-folders are: Capture—material that is provided by the external news services or other news organizations with which the CBC has partnership agreements. For example, if a notable news event is taking place in the US, say a presidential speech, and one of the CBC partners records the event, it will be shared with the CBC and ingested in the Capture folder. The Ingest folder, on the other hand, contains all raw footage ingested from a CBC cameraman daily. Members of the acquisition department frequently review raw footage in this folder for the acquisition of stox. In addition, newly digitized legacy material appears temporarily in the Ingest folder, from where it is picked up by members of the preservation department, processed, and transferred to the deep archive, as it will be discussed in more detail in chapters 5 & 6.

124 The National Items folder contains items prepared to air as part of the National (the CBC flagship news program). This material, however, is not preserved and archived. Items that air on the National are archived only after they have aired. The reasons for that is that items may be edited before they air, effectively creating a new version. The goal of the acquisition department is to acquire the last-to-air version. The Studio records folder contains materials used in the production of live programs recorded at the CBC studios. The BBC, CNN, and REUTERS folders contain programs and raw material produced by the three news organizations as well as material from NBC and CBS networks. While the media networks share content under legal partnership agreements. Similar to the material in the Capture folder, the material in the BBC, CNN, and REUTERS folder would be held for extended periods of time and could be reused, but it is not archived because of ownership rights restrictions. The CBC programs folder contains the recordings of major CBC news programs (e.g., Metro morning; Toronto News at 6; the National, NewsNetwork etc.) in full. The recordings are kept as mixed-track files and ingested in the deep archive in full, as a record of the broadcast on each given day. The folder Election day contains material related to the 2016 US presidential election, which was ongoing at the time of my fieldwork. The News stream folder contains news programs that are edited and packaged to be shown on Air Canada flights as well as at federal airports, train-stations and buildings.86 None of these programs are archived based on the reasoning that all content is already featured in the daily items and full programs that air on television and are only repackaged for Air Canada. The extent to which this material is of value as a record of the CBC, as well as Air Canada, is not considered as a factor justifying its preservation. Queens Park and Question Period folders contain live recordings from the Ontario parliament. Lastly, Archives low-res is an administrative folder that contains low-resolution copies of all materials held in the deep archive, which can be viewed and subsequently “restored”—i.e., transferred from the deep archive to the ISIS servers.

86 Air Canada is the flag carrier and largest airline of Canada, and formerly a state-owned crown corporation https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Air_Canada

125

Figure 17. Daily News Folder (detailed view)

The DAILY NEWS folder is used to gather materials related to current and ongoing news stories. The folder is divided into sub-folders organized thematically. A media manager creates and manages the folders, but both L+A and production staff can add material to it. The material in the DAILY NEWS folder is not purged weekly, but it is not archived either. It is stored in the deep archive to free space on the ISIS server but it is not acquired, processed, and catalogued as part of the archival holdings. That is because the CBC does not own the rights for much of the material in the DAILY NEWS folder and although the material can be reused in the production of daily news, the corporation does not have an incentive to preserve and reuse it indefinitely. The contents of the DAILY NEWS folder are deleted when the story is no longer considered daily news on the discretion of the media manager and in consultation with the news editorial department. Specific materials may remain in the DAILY NEWS folder for an extended period, up to several years. The creation of sub-folders in the DAILY NEWS folder is typically triggered by a major breaking news of wide public importance.

126

Figure 18. Library Collection (detailed view)

The LIBRARY COLLECTION folder encompasses all digital archival materials. The folder is divided into eight sub-folders. All of the material in the LIBRARY COLLECTION folder resides on the deep archive rather than on the ISIS servers. While there are low-resolution copies of some of the more recently accessed materials, most materials need to be restored from the deep archive. When a file is restored a copy of the file appears in the RESTORED folder. The SRC ARCHIVES folder contains archival materials from the CBC French services. The LIBRARY ITEMS, PROGRAMS, STOX folders include items, full programs, and stox, organized chronologically by year. Figure 19 below shows a detailed view of the LIBRARY ITEMS folder but PROGRAMS and STOX are organized similarly.

127

Figure 19. Library Items (detailed view)

The OBITS folder contains miscellaneous materials related to the life and achievements of notable, predominantly but not exclusively, Canadian public figures, who, for various reasons (typically an old age or terminal illness) are considered near the end of their lives. The term OBITS stands for obituaries, and it designates a type of news broadcast segment that reflects on the life of public figures following their passing. Lastly, the LIBRARY OTHER folder is functionally similar to the DAILY NEWS folder discussed earlier. It contains materials pertaining to topical news stories that are gathered from various external sources. The sub-folders are organized chronologically by year and are further sub-divided thematically around ongoing news stories.

128

Figure 20. Library Other (detailed view)

All materials gathered within the LIBRARY OTHER folder are not part of the archive’s holdings, and although they can be reused in the production of news, it will not be archived. The contents of the LIBRARY OTHER folder are deleted when the story is no longer considered relevant on the discretion of the media managers. The difference between the DAILY NEWS and LIBRARY OTHER folders is that while access to the former is open to all organizational staff (i.e., L+A and production), the access to the latter is restricted to L+A staff. Furthermore, only media managers actively add material to the LIBRARY OTHER folder. The materials tend to be kept for a longer period and are typically related to major news events or “media crisis”—i.e., an unanticipated news events of large social and political significance (e.g., 9/11, the Fukushima nuclear disaster, etc.) (Olsson 2009). But despite these differences, the two folders have a similar function to capture material across the entire

129 network and reused frequently, As the media manager I spoke with tells me: “so [for example] everything related to the [Alberta] wildfire is kept, everything related to the US election … everything that we might reuse but do not own” goes in the LIBRARY OTHER folder. Lastly, the LIBRARY WORKING folder is where the daily processing of archival material takes place. The Legacy Project folder provides the rudimentary structure around which the processing of newly-digitized legacy media is organized.

Figure 21. Library Working/ Legacy Project (detailed view) The function of the LIBRARY PROCESSING folder is similar. Within the folder, sub- folders are divided in relation to the main types of moving image materials routinely processed: full programs, items, and stox. In each of these sub-folders, there are additional sub-folders, for example: ITEMS TO BE CATALOGUED, ITEMS TO BE SENT TO DB, ITEMS TO BE ARCHIVED.

Figure 22. Library Processing (detailed view)

130 Members of the acquisition and cataloguing departments use these folders to organize their workflows (See, Fig 23, below). More specifically, acquisition staff will select items and move them into the ITEMS TO BE CATALOGUED folder where they will be picked up by members of the cataloguing department, catalogued, and moved to the ITEMS TO BE SENT TO DB folder for review by a senior media librarian in the cataloguing department. Following a review of the quality of cataloguing, the senior media librarian will add the items’ cataloguing records to the TVNLS database and move the materials to the ITEMS TO BE ARCHIVED folder, effectively returning them to the acquisition department. Members of the acquisition department will then transfer the files to the deep archive for long-term preservation. In this capacity, the folder structure provides a framework for the processing of archival materials, facilitating the transfer of the materials across different actors and departments. As a senior member the library coordinator of the acquisition department tells me: “[our workflow] is all done through the folder structure; folders cue the next person to the task, meaning if you find it in the folder it is yours [to work on].”

FOLDERS PROCESSES

The acquisition department selects items ITEMS TO BE and transfers them to the cataloguing CATALOUGED department.

After being catalogued the items are reviewed by a senior-media librarian at the cataloguing ITEMS TO BE SENT department. The TVNLS records are approved and TO DB sent to the database. The media files are returned to the acquisition department.

The catalogued media files are picked up by the ITEMS TO BE ARCHIVED acquisition department and moved to the deep archive

Figure 23. Relationship between Folders and Procedures

131 4.6 Naming Conventions

The file naming conventions are an essential component of digital asset management at the CBC. The necessity of consistently naming files was recognized in 2007 and the development of systematic conventions began in anticipation of the transition to digital infrastructure. 87 Naming conventions are applied at the point of files’ creation by production staff in adherence to L+A guidelines. An example of a filename at the point of creation is:

20151029 BG XD PAN AM SUSPECTS 2100

In news broadcasting terminology, this filename is referred to as a slug—i.e., a production title for a news item or program. Slugs have been used for decades to sketch out the shot lists and scripts and more generally assist newsroom information management. But within the context of the digital infrastructure slugs are used as the basis of file names. To an experienced media librarian, the file name above indicates that the file is an item, and particularly a background story narrated by a news anchor (a BG) related to suspects of an incident that occurred at the Pan American Games.88 This item aired on the 9 p.m. news show on October 29, 2015. The name of the news show is not on the slug because the file is typically managed within the production unit—and folders—of a specific news show. In this case, let us suppose the show is the National. Naming conventions are also used for restricting material from reuse. This is necessary when the material is sensitive or has been obtained with the agreement that it will be broadcast only once or only in one specific news program (e.g., it will be broadcast on the National but not in the Toronto News at 6. A restriction on the material is indicated by the code R. For example:

20151029 BG XD PAN AM SUSPECTS 2100 R

87 Naming conventions also play a significant role in media management in production, however, the discussion is limited to their use in the CBC news archive. 88 News items’ content can be classified using the codes such an ST and BG. ST designates items that have a reporter narrating the story live on location; BG designates items that are entirely visual with the news show anchor narrating the story from the studio over the live picture. While this distinction is very general, the vast majority of news items produced by the CBC (as well as other news networks) will fall in one of the two categories.

132

Following archival selection and acquisition, the slug will be augmented. A media librarian in the acquisition department will add the name of the news show. At this point of the process, the slug will also be copied into a field in InterPlay Production called library title. While, everyone using InterPlay Production can change the filename of any given file, only media librarians can change the library title field. Finally, after the material is processed by the cataloguing department the code AR will be added to the file name and the library title field, indicating that the item is now archival material. For example:

20151029 BG XD PAN AM SUSPECTS 2100 NATIONAL R [date/ content type/ topic, subject/ airtime/ program/ restrictions]

Most types and characteristics of news and other moving image materials at the CBC have designated codes for formulating file names (See, Table 6). Naming conventions thus are governed by both syntax rules and controlled-vocabulary, akin to other metadata standards (Gilliland 2008). New codes are added to the vocabulary in consultation with the production staff. Codes are often created on short-term basis to reflect specific news worthy events, as the following quote by a library coordinator in the media management department reveals:

We also create naming conventions sometimes for shorter periods—like the US election had its own naming conventions, so we can organize all the content that is coming into the system. For the Olympics, we also had naming conventions, and for our Canadian election, we also had them. And these naming conventions we come up with along with people from production to make sure that they meet their needs. So, it is more likely that they will use it if we collaborate and make those decisions. And we are getting better at organizing content to do with large events such as the US election and etc... and the fires in Alberta.

Lastly, naming conventions are useful for describing items and full programs. But they are more difficultly applied the digitization of legacy material. As the head of the preservation department revealed to me, the reason is that the legacy digitization project typically handles hour-long tapes that can contain miscellaneous, items, stox and full programs. In this case, the file name will include codes such as AR, the date, and the tape number of the videotape from which it was transferred, indicating the contents provenance.

133 Naming conventions, as described, facilitate the identification, search, and retrieval of files within InterPlay Production. They distinguishing production from archival news materials and facilitate their classification by declaring the type, topic, date, and provenance of news materials, and clarify reuse restrictions. Finally, they are governed by formatting syntax and vocabulary. They function as, and exhibit the characteristics of, metadata.

4.7 The TVNLS Database

The command-line TVNLS database is at the heart of the curation at the news archive. TVNLS was introduced in the organization in the 1980s. It is an UNIX-based software for cataloguing records, subdivided in 32 databases containing records for over 500,000 hours of content in the CBC archive. The 32 databases are organized in relation to a specific CBC news channel (e.g, CBC NewsWorld), a specific news program (e.g., the National, Toronto News at 6), or the CBC news bureau from which the material originates. In addition, there are two functional categories current and election, holding cataloguing records for current affairs and election programing, respectively (See, Fig. 24 and Appendix A, Table 7).

Figure 24. TVNLS (interface main screen)

134 TVNLS is the only system that is not directly integrated with the more recent InterPlay Production system, something not unusual for legacy software maintained in active use over a long period of time. And although material is catalogued through InterPlay Production tools (primarily Access, although Assist is also used) descriptive metadata is pushed to TVNLS through a workflow developed at the organization. Lastly, the TVNLS databases cannot be searched simultaneously. One can search only in one database at a time. This issue is addressed by the so-called Medoc Eureka systems through which it is possible to search through all TVNLS databases simultaneously. Despite that, Medoc Eureka offers more powerful search functionality and is more intuitive to use, most media librarians I observed prefer to use TVNLS, highly valuing the robustness and precision of the database’s command- line interface. While anyone in the organization can alter the metadata associated with materials in InterPlay Production, TVNLS records are protected and can be modified only by L+A staff. All materials processed at the CBC news archive have corresponding metadata records in the TVNLS database. TVNLS records also exist for a variety of non-digital materials, held on videotape and film. Cataloguing archival material is one of the most labour- intensive tasks within the organization, and consequently, the cataloguing department is the largest organizational unit at L+A’s Toronto branch. As noted earlier, cataloguing is done by employees, who double as cataloguers and visual researchers. Because TVNLS is a command-line database, data entry could be cumbersome and error-prone. This obstacle has traditionally been addressed through organizational workarounds. Prior the introduction of the digital infrastructure, cataloguing was done on a MS Word template, allowing to enter data more efficiently, while taking advantage of MS Word’s spell-check function to identify and correct typos and errors. This process worked because the fields in the MS Word template were formatted with a set of TVNLS codes, making them a valid textual input for the database. Cataloguers would view the materials on a video player and enter the metadata in MS Word templates. The templates will be reviewed and then transferred (“pushed”) into TVNLS once a day, typically overnight. At present, the cataloguing workflow follows a similar logic, but instead of a MS Word template, all cataloguing is done within the interface of either InterPlay Access or InterPlay Assist tools. Both tools allow the cataloguer to view the materials on the left side of the

135 screen, while entering metadata in a set of customized fields, which are mapped onto the TVNLS metadata fields

Figure 25. Interplay Access Interface

Media librarians can use either InterPlay Assist or Access depending on their personal preference. One advantage Interplay Access has over InterPlay Assist is that it enables assigning metadata to multiple files simultaneously, reducing manual data input. The descriptive metadata generated by the cataloguer is associated with the media files within the InterPlay Production. InterPlay Production, however, does not communicate directly with TVNLS. The metadata thus is pushed into TVNLS through a custom-built script that facilitates the data exchange between the two systems. The process of cataloguing in either InterPlay Access or Assist and then pushing the data into TVNLS is internally referred to as cataloguing with the “Interface.” One of the main drawbacks of this workaround is that if changes are made to the metadata in InterPlay Production at some later point in time, they will not be automatically reflected in the TVNLS record. The metadata thus needs to be edited manually in TVNLS. While theoretically InterPlay Production and TVNLS metadata are identical, news materials

136 are not considered part of the archives until they have a TVNLS record. As a cataloguer explains “[without a TVNLS record] files are technically speaking just files in DTV with metadata embedded in them.” In that sense, InterPlay Access or InterPlay Assist are used as data-entry interfaces through which the cataloguing process is optimized. The relationship between a TVNLS record and the associated file it describes is maintained through a randomly generated unique identifier called AlisMobID, which is attached to both the file and the TVNLS record.

4.7.1 The TVNLS Metadata Record

The metadata holdings across all TVNLS databases total over 1,500,000 records, based on a tally conducted in April 2001. Since then, the number has grown, as on average a few hundred records are added each week. What contributes to this vast number is the granularity of cataloguing of moving image materials in news production environments. As noted earlier, the total holdings of the archive are around 500,000 hours, but TVNLS records are created for materials that often are one to two minutes long. The TVNLS databases vary in terms of holdings and functionality. Some databases contain a few thousand records, while others contain well over 150,000. The largest database is the NATIONAL NEWS database with over 180,000 records in 2001. The oldest catalogued materials date back to the 1920s for radio and the 1950s for television. The level of cataloguing detail also varies across databases (For detail description, see Appendix A, Table 7). The TVNLS’ metadata schema includes a total of 41 fields (Appendix A, Table 8). 89 The schema was developed within the organization over decades of use. Four of the fields— Subject, People, Reporter, and Organization—utilize controlled vocabularies in select databases. In-house subject headings and thesauri are used for all for fields. 90 Some fields in TVNLS are no longer relevant and hence rarely used. One example is the field Footage (FT), indicating the length of film footage measured in feet and is relevant only to film materials.

89 A metadata schema is “is a logical plan showing the relationships between metadata elements, normally through establishing rules for the use and management of metadata specifically, as regards the semantics, the syntax and the optionality (obligation level) of values.” (ISO 23081.1, cited in Hodgson 2008, 2) 90 More frequently, the contents of metadata schema are referred to as “metadata elements”. I use the term fields instead of elements to be consistent with the way my research participants referred to the element set of the TVNLS metadata schema.

137 Another example is the field Cumulation Tape Title (CTT), which was used heavily when stox and items were gathered on videotapes, necessitating that the videotapes on which they can be located are noted in the metadata. This field is no longer relevant because all materials exist independently from physical carriers. Similar is the case with the field Number (NUM), which indicates a specific item number assigned on by production, which is useful to locate an item on a cumulation tape. For digitally-born materials, the functionality of both of these fields is replaced by the field Server Holdings Information (SI), which is a unique identifier pointing to the file’s location on the CBC’s servers. The majority of TVNLS fields, however, remain relevant today as they pertain to descriptive information about the context, context, provenance, and function of news materials. The detail of metadata description will depend on the type of materials being catalogued. Internally these levels are referred to as: (1) shell records; (2) partial records; (3) and full records. Shell records are created at the point of acquisition for items and programs. Once the material has a shell record it has officially under archival custody. Because the cataloguing department works on a slower pace than other departments, a known phenomenon referred to in the metadata literature as the “metadata bottleneck,”creating a shell record ensures that the material will not be lost or misplaced.91 Following additional cataloguing, shell records are elevated to the status of either partial or full record. Partial records are created for full programs or items, they include detailed information encompassing the following fields:

Aired-Non-Aired (ANA) Archives database Catalogued By (CSB) Dateline (DL) Definition Editorial (SIE) Editorial 2 (SIE) Image Format Informational Level (IL) Informational Type (IT) Library Title Note Organization (ORG)

91 The “metadata bottleneck” concepts points to fact that the creation of digital resources far outpaces the time and human resources necessary for producing metadata (See, Wilson 2007).

138 People (PP) Program Title (PT) Program Title 2 (PT) Recording type Reporters (RP) Reporters 2 (RP) Responsible (RES) Show Announcer (SA) Show Announcer 2 (SA) Show Broadcast Date (SBD) Show Broadcast Time (SBT) Sound type Subject Headings (SH) Synopsis (SYN) Shot List (SH) [optional] Title (TI) Voice-over Indicator (VOI)

The difference between partial records and full records, is that the latter includes a shot list, providing a detailed representation of the content and style of the visuals, shot by shot. A synopsis provides a summary of the topic and focus of the news item or program answering the five Ws (who, what, where, when, why). Creating a shot list is much more time-consuming and cognitively demanding. Shot lists are added to programs or items’ metadata only when the material is deemed as highly valuable, typically containing unique footage or having otherwise a marked social, cultural, or political significance. In general, shot lists are deemed unnecessary for news programs because they are highly structured. Listing the chronological order in which items appear in a full program and providing some general notes in the Synopsis is considered sufficient for its coherent description. Likewise, shot lists are not necessary for all items because items are typically focused on a single issue or topic and are short, which makes them easy to peruse visually. Stox are catalogued differently. Importantly, they always include a detailed shot list. This is necessary because unlike full programs and items, the content of stox is highly unstructured and often is also often thematically diverse. Stox also tend to vary in duration. Shot lists for stox are created by describing the content and visual style of each camera angle in the footage—a new description line is created each time the camera angle changes or the content otherwise changes (e.g., a new character enters the frame). The duration of a shot can vary, but typically they are only a few seconds long. A predefined set of codes are used to describe the content and style of the images. The codes represent the majority of shots and

139 camera angles used in television production—e.g., aerial, close-up, long shot etc. (See, Appendix A, Table 9). The additional TVNLS metadata fields used in the cataloguing stox are:

Aired-Non-Aired (ANA) Archives database Catalogued By (CSB) Dateline (DL) Definition Editorial (SIE) Editorial 2 (SIE) Event Date (EVD) Image Format Library Title Note Organization (ORG) People (PP) Record Status (RS) Responsible (RES) Subject Headings (SH) Synopsis (SYN) Shot List (SH) Title (TI)

The Editorial (SIE) field is particularly important in the context of stox cataloguing because all contextually relevant information connecting the material to other archival materials will be noted there. For example, information indicating if the stox footage was taken from the production of a specific item, full program, legacy digitized material, a documentary production and so on—in short, the stox’s provenance. Lastly, another field in stox cataloguing is Event Date (EVD), indicating the date on which the event represented in the stox footage took place. This field is not as relevant for items and full programs because the date of their broadcast is recorded in the metadata and also represented in the library title. In concluding this discussion, it is worthwhile to consider the relationship between the TVNLS fields and the knowledge on authenticity in digital environments presented in chapter 3. As discussed there, archival scholars argue that the authenticity of records can be verified in relation to their identity and integrity. The identity of a record being demonstrated by information indicating the record’s intrinsic and extrinsic characteristics such as its intellectual and physical form and content, as well as other contextual attributes that distinguish that record from all other records. The integrity of a record being demonstrated by metadata indicating the

140 degree to which a record remains whole, unaltered, and uncorrupted (Duranti, Eastwood, and MacNeil 2002). Furthermore, as discussed in chapter 3, this conceptual logic is also evident in the OAIS information model, where the identity and integrity of digital materials are evinced by two classes of information, namely, representation information and preservation description information. Representation information is divided into two sub-classes structure information and semantic information. Structure information pertains to the logical components and environment of digital objects (i.e., technical metadata) and is not directly relevant to the TVNLS records (as they are descriptive metadata). Semantic information pertains to any information that could assist in the meaningful interpretation of a digital object—and one type of such information is descriptive metadata. Preservation description information, in turn, pertains to the custodial context and history of a digital object, its current location, as well as any access rights information (See, Fig. 4). Within TVNLS, metadata fields that indicate the identity of archival news material— indicating what they “purport to be”—are:

Information Type (IT) Information Level (IL) Program Title (PT) Program Sub-title (PST) Show Broadcast Date (SBD) Show/Program Announcers (SA) Editorial/ Editorial 2 Item/Segment ID (ID) Original/Repeat Indicator (ORI) Edit Date (EDD) Dateline (DL) Synopsis (SYN) Subject Headings (SH) People (PP) Organizations (ORG) Reporters (RP) Producers (PD) Length (LEN) Footage (FT) [although relevant only for film] Shotlist (SL) Definition Image Format Voice-over Indicator (VOI)

(for descriptions, See Appendix A, Table 8)

141

The TVNLS metadata heavily emphasizes semantic information about the archival materials that can assist in their meaningful interpretation, thus asserting their identity. But in addition to that information pertaining to the custodial context and history of the archival materials is also present in the metadata in the following fields:

Bureau/Location (BUR) Responsible (RES) Aired/Non-aired (ANA) Cumulation Tape Title (CTT) [although not applicable for digitally born materials] Holdings Information (HI) Server Holdings Information (SHI) MobAlias ID Library Title

Two TVNLS metadata fields evade categorization because the metadata they include is broad in scope. One of those is the Notes (NOTE) field, which is typically used to record access rights information indicating if any restrictions on the material are in place but could equally include miscellaneous information pertaining to the meaningful interpretation of the material. Another is the Old Information (OI) field, which includes information transferred from the database preceding TVNLS, and could include miscellaneous information pertaining to both the identity and integrity of the material. Lastly, the TVNLS record contains three fields that point to its own provenance as metadata records. These are: The Record Status (RS) field, which contains information about who created the metadata record as well as information about the different people who have altered the record. Record Date of Birth (DOB) field, which indicates when the record was created. The Date of Last Update (UP) field which indicates the dates on which the record was updated. The DOB and UP fields are automatically generated and updated; the RS field must be edited manually. It is part of established norms for good metadata practice at the CBC to edit the RS field upon making changes to a metadata record. As it could be expected within any database systems, all metadata records also have a unique identifier. In TVNLS this is the so-called key number, which could be used to differentiate the record from all other records in the database. These three fields are interesting because they alert us to the fact that, database records are also digital objects whose identity and integrity needs to be recorded to provide metadata evidence of authenticity.

142

4.8 The Social, Material, and Cultural Elements of the Curation Infrastructure

How do the information tools and artifacts described above have agency in practice? How do they structure social interaction and cognition in the workplace? The concluding section in this chapter seeks to address both questions by drawing on concepts introduced in chapter 3. To begin, the folder structure of InterPlay production is more than means of corralling information. It conceptually overlays the objects and workflows within the CBC news archive, setting the interactional pattern of work, and managing its temporal flow. This is evident in the organization of the folders in the LIBRARY WORKING. It will be further evinced by the empirical accounts in chapter 6, revealing the role of the folder structure across the curation lifecycle, but it also emerges in the following two interview passages with different research participants. Regarding the first point, the library coordinator of the acquisition department tells me:

The structural components of the job today are again completely dependent on the fact that we are using a file-based digital system and digital systems are a horrible swamp out there. You have very little ways of corralling digital information apart from your folder structure and your naming conventions, so now this is entirely structural, that is the nuts and bolts of what you are doing, and no one will know what anything is if you are not strictly adhering to the structural conventions you have put in place. The naming conventions should not deviate it is absolutely essential to understating what is in the archive. — INTERVIEW # 1 — 00:29:44.7 - 00:30:51.4

Regarding the second point, the folder structure also reflects, as much as it stabilizes, the traditions of work with the CBC news archive. Its organization being common sense for people familiar with broadcasting environments and with CBC news production practices in particular. With recourse to the ethnomethodological approach to an analysis of workplace practices, the folder structure can be conceptualized as a technological artifact that establishes the accountability and interaction order of the curation practice. A media manager suggests this while explaining the impetus behind the development of the folder structure:

[The folder structure] is reflective of the previous structure before DTV. Incoming media will be the same place like an ingest room, where you will bring tape. It was

143 deliberately designed that way so people will adapt to it easier and understand how it works. Library processing is exactly what it sounds like—it is the place where the library does its work. And then you have folders based on shows. It is organized logically so people can find what they need when they need it. Library collection, well I wonder what I will find there. Oh, library items. So you know it is designed to be intuitive. — INTERVIEW # 14 — 00:34:11.7 - 00:35:40.4

The folder structure, as this passage suggests, is organized in a way that responds to the recurrent actions in the workplace. And similarly, the TVNLS metadata conventions for cataloguing news materials change in response to the needs of organizational actors and in relation to the evolving practices and technologies of broadcasting archiving. The library coordinator at the cataloguing department touches on this point when discussing the factors influencing the development and use of TVNLS metadata: “certain content for years has been catalogued in a certain way, but the programming has changed so we kind of worked with them to change from doing a synopsis to doing a synopsis and a shot list.” It could be suggested that the way the TVNLS metadata is used mirrors the development of a more complex understanding of how to best catalogue archival moving images. The way the metadata is used today is about ten years old, created by the current library coordinator of the cataloguing department. Other regional CBC branches in the country also adopted the approach but modified it. As the same research participant explains:

I was the one that came up with that flow and all that documentation. Obviously, the IT [department] created the system, but in terms of what the minimum standards were in terms of what information to put in where [I created it]. And the coordinators for the regions [i.e., regional branches] took my documentation. And sort of adapted it for the regions because in some regions they do not put in so much information [metadata]. They have to meet a certain level of standards in terms of the metadata they put in, but they might not be as robust in their descriptions. — INTERVIEW # 7 — 00:10:44.7 - 00:11:37.6

It is appropriate to assert that the process has been slow and incremental, maturing over decades and moreover that it is elaborated and adapted differently from one organizational context to another (i.e., from one CBC branch to another).

144 4.9 Conclusion

Broadcasting journalism is a field characterized by highly decentralized and flexible organizational arrangements. This is essential for ensuring the autonomy needed to pursue diverse news agendas and produce news on short deadlines. The transition from analogue to digital journalism has further amplified these dynamics (Cottle 2000; Klinenberg 2005). Thus, as an ideal type, the CBC newsroom could be described as a networked organization comprising a cluster of “different types of knowledge workers who may act as individual contributors or be a part of a cluster defined in terms of the expertise it provides” (Nohria 1995, 8). As discussed in this chapter, the governance structure of the news archive exhibits stable functional lines of division and control, but its organizational dynamics resemble the axioms of a networked organization. This is manifested in the extent to which social interactions are valued as modalities enhancing knowledge exchange, learning, and the development of cross-organizational skills, as well as by the open lines of communications between all levels in the organizational hierarchy—from the senior divisional manager to the library coordinators. Organizational arrangements and dynamics much in line the CBC strategic vision (i.e., Strategy 2020).92 In the discussion, it was also revealed that cataloguing and visual research are regarded as the foundational skills of curation practice at the CBC. Correspondingly, all new employees are introduced to the news archive through an extensive training in the cataloguing and visual resources departments. The nature of work is perceived internally as highly specialized, and there is no expectation that new employees can arrive at the news archive fully prepared, irrespective of their prior training and experience. It is assumed that to become an effective member of the department, one must learn the work from the ground up. Furthermore, the analysis suggests that the arrangement of the CBC’s archival holdings aligns with the tenets of archival science (Duchein 1983; Duranti 1997). The first reason is that the archives of the CBC are records of a single organization. The second is that, as it was revealed on a closer look, the archival materials are, intentionally or not, organized in accordance to the principles of provenance and original order, with the “archival bond” between records being present, albeit virtually in the metadata. While we do not typically

92 See section 1.3.

145 think of archives as being curated, the present analysis shows that this is the case at the CBC. Such a finding asks to reconsider the ways we think about the relationship between digital curation and archives. The CBC archives are both a naturally accumulated aggregation of information but are also organized in thematic categories (full prog., items, and stox) to aid their search and retrieval and enable reuse. Furthermore, the analysis focused on the extent to which the folder structure, and to a lesser degree the TVNLS records, can be productively described following the tenets of the genre concept, as information artifacts that are moulded situationally, in the context of practice, and are associated with the demands of recurrent organizational actions.93 Genre, as discussed in chapter 3, are rhetorical artifacts used in social interactions. The concept shares many of the tenets of ethnomethodology. What the concept genre uniquely provides analytically, however, is a perspective on how discursive artifacts stabilizes “a set of particular social patterns and expectations” in a community (Miller 1984,158). The concept has been previously applied to study of the role of documents and information systems in the workplace. The analysis above indicates that it is in such capacity that the folder structure of InterPlay Production could be interpreted and understood: as a discursive artifact that stabilizes the workflows across the curation departments and provides “accountability” and “interactional order” to the curation practice at the CBC news archive. Lastly, genre scholars are divided on the extent to which genres are global or local, differentiating between “genre sets” and “genre systems” (Devitt 1991). In the case of the TVNLS database, patterns and expectations about the formatting of database records are set centrally form the Toronto office, but as my interviews revealed (a topic to be discussed in a more detailed in the next chapter), cataloguing practices are implemented differently across the regions and are structured differently from CBC’s French Services (Radio-Canada).

93 For discussion of the institutional differences in practices of content production between CBC English and French services, Radio-Canada, see Armstrong (2016)

146 Chapter 5: The Digital Curation Lifecycle: Actors, Procedures, and Plans

This chapter begins the discussion of the curation practices at the news archive. To this end, it discusses and analyzes the curation lifecycle at the news archive, the people who make it work, and the policies that inform their work.

5.1 The Curation Lifecycle

The curation of archival materials at the CBC news archive spans across all five departments. Archival materials enter the news archive in two ways. They are either ingested as a current material by CBC camera crews and reporters or digitized in-house as the CBC is currently in the process of digitizing all of its videotape holdings. These two streams of archival materials are processed differently. The digitized material is generally referred to as legacy material.

digitize Legacy material Preservation add technical metadata

Data management deep archive Preservation planning Appraise and select

Media Management deep archive Cataloguing Data management ISIS Select temp. holdings Purge cycle Add descriptive metadata

ingest Acquisition Visual resources Current material

Appraise and select Reuse/ Access Figure 26. CBC Curation Lifecycle

As shown in the figure above, the acquisition department is tasked with the selection and

147 appraisal of news materials. Descriptive metadata is created by the cataloguing department, whereas the generation of technical preservation metadata is a responsibility of the preservation department, although, as it will be discussed later on, this process is entirely automated. The preservation department also oversees the data management of the deep archive. The management of the data on the ISIS servers is the responsibility of the media management department. This includes managing the capacity on the ISIS server, executing the weekly purge cycles, and maintaining the folder structure that is used by all production departments at the CBC. Lastly, the visual resources department is responsible for access and reuse to archival materials by internal and external clients. The functions of all five departments broadly align with the functions outlined in the DCC digital curation lifecycle model (cf. Fig. 26 and Fig. 1). The actors at each of the five departments are described next.

5.1.1 The Acquisition Department

Three full-time employees work at the acquisition department. They are all senior members of the organization with at least ten years of working experience, and previous training and specialization in broadcasting journalism. The department has a flat organizational hierarchy. All employees work independently with minimal guidance and supervision. A library coordinator oversees the daily operations, delegates tasks and responsibilities, and liaises with the divisional managers. When needed, he steps in to assist the other two employees in their daily tasks. While accountable to the divisional managers, the library coordinator is largely autonomous in running the department’s daily operations. As he explains:

I am senior enough and my career is long enough now to know [that] what they expect of me is not to make mistakes. They expect me to understand and foresee eventualities before they actually arise. They don't want me answering questions from the news [production] department about news programming. I am supposed to have already taken care of that. There are not supposed to be questions about what is in the vault. I am supposed to know what is there because I put it there. That is their unspoken expectation of my work. But I have given them that expectation. I made it part of my work for them to provide that service for them. Well, it is an expectation that I incurred for myself. — INTERVIEW # 2 00:03:24.6 - 00:04:02.3

148 The library coordinator also has authority in deciding who will join the department internally.94 He places a premium on employees’ experience as well as on their ability to integrate into the small department.95 Another factor is the employees’ ability to recognize footage of value for the corporation, and particularly reuse value. As the library coordinator explains:

[when recommending someone to join the department] I want to know that they have some kind of stox background or have an editing background, where they understand what we mean by reuse. The capacity of reuse is the point of a great deal of this work. If you don't think like an editor and you don't have an editor's eye there is no point making stox. — INTERVIEW # 2 00:10:21.0 - 00:10:54.2

All employees in the acquisition department thus must be well-versed with the organizational procedures and proficient in using the information systems. But they also need to have the tacit skills necessary for recognizing archival material of value. These skills are tacit because they are understood to be “something deeply personal and it cannot be taught”, nor can they be defined clearly, but only recognized in practices and vaguely, if evocatively, described as the “editor's eye.”96 These observations are corroborated by the senior divisional manager, who tells me that the practice of selecting stox “is a judgment and the thought process [behind it] is a real art.” Likely because of that when appointing new staff to the acquisition department, the senior divisional manager tells me: “we work internally first in terms of promoting staff before we actually go outside because that is a big learning curve.” The learning curve, in this case, is not related only to procedural or technological knowledge (although those matter), but to experiential and tacit knowledge—one has to have the “editor's eye.” 97 The emphasis on the importance of editorial skills revealed above is relevant beyond the obvious observation that editorial skills are an asset when working in a broadcasting news archive. Editors select and

94 Given the small size of the department the employee turnover is not high, but this point is nonetheless worth acknowledging as it contributes to the more accurate understanding of the department. 95 As he explains, his preferences are: “for people, I have worked with over a number of years, because it is a small unit, I would like to know that I have worked with them.” 96 In fairness, I did not ask the participant to define the term “editor’s eye” particularly because the meaning was clear in the context of the interview, and he had explained that is something “deeply personal and it cannot be taught.” This information was enough to categorize it as a tacit skill. A point corroborated by the senior divisional manager’s reflection that “the job is a real art.” 97 To an extent, this is valid for all senior positions at the CBC news archive, as promotions are typically handled internally based on merit and seniority, but it is especially the case in the acquisition department, where seniority and affinity for the work are essential prerequisites.

149 put together bits and pieces of footage and in the process enhance their overall value by creating a new media asset. There is perhaps a direct relationship between the work of broadcasting editors and digital curators responsible for acquisition. Both roles require the selection of content with an eye on its potential value. This observation suggests that the evaluative practices traverse domains of practice, while also indicating that evaluation in digital curation practices is strongly informed by the skills and expertise in its corresponding domain—in this case, broadcasting news production domain. Acquisition of moving images occurs daily. The three members of the department specialize in different tasks—one is responsible for the acquisition of full programs, one for the acquisition of items, and the library coordinator handles miscellaneous tasks related to the media management and archiving of moving images. The procedural workflow in the department could be described as routine. The acquisition of full programs and items is done early each day in order for the materials to be processed by the cataloguing department. The completion of these tasks is a priority. The temporal pace in the department is high. Acquisition decisions must be made promptly because material that is not acquired will be automatically deleted in the weekly purge cycle. Technically, this would suggest that acquisition decisions must be made within a week, but the situation on the ground is experienced differently. The reason is that new materials are ingested daily and in large volumes. As a result, the acquisition department must review and acquire all materials within a span of 24 hours to avoid a backlog. As one of the team members explains, “you have 24 hours to do your task, after 24 hours you will start getting behind, so you have to be fast and speedy enough to catch what needs to be caught for acquisition in a 24-hour cycle.” In addition, all employees partake in the selection of stox, which is usually done in the afternoon, following the acquisition of full programs and items. Materials available for stox selection are ubiquitous at the CBC, entering the organization through two primary streams. They are being ingested by multiple camera operators and reporters as well as through the legacy digitization project. Stox selection, as it will be revealed in chapter 6, is the primary practice for which one needs to have an “editor’s eye.”

150 5.1.2 The Cataloguing Department

The cataloguing department is among the largest at the CBC news archive. Fifteen people work in the department, most of whom catalogue news daily. As noted earlier, some of them double as visual researchers—meaning that they work both at the metadata and visual resources departments, typically rotating every couple of days. In charge of the department is a library coordinator, who has worked in the department for over a decade and holds a Masters degree in library and information studies. The library coordinator is responsible for ensuring the continuity of the department’s operations. This involves establishing and revising the cataloguing workflows and the writing of instructional manuals and documentation. She also partakes in larger projects related to the improvement of the metadata infrastructure, for example, revisions of the TVNLS metadata fields and of the in- house controlled vocabularies. These projects usually unfold over extended periods of time and involve consultation with numerous organizational stakeholders. Aside from that, the library coordinator oversees the daily operations of the department. This involves the scheduling of daily work, keeping productivity statistics, training new employees, and addressing technological or procedural issues.98 Within the department, five media librarians catalogue news material full-time. An additional five, rotate between the cataloguing department and the visual resource department. The patterns of these rotations vary depending on the workload at each of the two departments. As the library coordinator remarks, “some days I have one of them and some days I'll have five of them; it all depends on scheduling.” On average, then, there are between five to ten media librarians cataloguing archival materials for eight-hours a day. The two senior media librarians assist the library coordinator with various managerial tasks. They are also responsible for specific, typically recurrent, processes. For example, one of the senior media librarians specializes in handling all issue related to the transfer of data between InterPlay Production and TVNLS. Despite their managerial duties, the senior media librarians (including the library coordinator) catalogue moving images along with the rest of

98 Productivity statistics are kept via InterPlay production data and compiled in a google documents spreadsheet. Every cataloguer has a user ID in InterPlay Production. Every piece of material they process in the system thus is in an internal system log. Based on these data, the senior library coordinator can determine (a) the overall output of the department or (b) the individual output of each cataloguer. Statistics are kept also in relation to the type of material being catalogued (full programs, items, and stox).

151 the media librarians in the department. This increases the overall productivity of the department, but the library coordinator also considers it as necessary to maintain a current understanding of the process. The reason being that:

We have a system that is constantly being upgraded and is constantly evolving. So people all of sudden have issues with things happening, so if I am not there playing around it hasn't happened to me and I don't know what I am talking about. In that sense, I can't really give them a realistic answer how to fix something [if I don’t use the systems myself] — INTERVIEW # 7 00:16:54.6 - 00:17:33.9

The skills and competencies the library coordinator at the cataloguing department is looking for in new employees are:

As core competencies, I think, the things we look the most for the cataloguers in terms of new hires are people who have a good attention to detail, who are consistent in the way they do things . . . So, consistency, attention to detail, and really in a sense the ability to eventually work at a certain pace without becoming flustered. — INTERVIEW # 7 00:32:13.3 - 00:35:04.3

This passage reinforces the picture of moving image media librarians’ skills and competencies developed thus far. The temporal pace of the practice also emerges here. Cataloguing, as virtually everything else at the news archives, has to be done at a “certain pace”, as the library coordinator tells me. Attention to detail under temporal constraints is a highly sought-after quality. Tacit skills, thus, again matter. The following passages opens a window on what the library coordinator at the cataloguing department understand these skills to be:

There are some days when it is a really heavy broadcast, but you still have to get through it. For most of our experienced cataloguers, this is never an issue. They adjust the way they work to get the daily work done. So, it is that ability to be rigid and yet flexible. Rigid in the sense that you need to be careful and get all your punctuation properly etc., but flexible in the sense that "I have to go through all this in the next few hours and I'm not going to spend 20 minutes looking this up; I'm just going to put it this way". And also, to be able to troubleshoot things, like “This file looks weird, “and instead of cataloguing it anyway, you follow up and make sure it is not a problem because once we archive it and a week passes, we don't have an option of getting a better copy if the copy you catalogued is wrong. — INTERVIEW # 7 00:32:13.3 - 00:35:04.3

152 As discussed earlier, typically, all new employees begin their careers in the news archive by receiving training in the cataloguing and visual resources departments. Given that, the two passages above are relevant not only for understating the skills and competencies of the actors in the cataloguing department but also in the news archive more broadly. The goals of the cataloguing department are to provide thorough and accurate descriptive metadata for full programs, items, and stox. The three types of material are catalogued in a varying level of detail. At any day, a cataloguer can work on either full programs, items, or stox. The senior coordinator manages the workflow daily by assigning work with the explicit aim of matching employees’ talents to specific tasks. This process can take on several forms. For example, on days when materials are rapidly coming into the department, the library coordinator will assign stox predominantly to experienced cataloguers as stox are the most time-consuming to catalogue and could be handled most efficiently by experienced staff. Similarly, she will assign materials about international relations to a media librarian who has a background or interest in politics; or materials about music or theatre to someone with a background or interest in the arts. To sufficiently match employees’ to tasks, the library coordinator draws on her tacit understanding of “who is good at what.” This organizational dynamic is important to note as it is much more fluid than the dynamic at the acquisition department, where the delegation of task and responsibilities tends to be permanent rather than flexible. Lastly, on a procedural level, the pace at the cataloguing department is experienced as the risk of accumulating a backlog. Strictly speaking, all of the material in the department is safe from the weekly purge cycle. But nonetheless, materials need to be processed promptly to avoid a backlog. As the senior coordinator explains, “it is expected that all the backlog of news from the previous day is finished by the end of the [daily] shift, but that not always happens.” Thus, a balance between quality and efficiency guides the overall goals and procedures in the cataloguing department.

5.1.3 The Media Management Department

The media management department’s operations extend across the CBC. Media managers work with Post and Sports divisions within L+A, and several others are embedded with various production departments. One media manager oversees the operation of the news archive. She

153 is an experienced employee, who joined the media management department at its inauguration in 2008. Prior to that she worked for over a decade in the cataloguing and visual resources departments and holds a Master’s degree from a library and information school, with a specialization in archival science. Similar to the library coordinator at the cataloguing department, the media manager’s responsibilities are divided between overseeing the daily media management operations at the news archive and long-term strategic development projects. The latter responsibilities are initiated and overseen by the divisional managers of the media management unit (See, Fig. 10), and include projects related to staffing, training, development of naming conventions, hardware and software infrastructure. 99 The goal of the media manager is coordinating the use of InterPlay Production and the management of the ISIS server capacity. In practice, this translates to maintaining the folder structure within InterPlay Production, which consists primarily of routinely confirming that folders are used appropriately as well as locating lost or misplaced files and troubleshooting system glitches and errors. Aside from that, the media manager is also responsible for ensuring that the ISIS server space is utilized as efficiently as possible. This is primarily done by monitoring the servers’ capacity and by deleting materials from the server as part of the weekly purge cycle. As discussed earlier, deletions occur daily—meaning that materials that entered the system on a particular day of the week are deleted a week later. Given the regular nature of deletions, it is not incorrect to suggest that a key role of the media managers daily operations is the deletion of files. To this point, the media manager remarks: “I wanted to become an archivist so I can keep things forever, now I just have to focus on deleting things.” As it will be discussed shortly, the media management department has made L+A’s operations and expertise much more visible and valuable within the CBC. Put simply, even if production units will never reuse archival footage, they benefit from effective media management. Several media managers have already been embedded in various CBC production departments, and during the time of my fieldwork plans were being made to embed a media manager in the CBC’s children and youth programming department. A passage from my interview with the senior divisional manager points to the impetus behind these

99 I did not interact on the record with any other members of the media management team, and thus my analysis is based solely on the information provided by the media manager in the news archive.

154 developments and also clarifies the role of the media manager in the broader organizational context:

The embedded media manager role was created only in the last five years with the introduction of DTV. The reason being, production can't manage this [digital] media efficiently. The next department in which we are embedding a media manager is Children's television department. The media manager will start looking into their practices because people from the Children’s television department came to us and said we can't find anything. So, because of the buy-in we have gotten from news and current affairs and communication [departments, where there are already embedded media managers], other production units are seeing the value of what librarians do and they [the media managers] will work with production they will work with editors, they will give them the naming conventions and the file folder structure which they can use to organize their workflows. And then at the end of the [production of television] series or the end of the season, it is the media managers that go and work with the editors or producers to clean up all material that was shot, and we take over what was shot and belongs to the CBC and then we make it into stox, and it is catalogued and archived. (emphasis added) — INTERVIEW # 5 00:15:49.3 - 00:18:03.4

The role of media managers is certainly set to grow within the CBC. But overall, the role is difficult to conceptualize in relation to prior literature as it is not only novel to the CBC but also to library and archival environments in general. The closest analogue being the concept and occupation of digital asset management. While it has been acknowledged in the literature that data management is a central part of digital curation, there are currently few focused empirical studies indicating how this role is manifested across curation contexts. Based on the present analysis, the media management role at the CBC news archive could be described as a technical support role directed towards developing and instating enterprise-wide best practices for the appropriate and efficient use of digital asset management systems. What makes this role interesting is that is as social as it is technological. In other words, the media managers at the CBC are as involved with educating staff on how to cultivate habits for efficiently using the media management systems, as they are involved with managing technology. Furthermore, while some key media management procedures are routine, most notably the daily deletion of files, there are frequent and recurring issues that need to be addressed on an ongoing basis. Troubleshooting a wide variety of system glitches and errors is a constant part of the job that requires extensive interaction with a range of organizational actors—from production staff to IT experts. Aside from that, media managers also frequently need to address issues related to server capacity, particularly when there is a sudden influx of incoming

155 media, typically during a “media crisis” (breaking news event of large significance). This makes the job quite dynamic. As a media manager explains:

I don't work 9-5 Monday to Friday. I work when I am needed. So, it is a very high- pressure job, because I manage capacity and if we run out of capacity we are off the air. So, you can't just say I will deal with it tomorrow. And also, news breaks all the time, and if something is to happen unexpectedly we have to react. — INTERVIEW # 11 00:21:13.7 - 00:23:01.8

Lastly, another responsibility of the media manager is the selection of materials for the LIBRARY OTHER folder. As discussed in the previous chapter, the folder is used to temporally hold materials gathered from external sources. The CBC does not own the copyright of these materials and therefore does not preserve them permanently. The media manager is responsible for creating the sub-folders within LIBRARY OTHER folder (see, Fig. 20), and somewhat out of kilter with the rest of her duties, she is responsible for selecting relevant materials for inclusion in the folder. Likewise, materials are deleted from the LIBRARY OTHER folder on the discretion of the media manager. Strictly speaking, this can be described as a temporary selection and acquisitions function that is performed by the media manager.

5.1.4 The Preservation Department

The preservation department has two overarching goals: the management of the deep archive and overseeing the ongoing digitization of CBC’s legacy videotape holdings. These goals are complex and meeting them involves the collaboration of numerous organizational actors (within and beyond L+A) as well as the operational management of information systems. On a most general level, however, the preservation department goals are internally understood as being similar to that of the media management department. The difference being that the media management department is responsible for the management of current media on the ISIS servers, whereas the preservation department is responsible for the management of media for long-term preservation which includes the deep archive as well as the legacy videotape holdings. In the words of the library coordinator at the preservation department: “the way we sort of break it up unofficially is [the media management department] takes care of the stuff

156 that is online [i.e., the ISIS server], and I take care of the stuff that are offline so the stuff that are on data tape [i.e., the deep archive] or videotape.” This offers an initial indication of how preservation is understood in the context of the curation lifecycle at the CBC—i.e., as a media management practice. The library coordinator at the preservation department has extensive experience in the organization. His educational background is in film production. Shortly after graduation, he began working in film archiving. After several years of working in other prominent Canadian moving image archives, he joined the CBC. He oversees a team of ten people. The size of the team fluctuates depending on the projects the department is tasked with. Staff for the department are generally drawn from the wider pool of L+A employees. Their training and experience vary based on the complexity of the tasks they are entrusted to perform. It is commonly asserted in the literature that digital preservation has ushered a new paradigm in custodial practices. But notably, when asked to reflect on how digital technologies have altered his work, the library coordinator at the preservation department offers an account that highlights the continuity between analogue and digital environments:

When I first started on the digital side, I come from traditional film archiving [background], and people often asked me: do you find it difficult moving into this new world? And I said no, it is exactly the same thing I have been doing for the past 15 years. You know, when you say you have to make a hi-res version, it is like making the original negative, the original master. When you make a low-res version, you’re making your screening copy. When you have to archive something [in the deep archive] it is like you put it on a shelf. When you think about it in terms of the concepts underlying what you are doing, as opposed to only in terms of the steps you are taking to do it, it is the same. You know, when you transcode something all you are doing is making another copy of it; so it is like you are dubbing it [for video] or moving it through the printer [for film]; the processes are the same, you are just using different buttons. — INTERVIEW # 15 00:21:09.1 - 00:22:50.6

There is no straightforward way to explain this finding. But it is worth suggesting that one reason might be that moving image preservation has always involved the migration of content from one media carrier to another. In the past, content was migrated from film to videotape and then from one generation of videotape to another. Today, content is migrated from one data storage technology to another and from one file format to another. And while undoubtedly there is a difference between copying a film reel on an optical printer and right-clicking on a

157 file to transcode it, the passage above suggests that as far as preservation is concerned, the technology may have changed but the underlying logic of practice has remained the same. Furthermore, there are two overarching procedures in the preservation department. The management of the deep archive and the management of the legacy digitization workflow. With respect to the first procedure, the library coordinator monitors the functioning of the system daily. The system facilitates this. It is equipped with data sensors and built-in advanced reporting capabilities. The library coordinator reviews and compiles system reports daily. Based on these reports, he makes recommendations on when it is necessary to expand the capacity of the deep archive storage and plans for media and file migration. Media migration, in this context, refers to what in the digital preservation literature is referred to as “refreshing”—i.e., moving the data from one data storage technology to another (e.g., form LTO 3 to LTO5 data tapes). File migration refers to transcoding the files from one file format to another. None of these decisions are taken independently; they are vetted at higher levels of authority and typically in consultation with organizational actors cross-nationally (but specifically, as I observed, in consultation with the CBC French Services, i.e., Radio-Canada). In sum, in this capacity, the library coordinator of the preservation department is responsible for initiating the organizational decision-making process necessary for ensuring the continuous operation of the deep archive—what in digital curation is defined as community watch and participation and preservation planning (See Fig. 1). In addition, the library coordinator of the preservation department is a first point of contact about issues related to the deep archive, which he frequently trouble-shoots. But aside from that, as noted earlier, the digital preservation process is highly automated. Any granular, technological procedures surrounding digital preservation—e.g., file format identification, checksum generation, and preservation metadata creation, etc.—are beyond the immediate concern of the preservation department. Upon ingestion in the deep archive, digital files are automatically inspected and indexed with a technical and administrative (i.e., preservation) metadata in compliance with OAIS specifications. Or at least that is the assurance Oracle has given to the CBC, and its other clients (Oracle Diva Archive 2015, 6). In daily practice, none of these preservation processes are of much concern; they are simply something the system does. As the library coordinator of the preservation department tells me: “no one sees that running aside from people like myself and the IT maintenance [the engineering and IT staff] people. It [the system] just does its job.”

158 5.1.5 The Visual Resources Department

Fifteen people work full-time in the visual resources department, and many of them, as mentioned earlier, also work in the cataloguing department for a couple of days a week. Several visual researchers are also permanently embedded with various CBC news production units. The library coordinator’s educational background is in the visual arts and journalism. Like all other library coordinators studied in this project, he joined the CBC more than a decade ago and has held various positions within the organization. The visual research department serves the needs of CBC news and television producers. Visual researchers research, locate, and deliver archival moving images for reuse to internal, and occasionally external, clients. The department can receive up to a hundred reuse requests on any given day. Typically, these requests are straightforward, about footage related to current events or other easily identifiable personalities, topics, or landmarks (e.g., shots of Parliament Hill the CN Tower, etc). At other times, the requests could be more abstract (e.g., footage to illustrate the increase of cell phone use in Canada). In some cases, CBC journalists and news producers contact the department for reference information only, primarily when they are working on a specific story and want to know what previous reporting has been done on the topic. Irrespective of the nature of the requests, however, the work procedures inevitably involve the search and retrieval of archival moving images. Early in my fieldwork, the senior coordinator offered a concise description of the goals of the work. As he put it, [our goal] is “to locate archival materials in the proper database, and to determine their relevance and reuse potential.” About a year later, during our interviews he further expanded on this point (without my prompting) in a more abstract tone:

it is a service-based workflow; I think it is a bit like a restaurant where people come in and ask for different things; a lot of people ask for the same thing all the time; so we have a lot of requests like that, and then we have other requests that are more complicated. So, I think there is similarity [with other types of service work]—there is the client service aspect which is very important I think. — INTERVIEW # 18 00:01:25.5-00:03:00.8

The majority of clients are CBC journalists and news producers, but theoretically, anyone at the CBC could use the department’s services if they wish to find and reuse archival materials.

159 Occasionally, the department serves external clients. They could be members of other federal agencies, film producers, scholars, artists, as well as members of the public interested in obtaining moving images that have aired on the CBC. External requests are rarely urgent. They are typically handled by the library coordinator. During my fieldwork, I observed him in assisting in various capacities an academic researcher studying media representations of the Middle East pre- and post-9/11; a curator from the Canadian Museum of History, seeking moving images for an exhibition commemorating Canada 150th anniversary (on July 1, 2017); and a film producer working on a documentary. Unlike the rest of the media librarians, the visual researchers are situated directly in the CBC Toronto newsroom. The library coordinator’s desk is likewise in the newsroom, adjacent to the rest of his staff.

5.2 The News Archive’s Policy

Although the specifics of practice emerge clearly only in the context of daily work, which is yet to be examined, their broad outlines are set out in the L+A policy (L+A Policy, 2015). Policies have an important role in the context of digital curation because, as Ray (2012) notes, “[n]o distributed network can function as an integrated whole without a policy framework, rules and accepted practices for how it will operates” (605). As discussed earlier, the practice theory perspective deemphasizes the significance of policy and rules in practice but does not exclude them from an analytical view (Suchman (2007 [1987]) 40). Rules are seen as providing the underlying structures of practice but are also mailable as they are altered through their recurrent instantiation in practice. This idea is most clearly captured in Anthony Giddens’ structuration theory. As Giddens (1984) explains “[s]tructures exits only in their instantiation in the knowledge activities of situated human subjects, which reproduce them as structural properties of social systems embedded in spans of time-space” (304; for a discussion, see section 3.1). It is pertinent to the analysis, therefore, to understand the curation lifecycle at the CBC news archive in light of the L+A policy. The L+A policy defines the objectives and mandate of the archive as supporting the “systematic collection, preservation, and ongoing access to heritage materials for the purposes of aiding future corporation production and materials of enduring interest to the history and culture of Canada at the discretion of and guidance of the Director of L+A” (L+A policy 2015,

160 2). The guiding principles underpinning the acquisition of archival materials are defined by the L+A policy (2015, 3) as:

• To support internal reuse by The Corporation's program production, sales, publication, and other distribution activities irrespective of platform. • To reflect and illustrate our programming and have the appropriate material for research and information about this programming. • To document the history and culture of Canada, as reflected in The Corporation's programs, as well as to provide material of historic interest in all fields (regional history, national and international history, corporate history, social development, arts, sciences) and to provide a Canadian perspective on international events.

The L+A policy (2015, 5) further designates three types of moving image materials subject to acquisition:

• Finished Content o This represents content presented through any platform including master or original program recordings, edited items, sporting or special events. Selected content is platform neutral and includes all programming in which The Corporation has a partnership interest. o Finished content is our production output and preserved as it was originally presented or otherwise distributed without modification

• Raw Materials o L+A staff in consultation with production units, evaluate the potential re-use of raw production elements created through the production process. Material is selected based on its potential for use by future productions and external sales.

• Procured Content o Fully procured content, such as Commercial Music, stock photos and international News feeds are used for programming on various platforms where rights are acquired. Procured content represents the output of third party creators that may be used within our own productions, distributed through The Corporation's channels, or used as a standalone presentation.

Lastly, in an appendix, the L+A policy (2015, 14) identifies four criteria guiding the selection for preservation across all types of content:

• Potential for re-use • Canadian Content • Uniqueness to the collection • Distributed programming (including in-house productions, co- productions, external

161 productions, acquisitions)

Furthermore, the policy also details some aspects of the operations of the cataloguing department. A guiding principle for cataloguing is that “[t]he level of investment in asset description will vary according to the operational or archival value of the asset, and its retention period” (L+A Policy 2015, 6). Determining what detail of descriptive metadata should be included with a given material is a responsibility of the staff of the cataloguing department. The L+A policy (2015, 17) identifies three levels of cataloguing depth:

• Intake Records o An intake record is the application of the most basic level of metadata that allows that asset to be identified. • Limited Cataloguing o A metadata schema that describes only limited aspects of an asset. Limited cataloguing results in broad and less precise search results and users must spend time to review, investigate and identify content to fulfil their production needs. • Full Cataloguing o A metadata schema that fully describes, in detail, the content of an asset in order to make it easily retrievable in the future. Full cataloguing facilitates better recall and precision in searching by allowing the user to find specific content.

The L+A policy is most detailed with regard to the acquisition and cataloguing departments, offering limited guidance for the operations of the other departments. The objectives of the media management department are defined as the “stewardship of physical and file-based content that has been accessioned into our collection” (L+A Policy 2015, 6). The objectives of the preservation department are defined as “[ensuring] the integrity of the content according to retention schedules by protecting the physical elements and migrating the content in a responsible manner” (L+A Policy 2015, 7). Lastly, the L+A policy (2015, 10) defines the objectives of the visual resources department as providing access and “enhanced storytelling tools to The Corporation’s producers and journalists on all our platforms” as well as providing access to the following three external user groups:

• External Industry o We provide services to external industry professionals for a consideration or a fee. • Educational Research o We provide access to the collection for educational or research purposes upon request and at the discretion of management.

162 • Online Access o While distribution rights mean some parts of the collection can never be made fully public it is hoped that advances in the breadth of our digital holdings and better file sharing services will further the use of the collection among non-professionals and the greater Canadian public. Some content is already available via the web.

Finally, the policy introduces the concept of rights. Noting that “[i]n general, content is selected because we own it or because we have a partnership interest in it. It can be selected for its cultural or historic value, or for its potential re-use within The Corporation or externally. It may also include but is not restricted to commercial music, books and periodicals. Potential rights issues have no bearing on this aspect of the policy” (L+A policy 2015, 5) and further specifying that “a lack of rights to re-use material does not automatically exclude the retention of it, but a note must be made of rights issues, and we must have the right to archive” (L+A policy 2015, 13). The overall structure of curation lifecycle as well as the policy guidelines described above, establish an important element of the context within which practice unfolds.

5.3 Curation as a Situated Action: The Gap between Plans and Situated Action

The congruence between the curation lifecycle at the CBC news archive and the DCC life- cycle model is palpable. But what the present study reveals is that there was no premeditated effort to align the organizational workflows with this model. As a reference model, the DCC life-cycle model does not appear to have played any role in shaping practice at the news archive. Internally, it is considered that the curation life-cycle developed organically. When the archiving and reuse of moving images began at the CBC in the 1950s there was hardly any academic or professional expertise on the topic. Consequently, much of the organizational practices were developed in the context of daily practice. Later, new generations came and further improved on what was already present, and in the process continually adapted organizational practices to meet the demands of emerging technologies. Over the years, specific practices and processes formed into established organizational workflows, yet most of these remain specific to the department. This is further evinced by the fact that during my fieldwork numerous research participants ascertained that the organizational structure and workflows at the news archive

163 developed within the situated context of the Toronto branch, and could not be generalized beyond this context. The differences are perceived as being most sharp in relation to the CBC French services, where the work processes, as the senior divisional manager tells me, are “structured differently from us.” The Toronto branch and Montreal branch, of course, collaborate on issues pertaining to development of metadata taxonomies and choice of file format wrappers and codecs (only two examples of a collaboration that I have personally witnessed during my fieldwork), but the operations of the news archives at the two branches appear to be structured differently.100 To an extent, this is not surprising as the differences between the French and English CBC operations have been acknowledged in the communication studies literature, where they have been attributed to the French CBC services’ tenuous connection with the Anglophone North-American culture, which is seen as providing the conditions for the emergence of unique practices of content production, As Armstrong (2016) writes since its early days CBC French-language “relied less on US program material than its English-language counterpart and rapidly developed a distinctive style of its own” (30). As my evidence indicates, those differences protrude beyond the content production practices and are also reflected in the practices of the news archive. This insight supports one of the central theoretical propositions underpinning my approach, namely, that organizational practices are deeply contingent on the local, situated context in which they emerge. Another finding that supports the theoretical perspective on practice advanced in this dissertation is the marginal influence organizational policy has on the nature of daily work. The policy sets out the broad vision for what it must be accomplished but does not address the complexity of daily practice—and to be fair, likely it was never intended to do so. As one of the library coordinators notes:

The policy is written for two kinds of people. One is incoming employees who will be working here, who have no idea what the policy is and you can hand them this document and they can look at it and while it is lean it does in fact inform you of what you can expect. These policy documents are intended for people further up the line, so it is managers senior managers and so on up to the Ministerial level [of government], where they want to know what on earth is your policy. Well, the Minister of Culture does not want to sit down to read page book about acquisition policy in the CBC, they

100 These differences are of interest even to the news archive management, who encouraged me to extend my study to the Montreal branch. An opportunity I was unable to undertake due to the period to complete fieldwork on this project.

164 just want to know what it is. And if you can give it to them in some kind of quick easy to understand comprehensive but not overly detailed fashion they will be grateful. So, the policy documents you are looking at [a copy of the policy was on the table during the interview] tends to be for people further up the line and are introduced to new employees to let them know that this is the kind of thing we are talking about. But yes, it is important to have a policy because that will guide you ... if it is written down and is policy it has to be adhered to. — INTERVIEW # 1 — 00:11:36.4 - 00:12:43.4

The policy thus sets out a broad set of rules in line with the institution’s values, but it is in the gaps between policy and practice, where the complexity of archival work resides. Learning the ins and outs of the job happens in the practice. As the same research participant quoted above points out on another occasion “[t]here is a great deal of other things about the company that you are expected to just figure out—like in any big company, just figure it out.” Remarkably, even the sense of purpose and mission, which the policy comprehensively describes, arguably emerges in the context of daily practice. As a library coordinator who took part in the drafting of the policy explains:

Even though I participated in the drafting of the [policy] statement it does not necessarily——hmmm... it's nice to know it is there, but it doesn't necessarily inform my daily work, because I think a broad corporate statement doesn't necessarily encompass what I feel is critical to daily work. — INTERVIEW # 8 00:00:53.9 - 00:02:23.7

In addition, the way policy stipulations are translated to daily work is also complicated by the complex relationship between technology and practice. As the library coordinator of the preservation department explains:

. . . there are so many variables in digital preservation so it is almost impossible to set all these variables down and have a clear plan telling you if it is this do this and so on. So, really that is why we keep it [the policy] at a guiding principle level, the goal is to preserve it as best as possible, given what you have available and what you know of the future. — INTERVIEW # 16 00:26:07.4 - 00:27:18.3

Ultimately, then, the empirical findings presented thus far lend support to another theoretical argument advanced in this dissertation; namely, that policy directions provide only rough— albeit informative—guidance within which practice and the myriad of complex decisions and determinations that accompany it unfolds in the situated context of daily work.

165 5.4 Technology’s Influence on Curation Practice

While this study focuses on curation practice as experienced in the context of daily work, the data allows me to describe how the social, material, and cultural arrangements and mechanisms at the CBC news archive have evolved following the introduction of digital infrastructure at the news archive in 2008. This analysis provides a further depth to the contextualization of the case study and develops an account of the influence of material factors at social (organizational and procedural) and cultural levels (See summary in Appendix A, Table 4). Thus, it provides an account of how the digital transformation of the CBC from analogue to digital infrastructure has influenced the nature of curation practice.

5.4.1 From Analogue to Digital Curation

The organizational structure of L+A and the curation lifecycle at the news archive predate the deployment of digital infrastructure at the CBC but were nonetheless altered by it. One notable change was the creation of the media management department. The department plays a crucial role in the daily operations of the news archive as well as the daily operations of the CBC newsroom, because, as discussed earlier, media librarians and newsroom staff alike share space on ISIS servers, use the deep archive, and work with the same tools—i.e., InterPlay Production. The media managers oversee the weekly purge cycles, maintain the folder structure within InterPlay Production, and ensure that the ISIS servers run at capacity. The consequences of mistakes could potentially be dire, as theoretically, if the ISIS servers go over capacity the CBC can go off the air. Media managers also work closely with production staff across other departments such as sports and post, assisting them to name and organize materials in the InterPlay Production environment properly. This auxiliary organizational role of L+A— which a research participant described as an “external service” L+A provides to the rest of the corporation—was initiated concurrently with the introduction of the digital infrastructure but quickly proved invaluable because as digital workflows became prevalent across at the CBC, production and editorial staff found it increasingly difficult to manage moving image

166 materials. The media librarians, who up to this point had a passive role, thus came to assume greater responsibility in the day-to-day management of production materials at the CBC. There is evidence indicating that the integration of media librarians in the production departments was not always smooth and required a sustained effort to earn the trust and cooperation of journalists and production staff. As one media librarian describes:

It has taken a long time to get buy-in from production to talk to us upfront—they didn't understand the importance of media management. Nearly at the end of my role, I've done that to a certain extent; they all knew who I was; they would come to me, invite me to their meetings; it was good. But a lot of the time I was like the little kid chasing after them. It was very difficult to get them to think of me as part of the team. — INTERVIEW # 14 — 00:57:47.3 - 00:59:37.2

Despite these growing pains, the media management expertise is now firmly integrated into the CBC production processes. Media librarians who perform media management services for production hold the titles of embedded media librarians. They were first embedded in the news production department, and subsequently, their role was extended to other production departments, such as sports and post. As such, the role of the embedded media librarians is illustrative of the way digital technologies have inadvertently extended the L+A operational reach across the CBC. In turn, this sheds light on the indirect mechanisms through which digital technologies extend the authority and responsibilities of information professionals in general. Another way in which technology has changed the operations of the CBC news archive is by making the role of the visual resources department and acquisition more proactive. In the past, media librarians were reacting to requests from news production staff, at present they seek to anticipate them. Specifically, the visual resources department now have their own designated space in the CBC newsroom. In addition, members of the visual resources department regularly attend morning editorial meetings, which provides them with perspectives on the stories the newsroom is developing. This allows visual researchers to anticipate what archival materials the newsroom may request on a given day and because the visual resources and acquisition departments “speak among [themselves] the whole time” the relationship with the newsroom also influences, to an extent, the nature of archival materials being acquired.

167 Furthermore, the embedding of visual resources librarians in the newsroom was initiated by the senior management, but the rationale justifying this organizational restructuring was triggered by the introduction of the digital infrastructure, as the following quote by the senior divisional manager reveals:

And another thing is that 10 years ago, we were reactive to news of the day, but the introduction of desktop television [DTV] and the immediacy of everything, and moving libraries to the front in the newsroom, I would have never imagined that we will be told that we need librarians in the newsroom. And then it became a reality and other broadcasters going into the digital had told us, you need librarians because they are organized. And I took it another step further and I said you know what, you are right there in the hub [the newsroom floor] you need to be recognized. So, I made one person every day to go to their [the newsroom] editorial meetings. They had a physical presence and they will come back and make a brief note of the top stories editorial is chasing on that day. What a librarian will do is start researching, and they will actually take a proactive role and start restoring footage from the archives, placing it in a folder making it accessible to everybody across the country. So, editors and producers can start cutting stories. That never happened in the past. — INTERVIEW # 15 — 00:19:21.6 - 00:22:16.9

The influence of technology on the organizational context is evident also in the ways in which the introduction of the digital infrastructure changed the organization of the archival collections and the difficulties it posed to employees who were unable to adapt their work to the new digital workflows. More specifically, prior to the digital infrastructure, archival materials were separated into 11 distinct collections, organized around genres such as Sports, news, stox, etc., and often managed via different IT systems. With the introduction of the digital infrastructure, these collections were amalgamated, as the content itself no longer resided on videotapes but in the deep archive. As the library coordinator of the preservation department explains:

We started off many years ago in preparation for digital by amalgamating all the [moving image] archives we had. I believe there were 11 in CBC Toronto, basically every department had their own archive. We combined all those in one structure. And stopped looking at things in terms of its genre and more in terms of usage. . . So, we amalgamated all these together into these service units, the functional units, client services, media management, and cataloguing. So, the customers [clients] specifically had only one place to go, they will go to client services and it didn't matter where in the building it was and what kind of material it was, we would be able to find it for you. So, it is more efficient and reduces waste. At the same time because digital technology is fairly complex, you really want it to be used in one way, because if

168 everybody is naming things the way they want, if everybody is managing the media their own way, especially if they are describing it in their own way, it becomes very difficult to find it again. — INTERVIEW # 15 — 00:13:09.3 00:16:02.4

The arrival of the digital infrastructure required restructuring of the collections and synchronization of workflows. It also brought to light how useful the expertise in naming information consistently librarians and archivists have developed over centuries is for a modern digital newsroom and its archive. But as the following quote reveals not everyone welcomed, or was able to adjust, to this transition:

[when the archival collections were amalgamated and DTV was introduced] we involved the staff ... telling them this is what we are doing; this is what we are thinking of doing; what do you think will work, what won't work. And it was very interesting some people were just saying, no we are not going there and others embrace it. Also, we wanted the staff to be multi-skilled, CBC was shrinking with a lot of layoffs, so we were picking up the extra work, so we decided that just because you work in radio it doesn't mean you will always stay in radio, because I have now a bigger need in television. And so, we started a whole process with a change manager to facilitate the changes that will take place, and it took two years. But we got there. It was interesting those that could not manage the change either took longer or they left. And now we have basically a very multi-tasked workforce; they can do one or the other; whenever someone is sick anyone can step in. — INTERVIEW # 5 — 00:22:34.1 - 00:24:42.3

On a similar note, a library coordinator exults the overall benefits of technology but emphasizes the difficulties it created for ‘certain individuals,’ when asked to reflect on the question if the arrival of digital technology made the organizational processes more complex:

I can't think of anything that became harder, no. It is harder for individuals—the management of this change and the understanding of the change can be difficult, you know when you have been working for 10 years, 20 years and more in the same way. So, it could be difficult for people. But certain individuals themselves. I can't think of anything else, other than growing pains, that was adversely affected by this management change. — INTERVIEW # 15 — 00:19:20.6 00:19:29.9

Lastly, another, important way in which technology influenced the organizational practices is in relation to the expertise of new employees being hired. Traditionally, L+A employees were either journalists or video production professionals who found their way into the library. But with the introduction of the digital, L+A made a strategic decision that new employees, beyond

169 the rank of library technician, must hold an accredited ALA degree in library and information studies. As a result, the majority of employees hired since 2008 hold Masters degrees in library and information science or archival science from ALA-accredited information schools, typically in Ontario. An important reason for that was the recognition that trained librarians and archivists have the expertise necessary to manage digital information. The divisional manager emphasizes this point when asked why the L+A began hiring employees with information studies qualification:

Well, it is actually as I said earlier, it is not only that they are organized, they have that librarianship mentality where things can be found, and in the digital world if it is not catalogued properly or if it is not in its right place it is lost forever. So, librarians bring another role and yes, they are organized. Production and reporters, they want to cut a story and it is gone, all the inherent clean up afterwards they don't want to know about. So, all the original shot material, the stand-ups, the voiceovers, the scripts they might have used to create that piece, they just want to walk away from it. — INTERVIEW # 6 — 00:04:48.3 - 00:06:14.1

This observation is further corroborated by another reflection made by a library coordinator

[with the change to digital] we started to find that the people who were working in the library simply did not have the professionalism needed to make librarians, they were production people and that was what they were. They did not have the skills to do all the ideal organizing that librarians do. The information processing the librarians do was not a second nature to them; they didn't understand quite what the goals were. And the skill set, as technology changed, got more and more complex. So, it became increasingly clear that what we needed were more librarians and fewer production types. So, the landscape changed, moved away from production running these libraries to, professional librarians doing it because we have to had that skill set. — INTERVIEW # 1 - 01:22:26.8 - 01:23:12.6

Yet, understanding of the practices of broadcasting journalism and news production in general, remain vital competencies for the work of moving image media librarians. And employees with library and information studies degrees are expected to pick up on these skills. The current competitive North-American job market, inadvertently plays to the benefit of L+A’s management, who now have entry-level job applicants with both degrees in journalism and library and information studies—a type of employee which they identify as possessing ideal qualification.

170 Interestingly, the findings also suggest that these changes in the professional training and qualifications required for entering the news archive’s workforce also had an impact on how the notion of curation expertise is perceived in the context of daily work. One notable effect is that media librarians began to draw symbolic distinctions between colleagues who are trained in journalism and those trained in library and information sciences, as revealed by the interview passages presented in Table 2. Theoretically, this makes palpable the link between the social and cultural dimensions of practice by demonstrating that changes at the organizational level reverberate at the cultural level.

5.4.2 Unstable Media and Borrowed Tools

There are several ways in which technology gives shape and structure to curation practices in the news archive. Interoperability and file interchange are ingrained in the foundations of digital broadcasting systems. Reuse of moving image materials has always been a part of news broadcasting production, where footage of a given news event is often reused in varying configurations to produce different news stories across time. 101 Digital systems have increased the speed and efficiency of these practices. In the past, moving image materials were tied to physical media carriers (predominantly videotape). Now physical media is a storage format, whereas the use of moving image materials is format independent, entirely mediated through asset management tools, thus unhinged from the constraints of any physical medium. A librarian at the acquisition department puts into perspective how these changes are experienced on the ground:

[technology] changed how fast we can go through the material. I can look at an hour and a half in 10 seconds. You just take your mouse and scroll. And if you know what you're looking for it takes seconds to find and archive. Whereas in the olden days you had to hunt down the tape and hope that no one else had it. Because it was only one tape back in the 1980s and the 1990s . . . Now if you have a computer with DTV, it is like having 300 copies of the tape for everyone to look at as much as they want; 50

101 For example, it has always been the case that raw footage of a news-worthy event (say, a crime) can be reused in multiple news stories and across broadcasting genres (e.g., at the time of the event occurrence it can be reused in a brief news report in the 6 o’clock news and in a more extensive report in the 9 o’clock news), and it can then be further reused years later (e.g., in a news report on the development of the case as it goes to trial or in a long-form journalistic piece produced years after the event has occurred).

171 editors can work with the same footage at the same time. Whereas before, when someone died, say Ronald Regan died, and we pull every tape we had on him; and people will phone I need this and I need that... and we will be: Oh, that tape is in editing suite number 5; oh, that tape is with local news and etc. It was a lot of people running around after the same tape; if you can just imagine five and six shows NewsWorld, Local news, National news, each show trying to get a hold of the same tape. So, we were dubbing tapes [making copies] .... and then all these awful copies were floating around each dub is a dub of a dub of a dub .... so, the quality is reduced. Now this digital file is as immaculate the first time as the fiftieth time [it is copied]; so . . . there is no more running to the archive for a tape no more signing out a tape— it is more accessible, but it is also faster to archive. — INTERVIEW # 3 - 00:49:04.8 - 00:52:06.5

In a similar vein, the library coordinator at the acquisition department tells me:

One of the big improvements for television is that in past there was a tape copy of something, and if you have [news] story breaking you had 15 reports who needed the same tape which you were dubbing endlessly. If you had time you dubbed it; if not you were sharing the tape. In a library system where there is only one copy, this is extremely dangerous, because once the copy has left the original set of hands it disappears. Tape was one of our biggest stumbling blocks. Once you have a file- based system, you can use anything all the time. — INTERVIEW # 3 00:17:40.8 - 00:18:09.9

Clearly, digital broadcasting systems enable cooperation and reuse of moving image materials in broadcasting environments—the primary purpose for which they were designed. The speed and efficiency of these systems are laudable and equally appreciated by archivists as the two quotes above indicate. Yet, it is worth acknowledging that their functionality is at odds with the traditional digital tools of curation such as digital preservation systems and electronic records management systems. On these grounds, it is possible to suggest further that archivists do their work with borrowed tools—the tools of broadcasting. My observations lend support to this conceptualization. Specifically, media librarians revealed to me that changing any aspect of the technology at the CBC is beyond their control. They must work with the tools they are given.102 These tools are not entirely unconducive to archival work, of course. In conceptual terms, however, it could be stated that while their affordances are oriented towards the editing

102 In an interview, a senior manager explained to me that all technology investment is relegated to the engineering or other departments as these are capital investments [beyond the control of L+A].

172 and management of broadcasting materials, as such, they must be articulated to support the goals of curation. Several examples can be made to illustrate this observation. To begin with, digital preservation and electronic records management systems are designed to ensure the authenticity and longevity of digital objects. As means of achieving this goal, they pivot around formalization of digital objects as discrete entities.103 Any alteration to the digital object is recorded in metadata thus establishing an unbroken chain of metadata evidence with reference to which the authenticity of digital objects could be verified. In broadcasting systems, however, we encounter alternative digital objects, which rather than being discrete entities are more accurately described as representations of aggregated data from various sources that, moreover, are infinitely alterable.104 It is often the case that news producers and editors will change the specific structure of news materials either because the news story has evolved or because the material will air at a different time slot on the CBC network. This explains why media librarians often grapple with identifying what version of content they should archive, using the notion of last-to-air version as a guidepost. As a media librarian at the acquisition department tells me:

There is a great deal of selection that is only because they are cutting more than one version, and we try to capture the versions they went to air with, not the versions they cut for the NBC or the version they cut for blah-blah [other channels, e.g., www.cbc.ca] there are many versions of things. So, the selection process at the item level is just to try to identify what we went to air with. — INTERVIEW # 2 00:11:06.4 - 00:11:24.5

Rather than permanence and fixity, then, the defining conceptual characteristics of these digital objects are more accurately described by the concepts of relationality, variability, and openness (Kallinikos, Aaltonen, and Marton 2010 & 2013; Hui 2012). These are undeniably

103 It is of course true that even what I call “discrete digital objects”, such as for example a book in a PDF format, are nothing more than an aggregation of bit streams, strings, and graphs at the level of the data object. But here I am discussing digital objects as the composite of a data object and content information as postulated by OAIS. At this level of abstraction, a book in a PDF format is a discrete object, whereas a master clip is a AAF metadata representation that aggregates data from one or more MXF files. 104 As described above the digital object with which broadcasting archivists work are composed of several elements— master clips, sub clips, sequences, and media files—and are, in theory, infinitely alterable. This should come as no surprise as the systems were designed to support this functionality, which is precisely my point.

173 different digital objects from what we typically encounter in archival contexts.105 The first interesting characteristic of the curation infrastructure at the CBC news archive then is that media librarians must archive digital objects that by design run against the grain of the notions of fixity and permanence and as such do not fit into any established notion of a record or, as Yeo’s (2008) puts it, any established record “prototype”. These atypical digital objects have implications for practice that echo Cook’s (2001) observation that digital records necessitate a shift “away from viewing records as static objects and towards understanding them as dynamic and even virtual concepts” (Cook 2001, 29). A factor that places new challenges on the conceptual definition of value and authenticity. Similarly, while the deep archive is an OAIS compliant system, and the MXF wrapper is a reliable preservation format, but nonetheless these technologies are not designed for archival work.106 For example, despite Oracle’s assurance that the DIVArchive: Content Storage Management system provides OAIS compliant workflows, it is also clear that it is a system designed to prioritize access to data, which may or may not be reflected in the degree of its OAIS compliance. To think further about the deep archive’s status as an archival system, it is useful to reference Borgman’s (1999) discussion of digital libraries as “boundary objects,” which demonstrates that historically the term “digital libraries” has been understood and used in two dialectically opposed ways by the library and information science community and the information systems and computer science communities. Borgman’s (1999) analysis suggests that while specific technologies may provide a set of “affordances,” these can be understood and used differently by different communities. On these grounds, it can be suggested that while the deep archive is an archival system, it is nonetheless an archival system developed with the needs of the broadcasting market in mind, where speed of access surpasses concerns of permanence and longevity and the very term archiving is understood as the process of

105 They are atypical but of course not unique as more and more complex digital objects (databases, video games, multi- media) are being curated and preserved in cultural institutions including archives (e.g., Delve and Anderson 2014). The collected papers in Delve and Anderson (2014) were developed in a multi-year Joint Information Systems Committee (JISC) funded project titled Preservation of Complex Objects Symposia (POCOS). 106 For example, while MXF is a preservation reliant format, the XDCAM proprietary codec is not. Here technological constraints again paly a role. As noted earlier, in a conversation, during my fieldwork at the preservation department it was revealed to me that the primary reason they archive the XDCAM codec is that this is the codec supported by the Sony digital cameras used to shoot footage at the CBC. From archival point of view, it makes sense to migrate to more reliable non-proprietary codec such as for example JPG2000 (a gold standard in digital preservation) when preserving the material in the deep archives, but the costs of such a migration would have been enormous both in terms of increased data storage as well as in terms of decreased interoperability of the systems which will now have to handle one extra codec.

174 moving data to a secure storage location by writing it on LTO tapes. This understanding is entirely consistent with the general understanding of the term “archiving” in the media production literature, where it is used in a way corresponding to what in digital curation and preservation would be referred to as a backup (e.g., See, Staten and Bayes 2009, 98-100). Thus, both the deep archive and InterPlay Production are technologies designed to support the operations of a broadcasting production environments and to do so they pivot around a conceptualization of digital objects that is different than that found in preservation and records management systems. Therefore, it could be concluded that media librarians are working with borrowed tools, which appears as a productive analytical metaphor to describe the empirical reality under analysis here.107 The view that media librarians are working with borrow tools is also supported by how they perceive their use of technology. As discussed in chapter 4, the belief that working at the news archive requires “highly specialized and highly specific” practice, a “special library” that pivots on the use of sophisticated tools and workflows, was expressed by all research participants. However, the tension this alignment creates between curation infrastructure and practice emerges most clearly in a passage taken from my interview with the library coordinator at the preservation department:

[One of the biggest challenge to our work] is balancing production need vs. archival needs. We as an in-house unit use XDCAM50, because that is what production uses. It has not always been this way and will not always be this way, but because the archive is using the production facilities [technological infrastructure] by default our file format has to be XDCAM50, which is a compromise with accessibility [in the context of preservation]. So that is one of the big challenges: trying to fit, trying to shape the production resources to fit what we need in an archival situation. I don't want to say trying to get what we want, because it is not that anybody is preventing us from getting what we want. It is just, this is the system that is available, pick the piece that fit and leave behind the pieces that are not helpful. — INTERVIEW # 16 00:20:39.5 - 00:23:58.4

The working with borrowed tools metaphor thus points to an interesting conceptualization. It logically follows, as suggested in the quote above, that if media librarians are working with borrowed tools, they adapt the infrastructure to the objectives of their work, “pick the piece

107 I use the term analytical metaphor following Miles, Huberman, and Saldaña (2013) who posit an analytical metaphor as one of several “tactic for generating meaning” from qualitative data (277), and define it as a “data-condensing device, taking several particulars and making a single generality of them” (281 [emphasis in the original]).

175 that fit and leave behind the pieces that are not helpful.” This view agrees with the literature on information systems and information technology in organizations, which, as discussed in section 3.3, have proposed various concepts to make sense of processes of such socio-material entanglement. One concept that could be applicable here is structuration, which would suggest that technology and organizational practices would gradually align. But this does not seem to accurately reflect the phenomenon observed here, as media librarians need not only adapt to a new technology but to a technology exhibiting affordances designed to serve different ends, those of broadcasting production.

+ =

Technology Journalistic Structuration Practice

+ + =

Technology Journalistic Curation Practice Workaround Practice

Figure 27. Structuration vs. Workarounds

The concept of workarounds thus more accurately describes the socio-material entanglement at the news archive

5.5 Conclusion

This chapter described the actors in the news archive and their work. Much of the detail the chapter revealed will be analytically relevant in the analysis in the next chapter. But importantly, the chapter showed the changes in curation practice brought about the digital transformation of the CBC in 2008. As it was discussed, the news archive has existed since

176 the 1950s, but for the larger part of its history, it had a passive role of managing media at the end of the news production cycle. The digital transformation of the CBC marked a shift in these practices. This shift is manifested in the following ways (See also, Appendix A, Table 4). The L+A department was tasked with governing the overall management of both production and archival media. Media managers were embedded directly into the production departments to be able to assume control over the curation of media at the point of creation. This increased the prominence of L+A in the wider organizational environment, as the department began overseeing not only the handling of the archival media but also the handling of production media in the news, sports, post, current affairs, and arts & entertainment production departments. As a result, the operations of the news archive became proactive rather than reactive. For example, visual resources employees were embedded directly into the newsroom. Members of the visual resources department began attending the news department’s daily editorial briefs/meetings to better anticipate the production needs of the news department on any given day. Yet, the digital transformation of the CBC had other effects, too. It increased the pace of work, which created new pressures and demands on media librarians. The videotape (as the main media of curation) was replaced by a complex set of media assets: master clips, sub-clips, and sequences. Some of these digital assets are highly unstable. They can be altered easily. They were in fact designed to function in this way. It thus became increasingly difficult to determine the identity and integrity of moving images materials, which now exist in multiple versions, can be broadcast across a variety of channels, and could be edited instantaneously and without due notice. The digital transformation likewise increased the speed and efficiency of access to archival materials and the transfer of materials from one organizational actor to another (e.g., from production to the archive or from one department in the archive to another). Essentially, at present, all production and archival media is managed in a single asset management system— InterPlay Production. In this environment, to control the transfer of media across the system, and therefore across departments, the news archive took over the management of the InterPlay Production folder structure, created file naming conventions, and established procedural rules for using the system. As discussed in chapter 4, this provides the structure that enables materials to be exchanged across the various stages of the curation lifecycle.

177 Furthermore, the CBC digital transformation had social effects on curation practices too. Employees with new expertise in library and information studies began to be actively recruited in the department (all staff hired before the digital transition had training in journalism and news production). This redefined the overall social makeup of the organization and the boundaries of what counts as expertise in practice. This development that is evident in the symbolic boundaries media librarians draw between members of their team who are trained in the field of journalism and those trained in library and information science. This suggests that changes at the organizational level reverberate at the cultural level of practice. Specifically, it shows that changes in the hiring qualification for the job were accompanied by the emergences of symbolic constructs on the nature of what journalistic vs. library expertise bring to the curation practice (See, Appendix A, Table 2). Lastly, this chapter expanded the analysis of the curation infrastructure that began in chapter 4. It revealed that media librarians must accomplish their work with the technological infrastructure already in place at the CBC. It thus demonstrated that while technology presents a set of “affordances” suitable for the production of broadcasting television, these affordances need to be adapted in order to become conducive to curation work. The chapter subsequently analyzed the mechanisms through which such adaptations are achieved. Drawing on insights from this and the preceding chapter it could be concluded that genres and workarounds are two mechanisms through which curation practice is articulated in relation to proprietary curation infrastructure.

178 Chapter 6: Curation Practice

The preceding two chapters examined the social and material context, rules, norms, and procedures at the news archive. This chapter turns to a central interest of the analysis to examine the nature and structure of curation practice, technology’s use in practice, and the meanings curators attached to their actions and environment. As discussed in chapter 5, the curation lifecycle mirrors the DCC lifecycle model (cf., Fig. 1 & 26 above). To further explore this resemblance, the analysis in this chapter shows how archival news materials are acquired, selected, appraised, transformed, ingested, preserved, stored and reused at the CBC news archive. Lastly, in line with the analytical focus of the dissertation, evaluative practices are given special attention.

6.1. Acquisition

The acquisition of full programs is a routinized process that at varying stages requires qualitative decisions and judgments. As discussed in section 4.3, the news archive acquires three main types of archival materials full programs, items, and stox. Full programs are recorded through the InterPlay Production tool Capture, designed to enable the recording of live broadcasting feeds. Members of the acquisition department’s primary responsibility in working with Capture is to ensure that all daily recordings are scheduled appropriately, oversee the system operations, troubleshot system errors, transfer the recorded materials to the cataloguing department, and subsequently ingest them into the deep archive. Specifically, all news programs are recorded in full, live as they air. Following the recording, copies of the programs appear in the folder Incoming Media/CBC programs. Each day, media librarians take the news program, give them a library title, and move them to the LIBRARY WORKING / LIBRARY PROCESSING/ PROGRAMS/ PROGRAMS/ PROGRAMS TO BE CATALOGUED folder, passing the materials to the cataloguing department. Once catalogued—typically within a day—the materials are returned to the acquisition department by being placed in the PROGRAMS TO BE ARCHIVED folder. Subsequently, a media librarian ingests the catalogued files in the deep archive. The original split-track file remains in the CBC programs folder to be deleted within a week in the weekly

179 purge cycle. The same transfer of files across the folder structure occurs in the processing of items and stox. Full programs include the National, Toronto local News at 6pm, and other programs on CBC’s 24-hour news channel. The local news programs of other CBC regional branches (e.g., Vancouver, Calgary, Ottawa) are processed and archived by the respective branches. In addition to full programs, Capture is used for the recording of what internally is known as clean records. These are 8-12 hours long recordings of the daily broadcast of the CBC’s 24- hour news network and mixed-track files that do not include graphics, special effects, lower thirds, seen on the original broadcast.108 While clean records are archival holdings, they are handled internally in the acquisition department and are ingested in the deep archive with only a TVNLS shell records, which include two pieces of information: library title and a broadcast date. Occasionally, clean records could be fully catalogued if they reflect highly valuable material—typically, live coverage of ongoing international crisis (e.g., 9/11) or events of national significance (elections, state visits, major legalizations, etc.). Another type of materials passing through the department frequently are the so-called “handouts.” Those are footage supplied by governmental or corporate entities—e.g., full recordings of committee meetings, public announcements, press conferences, etc. Handouts may be kept in full or used for stox selection. If kept in full, similarly to the clean records, they are not transferred over to the cataloguing department and are preserved only with a TVNLS shell records. The acquisition of items is more involved. Media librarians access the split-track version of the full programs in the Incoming Media/CBC programs folder (See, Fig. 16). This is done either through InterPlay Access or Assist. Because the full program files are split- track, items can be selected and disambiguated from the full program. This process requires technical competency but given the user-friendly interface of all InterPlay Production tools, it is relatively uncomplicated. Additionally, items can also be located in various production folders. The more involved aspect of acquiring items is identifying what is the best version to acquire and ensuring that no items are missed during the acquisition process. This process

108 Lower thirds and crayons are terms referring to the headlines, names, titles, announcements, stock quotes crawls, etc. that typically overlay news programs. See, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lower_third and also Krasner (2013, 33-60).

180 unfolds in the following way. To get a sense of what items have aired in a news program, the media librarian consults the so-called show line up in another InterPlay Production tool called iNews. iNews is used by the news department to prepare a lineup of all elements in a full program (a full program typically includes the iteration of items, studio recordings, and graphics). As such, the iNews lineup provides a reliable indication of the items that have aired in a full program on any given day. The library coordinator refers to it “as the principle tool coming from the editorial desk that is telling us what they went to air with.” In addition, the iNews lineup provides descriptive information about the item and unique numbering code (the so-called Video ID number). The media librarian will consult the iNews lineup and begin acquiring the items systematically. Some items are not subject to acquisition and will be ignored outright—for example, the weather forecast.109 Others need to be examined. In particular, the media librarian needs to determine if the version of the item is the final version that went to air. This is necessary because the same item can air in Toronto local news and then in the National on the same day. Frequently items are edited for online distribution.110 As a result, multiple versions of items exist in the system at all times. As a rule, only the versions that have aired on the National are acquired. Items that have aired on Toronto local news and made it to the National will not be kept in their original version (i.e., the version that aired on the local news show). Furthermore, there might be discrepancies between items that have aired in both local and national news programs (e.g., the one that aired on the local news show might be significantly longer). There is no guideline about how to handle such cases. The onus is on the media librarian to evaluate if the discrepancies are significant to merit the preservation of both versions. Items are also evaluated in relation to the provenance of their content. This may or may not affect their acquisition. For instance, if an item consists entirely of footage that is not owned by the CBC, it may not be acquired. Typically, these will be items about international news. Likewise, items that consist predominantly of CBC archival footage will also not be acquired, the justification being that the material is already in the archive, albeit in a different

109 That is not to say that the daily weather forecast on the CBC is lost forever. They are preserved but as part of the full program and on the cleans. They do not get a metadata record. 110 Primarily on www.cbc.ca as well as on YouTube channels for the National, URL: https://www.youtube.com/user/CBCTheNational and CBC News URL: https://www.youtube.com/user/cbcnews/

181 form. Yet, these are rare atypical instances that are not on the whole representative of the items acquisition workflow. Once the items have been identified, the media librarian will assign them a library title by copying and then modifying the slug from the iNews lineup. Typically, the media librarian will consult any information about the item listed in iNews and add subject headings to the file as well as notes in the synopsis or notes fields. The necessity of adding metadata to digital materials at the point of acquisition is well recognized in the digital preservation and curation literature. But the reasoning for media librarians is more pragmatic. As a member of the acquisition department explains, metadata is added to items during acquisition because “information disappears if you don’t snatch it while it is there.” Providing basic metadata during the acquisition of items is understood as a service the acquisition department provides to the cataloguing department. As a media librarian explains, the service consists of providing a starting point for the cataloguer, who then “grooms the body of the catalogue [record].” The iNews lineup is a primary source for what later becomes the descriptive metadata associated with archival news materials. It is particularly useful for verifying factual details, as the following quote reveals:

[when I acquire an item] I look at the transcripts; the transcript that is part of iNews line up . . . if you click on a line up you get supers, you get Chyron, [terms for types of lower-third graphics] you get the spelling and all. Let's say it is a story about someone at the eye doctor, and if you look at the script, you can see what the eye doctor name is. You can see how he spells his name. You can see where his office is. Well if you look at the script and transcript you can confirm a lot of specific information. . . so I look at transcripts and scripts, at all those things; [it is useful] because it will be faster for cataloguing if they don't have to look at how to spell that doctor’s name. And it is at my fingertips. It is something I can easily do. — INTERVIEW # 3 01:20:36.5 - 01:21:15.0

Entering metadata at the point of acquisition is important in the acquisition of full programs and items. But it is particularly important for the acquisition of stox. The selection of stox is a highly dynamic and involved process. Typically, when the daily acquisition of full programs has been completed, media librarians will spend the rest of their day selecting stox. The senior library coordinator will also select stox. There are two primary sources for stox selection. The first is material ingested by CBC camera crews. This material comes in a variety of forms but primarily consist of extra footage shot during the

182 production of various news reports that has not made it into an item. This material is in the Incoming Media / Ingest folder. Media librarians must ensure that they review it promptly because it will be deleted within a week. The second type of material used for the selection of stox comes from the legacy digitization project. There is less urgency in processing this material as it is protected from the weekly purge cycle. The selection of stox from legacy materials is typically organized around projects. A media librarian could work for weeks or even months on one specific program. For example, during my participant observation fieldwork a media librarian I interacted with regularly was continually working on making stox from the program The Journal, a current affairs program that aired between 1982-1992.111 All legacy material is available for stox selection since it is CBC owned. Technically, it is already part of the archives, but not in a digital form. The legacy material comprises full news programs, but much of it is footage generated in the production of news, current affairs, arts & entertainment, children’s programs, and documentaries. Media librarians seek to identify the most valuable parts of legacy footage, particularly with an eye for reuse. Stox selection is the most complex evaluation practice at news archive. Following the selection of stox, the media librarian will create a library title and add metadata to all of the newly acquired material. Then, they will move the files through the folder structure handing them off to the cataloguing department in a way identical to the handling of full programs and items, discussed earlier. Once stox have been catalogued, they are returned to the acquisition department and ingested in the deep archive. Adding metadata to stox at the point of acquisition is a critically important step. That reason is that, as a media librarian in the acquisition department tells me, unlike full programs and items, stox are not “self-describing.” As a result, the acquisition department must provide extensive information to ensure the accuracy of descriptive metadata. As the library coordinator of the acquisition department explains:

Stox comes without any metadata so it is important before you pass it along to a cataloguer that they know what they are handling. So, we will give them a library title, we will give them a date, we will give them subject headings and we will give them a synopsis. If they [the cataloguers] have questions, we will answer them. But if

111 The Journal was a current affairs newsmagazine on CBC Television from 1982 to 1992. URL https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Journal_(Canadian_TV_series)

183 you give them a good synopsis they will not need to come back and ask what the story is about and where it is coming from, because the synopsis will tell them [that]. — INTERVIEW # 1 01:16:29.9 - 01:16:30.0

The accuracy of description is an essential aspect in stox selection. Since this is a news archive, it is at best useless, and at worst unethical, to acquire stox without determining their identity with certainty. If that is not possible to achieve, the material is deaccessioned from the archive as it cannot be reliably used as evidence in support of news reporting. As such, stox without clear provenance have no reuse value. The following quote illustrates how a media librarian deals with such instances:

Because we are dealing with stox that comes to us relatively blind, you have to be very accurate what it is that you are looking at; and I have got instances in the tape world when a tape comes to me with no labels on it. So, I have wonderful pictures probably somewhere in South America, looking at mountains covered with crops, but it could be coffee, it could be cocaine. I can't tell! That makes it extremely difficult to reuse it, and I will frequently turn down that kind of tape. I will throw it away and erase it. Rather than make it into something and guess what it is. We try not to do any guessing around here. — INTERVIEW # 1 00:26:14.9 - 00:27:55.8

When the provenance (where it came from) and identity (what is it about) of stox cannot be verified with certainty, media librarians will err on the side of caution. Importantly, they also must ensure that they capture all important contextual information and include it in the metadata to allow the successful cataloguing of stox. If this information is not recorded, it is lost, again rendering the stox useless. Providing metadata at the point of acquisition matters for both items and stox, but it is more consequential in the case of stox as their identity is much more difficult to ascertain, as the following quote reveals:

We have to create enough data to be able to pass [communicate] whatever the file is to cataloguing [. . .]. And that is particularly the case for stox. [Because] . . . if it is an item they can too look at the [iNews] line up and figure out what the items are; there should be no reason why you would wonder what kind of program you are looking at—watch it if you don't know—but with stox they don't know what they are looking at. Pictures of the waves rolling on the beach are very beautiful, but it doesn't mean anything to them unless you are able to show them that it means a particular kind of erosion that is caused by shipping channels or whatever the story is. Then you have to give them a place and a date. Without being able to give them date and place you're not actually of assistance to anybody. — INTERVIEW # 2 00:39:40.6 - 00:40:53.3

184

The stox metadata generated at the acquisition level is also relevant to establishing the provenance of the material as this is often unclear with stox. This point is corroborated by another media librarian in the acquisition department, who explains that:

[with stox I will do] a record with metadata in it. Like, I will tell them whoever shot this Windsor University footage. I will tell them who might have shot them, and I only reference this because otherwise stox are not tied to anybody. — INTERVIEW # 3 01:15:03.3 - 01:17:13.1

Lastly, stox selection could present other ethical dilemmas. Generally, images of people in public spaces are reused in news programs, as anyone in a public space should have a reasonable expectation that their likeness could be recorded. But my research participants reveal that they are reluctant to acquire images of young children or seniors. They considered it inappropriate to reuse images of children to illustrate specific news stories, particularly stories, that may not be directly related to the children being portrayed. Likewise, reusing images of seniors who might have passed away by the time of the broadcast can be emotionally disturbing for their relatives. To avoid such incidents, stox showing images of anonymous children and elderly are rarely acquired.

6.1.1 Evaluation in the Acquisition Department

The empirical discussion in the previous section reveals that the evaluative practices within the acquisition department vary across the three types of news materials: full programs, items, stox. As the analysis that follows will suggest, these are associated with four value categories: (1) public records value; (2) cultural-historical value; (3) corporate memory value; and (4) reuse value. While these value categories can be identified conceptually, they overlap in the evaluation practice, as discussed in the following sub-sections.

6.1.2 Full Programs

The acquisition of full programs is based on their value as public records. The term record in this context takes on a specific meaning—i.e., publicly available evidence of the CBC’s

185 broadcasting activities. As discussed earlier, the acquisition of full programs is the most basic workflow in the department. Evaluation is limited to a few decisions. No consideration of other values (cultural; corporate memory, or reuse value) is made. In the spirit of Jenkinson’s (1996 [1966]) archival theory, media librarians see such decisions as beyond their authority. As the senior library coordinator tells me: “If it is a finished program it doesn't matter if you ever reuse it. It is a finished program and programs are kept at the CBC. So, it doesn't matter if it is good or bad. If you have made a program and it airs on the CBC we will keep it.” Full programs are received from production and acquired for long-term preservation systematically in a way consistent with the archival tenets of provenance and original order. Their value is thus a “primary value” emanating from their status as an accumulation of natural by-products of organizational activities that constitute an unbroken chain of evidence of the CBC’s news broadcasts. That is not to say that full programs do not exhibit other values, but that these secondary values play no role in their evaluation at the stage of acquisition. They are acquired as soon as they are received from production.

6.1.3 Items

Items are also systematically acquired as they broadcast each day. As mentioned earlier, their evaluation is more complicated because media librarians need to determine what is the best version to acquire. What media librarians evaluate in this case, however, is not the value of items but their identity. The goal of acquiring items is nonetheless to acquire all items, irrespective of their value. This point emerges in my interview with the media librarian responsible for the daily acquisition of items, who tells me “[acquiring] news items—it is like we will keep it because it is what went to air; we need to capture what went to air.” As archival materials, similar to full programs items also have value as public records by virtue that they are acquired systematically and in full, but they also have much more pronounced reuse value. Items’ reuse value varies in relation to the news story they reflect. When the story is either current and ongoing or has a strong potential for developing further (e.g., a murder case, political scandal), likelihood reuse is higher. Similarly, items reporting on events of great social, cultural, or political impact have larger reuse value. This is recognized by the media librarians and items deemed of higher reuse value are described with

186 more detail and accuracy.112 Lastly, important factor accounting for items’ reuse value is they are split-track files amenable to be re-edited in new master clips. This suggests that items reuse value is at least partly determined by their properties as digital files. Theoretically, if full programs were kept as split-track files, they would have had equivalent reuse value.

6.1.4 Stox

The agency of media librarians over the selection of archival materials is most consequential during the evaluation of stox. This is also where subjective evaluation is observed writ large. The material available for stox selection is ubiquitous. Outside of the ongoing digitization of legacy materials, hours of CBC footage enter the organization daily. Only a fraction of this material is acquired for preservation. The remainder is deleted within a week from the servers. Determinations about what footage to acquire is an exclusive responsibility of the acquisition department. There are no stipulations to guide the evaluation process besides the general acquisition guidelines in the L+A policy— i.e., reuse; Canadian content; uniqueness to the collection (see, section 5.2). Subjective decisions are primary evaluative mechanisms in the process and necessary to determine how stox align with one or more of the policy rules.113 As a member of the acquisition department explains:

With stox you have to think about it. You shoot hundreds of hours a day and we are going to keep only maybe an hour to 40 minutes a day [....] Like I keep tabs on how much stox I've kept [acquired] each day, and some days is 12 minutes, other days a couple of hours. — INTERVIEW # 3 01:09:47.3 - 01:13:34.8

An important motivation for stox acquisition is increasing the organization’s bottom line. Stox can offset production costs, a point that media librarians understand and take into consideration. As the head of the acquisition department tells me:

Stox are a value-added service we provide; it is one of the most value-added services we do provide but if it doesn't happen that is not the end of the day. The thing is that because we have first-class shooters [camera crews] going there shooting pictures, for

112 Because of that, the reuse value of items is better understood in relation to the evaluation practices of the cataloguing and visual resources departments, which we will examine in the next section. 113 On subjectivity as a tool for evaluation; See, Chong (2013; 2017).

187 us, of which they are using seconds in broadcasting, we can make something out of that to which they [journalist, editors, producers] can return again and again. This way we have not only saved this cameraman all that time of going out there shooting again and again but we have saved the company money. — INTERVIEW # 2 00:42:38.5 - 00:44:03.6

But recognition of stox economic value is not limited only to the acquisition department. In a similar line of thinking, the coordinator of the visual resources tells me:

Imagine what it costs to make one hour of television. It is like thousands of dollars. And then at the last moment, you decide that because you don't want to spend twelve bucks on tape you are not going to make a copy of it; you will just throw it in the garbage. It is crazy. Who will do that. So, we are not doing that anymore, and we are archiving it. — INTERVIEW # 19 01:13:04.0 01:15:33.4

Economic value is thus a driver for the acquisition of stox. First, because stox lower the cost of news production. But also because L+A has an archives sale department that sells and licenses footage from the collection. As discussed in chapter 5, the archives sales department works separately from the news archive but predominantly sell or license stox. Beyond economic value, stox have a production value enabling journalists and news producers to tell better stories as well as to place current events in a historical perspective. Reusing stox expedites news production and increase the uniqueness and quality of the CBC content, differentiating it from competitors and bestowing its strategically sought-after Canadian character. The senior divisional manager puts forward this idea in a discussion of what news archives contribute to journalism, beyond lowering production cost:

[Archives] add meat to the story.... archives put things in context, and that is why archives are drawn heavily during be it anniversaries or centennials things of that sort. And also, when stories are breaking or when historic events are back in the news, why viewers come to the CBC? Because you're going to get a rich experience particularly through the archives… [that is why] we rate stox high on our records priority list because they have the added value that can be reused; the shots are longer, it is not a three-second clip shown in the newscast [item]. On stox you have much more footage and that's the value. And I would say, they have as equal value as what the program has. — INTERVIEW # 6 00:41:41.4 - 00:42:46.2

Economic and production value provide a general impetus for the acquisition of stox. But while significant, economic and production value alone are not sufficient evaluative criteria.

188 My data reveals that economic and production value motivate but do not determine the evaluation of stox. Based on the sheer volume and multiplicity of stox, their evaluation requires finer decision-making heuristics which along with their associated practices are described and discussed next under the rubric of evaluative strategies.

6.1.6 Cultural-Historical Value

When media librarian acquires stox for their cultural-historical value their thinking is that images that today may appear mundane and insignificant accrue value as time passes. This strategy appears to be central to the acquisition of stox. The library coordinator at the acquisition department defines it as a distinction between short- and long-term value. As he elaborates:

A bit more of a general idea of what drives the stox selection process, in terms of value it is, you are performing two functions for a producer, one is the speed at which you can provide it and the second is how good it looks and what it contains. If it doesn't require a shooter and it doesn't require sending a cameraman somewhere to get a shot you've saved the company a whole pile of money. If it is a beautiful shot and the editor loves it so much the better, that is value added — but value also has the long-term thing: what would historians think 35 years from now when they got to write a history about the urbanization of Toronto in the early 21st century. They might want this shot when the railroad land became a condo tower [in the city], there is no news story at the CBC about that, but there are stox for days and days showing exactly how that happened and [how this place/city changed], you can see it happening in real time on the stox. — INTERVIEW # 2 01:03:51.5 - 01:04:58.7

Value, as described above, is identified from two distinct perspectives prompting questions such as would this material save the organization time and money? Could it be reused in the short-term? But alongside that, the media librarian also considers: Would this material be of interest to someone thirty years from now? Would it tell them something meaningful about our world today? It is thus the projection of the potential value of stox that characterizes the cultural-historical value strategy. As the same research participant explains: “I think it [stox selection] is more of a mental checklist. Does that meet the criteria of the long-term and the short-term, the historian as opposed to the producer?”

189 This view is not idiosyncratic, as it recurs consistently in the interview data. Consider the following statement by the visual resources library coordinator, who laments that organizational actors within and beyond L+A may not properly appreciate the complexity of stox’s cultural-historical value. In this reflection, a similar distinction between short- and long-term value emerges:

I think they kind of get the first part of the stox’s lifespan or lifecycle if you will. When they understand, ok we will use these pictures of retail next week or next month, but then they have that sort of suspicion that later when they [the archival materials] are too old no one would want them. And that is just not the case. I can't subscribe to that because you can't go back now that the time has passed. And these are genuine honest representations of that time, filtered through whatever way we filtered them [back then]. They are testaments of that time. So, I think it is cool to grab a little bit of how Yonge street [a major street in Toronto] looked, or how people worked or looked, and all this is just added to that pile of stuff that we have that great time-line. That's what I try to get people to think about. — INTERVIEW # 18 00:48:42.9 - 00:50:37.6

Similar ideas appear again in my interview with the senior divisional manager:

[Preserving stox] is like keeping a piece of footage that was originally shot in 1955 and all it is, is one shot of the Toronto skyline .... that tells a story right there... this is what Toronto looked like in 1955. You can put the camera in the same spot today. So it shows something ... like looking at an old photograph in Yorktown [Toronto neighbourhood]. So yes, I think stox shots do have value. We see it more as reuse value, but in terms of being a historical record, it has value as well. — INTERVIEW # 6 00:39:53.7 00:41:12.5

And the same idea is also articulated in my interview with the coordinator of the preservation department:

Reach for the Top is a high school game show we used to broadcast and was very big in the 1960-80s. We never really thought that it would have much future use; it is just a bunch of high school students answering history questions. But now 30 years later the people that were on that show have grown up. For example, Stephen Harper [ former Prime Minister of Canada] was on it when he was a teenager. So, you don't know today what you will need. We have an interview with Wayne Gretzky [a hockey legend] when he was just a little kid in a small league talking about how much he loves playing hockey. — INTERVIEW # 15 00:30:41.3 - 00:30:47.1

190 The examples above indicate that media librarians vividly recognize that even mundane piece of stox can accrue cultural-historical value over time in some capacity for someone. This is suggested in the following statement by a media librarian at the acquisition department in a response to the question do archival materials accrue value over time:

Oh, they will! They absolutely will. There will be no reason in the 1960-70s, to go on a fishing boat and shoot it, but we shot it and is part of the culture and it is a huge part of the economy, well if we go back to these pictures 50 years later, these fisheries are all gone. That's it. And you look at these pictures today and they are of tremendous value.114 — INTERVIEW # 1 00:54:12.3 00:54:12.4

Stox from the 1960-70s capture important aspect of Canadian culture that no longer exists. With the benefit of time, it is easier to ascertain their cultural-historical value. Yet, most subjective decisions pertain to current material, making it difficult to determine if the material has value not only in the short- but also the long-term. The passage of time, as it were, makes cultural-historical value apparent, crystallizing its meaning and constraining its range of possible interpretations. The coordinator of the visual resources department illustrates this idea by comparing stox to cheese. The analogy being that at first, you can reuse stox in many different ways; they are soft and malleable (like fresh cheese). But with the passage of time they harden and take on a specific meaning. At this latter stage, the reuse value of stox decreases but their cultural-historical value increases.

They [stox are] sort of you know it is a bit like cheese, less like wine, and more like cheese. Because they are sort of soft initially and malleable, and they have that initial period, then they pass that softness stage and get hard. So, what I mean is a lot of the things that are older I really liked the way they are sort of locked off. They are related to the things [themes, subjects] and they become like a hardened pieces; maybe it is the linear nature of the medium but when you see moving images you think about if you recognize them as being part of your world and [if you don’t] it is very evocative. You see how people lived, how your parents lived. And [in this capacity] you can squeeze a lot from the archive to educate people, in particular young people. — INTERVIEW # 18 00:50:22.0 - 00:52:09.4

114 Fishing was one of the main industries in Newfoundland for the better part of the province’s history. As a result of socio-economic changes during the 1990s the industry collapsed and with it a whole way of life. Moving images related to the Newfoundland fishing industry represent a now lost part of the Canadian way of life; Codfishing in Newfoundland. Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cod_fishing_in_Newfoundland

191 Without the passage of time, cultural-historical value can be interpreted in many ways as there are unlimited topics and subjects in the present that may be deemed of potential cultural-historical value. In this case, personal preference and taste play a role in deciding what to acquire. As the following quote indicates in the instances when objective criteria are absent, media librarians draw on their personal taste and preferences in selecting stox:

I mean [for example] Brad Pitt is coming to the Toronto International Film Festival. We keep Brad Pitt in Toronto because when Brad Pitt dies or you know break up or whatever something happens.... we want our own footage to cover that material. So, I see more value in pop culture and celebrity than [my colleague at the acquisition department] does. But then [my other colleague at the acquisition department] likes cats so [she/he] keeps a lot of cat things. — INTERVIEW # 3 00:45:10.0 00:45:44.0

6.1.7 Corporate Memory Value

The second strategy informing the evaluation of stox is corporate memory value. When media librarians acquire stox for their corporate memory value, they are specifically interested in footage that represents the history of the CBC. The underlining motivation for acquiring this type of material according to the senior media coordinator at the acquisition department is:

Because … we don't tend to shoot [represent in the news] ourselves, if we are actually shooting in a newsroom or we are shooting in the library [L+A] we will certainly take this and we will make a decent [cataloguing] record about who these people were because that is also part of the public record and not something that people generally see. — INTERVIEW # 2 00:33:58.8 - 00:34:24.7

But aside from images depicting the inner-workings of the newsroom or L+A, virtually anything that represents what the CBC is and what it stands for could be acquired as stox of corporate memory value. Within this context, particularly high on the acquisition agenda are materials of notable CBC journalists as well as other CBC personalities. As the following quote by the same senior media coordinator reveals:

We will keep an eye on Margaret Evans [CBC journalist] in the field in Aleppo [or] when Adrienne Arsenault [CBC journalist] goes to Cuba to cover the funeral of

192 [Fidel] Castro. That is a historic event, but it is important for her career-wise. If we are ever doing a retrospective of her career it is important to keep very unique things. It is very unique [for example] that she went there to cover [the funeral of] Castro. — INTERVIEW # 4 00:13:15.0 - 00:15:26.8

These materials can be described under the rubric of corporate memory value because notable CBC journalists and personalities are, essentially, the face of the CBC brand.115 The media librarians I spoke to feel that it is their responsibility to determine what footage representative of a journalist’s career is worth keeping. In doing so, a range of factors is considered, including the individual (journalist) and their career:

I would not acquire the parts that reflect poorly on someone's work, maybe. You know sometimes you get shots in which they goof around they swear, and I see that stuff, and I am I can keep it, but that will benefit no one. But you keep interesting things—like if they shoot themselves where you can see them at work. If they shoot themselves and you can see what they do in the day, I would keep that. That is nice. Because if they get an award or if they go on to bigger and better job or if they retire and we do a career piece looking back on their lives then we have something to work with. — INTERVIEW # 3 00:30:53.9 00:31:49.2

No evaluation, however, occurs without a reference to a client (the perceived future user for whom the material would be of value), as abstract as this category may be formulated in the minds of media librarians. As indicated above, in the context of evaluation of cultural- historical value, clients are the hypothetical sociologist, historian or the Canadian public at large (in the long-term). In the evaluation of corporate memory value stox, the long-term client is the corporation itself, as a media librarian at the acquisition department tells me:

The client then almost becomes the CBC as a cultural institution. So, there are clients like reporters and producers that will come back to reuse the material and then there is the Canadian citizen, who one day can say oh that was what the CBC did. Do you know what I mean. So, the CBC as a cultural entity is a client too. — INTERVIEW # 3 00:32:01.4 00:34:53.5

The broad definition of the CBC as a client is consistent with the long-term goals of the acquisition of materials of corporate memory value. Bu the notion of a client is also

115 For an excellent example of how this footage can be used for branding purposes, consider the following item developed to celebrate the retirement of Peter Mansbridge. An iconic Canadian journalist, and a longtime host of the National. Peter Mansbridge's Legacy URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NUn6AAhC0mQ

193 formulated in relation to more specific short-term goals. As the same participant quoted above explains in a different interview sitting:

We also keep materials for practical reasons... our [public] communications department uses it as well. They are clients too. And when they do company branding ... cultural branding, they come to us for iconic moments in the news. Like, next week they will do year-end review top ten stores and etc... and when they do that this has to be represented in our collection. — INTERVIEW # 4 00:13:15.0 00:14:09.6

Furthermore, the passing of time also affects corporate memory value in particular in relation to future events around the CBC or personalities associated with its brand. This emerges clearly in an interview passage with a media librarian discussing footage of two CBC public figures. Jian Ghomeshi, a celebrity radio host who was involved in sexual assault that shook the CBC (and the wider public), and George Stroumboulopoulos, a CBC art & entertainment television host, who was embroiled in a tragic incident, when a friend of his was murdered by a homeless person while staying in Stroumboulopoulos Los Angeles home. Following these unforeseen events, the value of footage related to both personalities rose steeply:

You know footage of Jian Ghomeshi.... I saved a b-roll of him working in the studio and on award shows and etc... and all of a sudden it became the most valuable footage. Because [after the sexual harassment allegations] we did very thorough analysis of his career; and all of sudden the Fifth Estate [investigative journalism program] is doing him; foreign broadcasters are doing profiles on him. So all of sudden that footage that for me was kind of just social things, having him doing whatever, became super important. Same with George Stroumboulopoulos because someone was murdered in his house and all of sudden everything related to him becomes valuable. Although when I saved it, I didn't know exactly why I am saving it. I just saved it because I thought, well... just in case he is in the news himself. — INTERVIEW # 4 00:27:27.0 - 00:33:37.0

The corporate memory suggests that media librarians in the acquisition department actively seek and acquire images that offer a glimpse into the more rarely seen side of CBC’s organizational life.

194 6.1.8 Reuse Value

Evaluation for reuse value is different from the strategies discussed so far. If the cultural- historical and corporate memory strategies are associated with the representational content and themes of moving image materials, reuse value is associated more strongly with their formal and aesthetic characteristics as well as with their relevance to ongoing news stories. Reuse value can thus be described as manifested through five characteristics: (1) aesthetic quality, (2) uniqueness, (3) cost, (4) specificity, and (5) malleability. Aesthetic quality plays an important role in evaluating moving images suitability for reuse. Broadcasting production must adhere to some basic quality conventions and moving images that do not fit these conventions are rarely of value for reuse. As the coordinator of the acquisition department explains when asked if the aesthetic consideration play a role in stox selection:

Yeah of course. Obviously, if the quality of your video is so low that it makes it difficult to reuse, you are not going to keep it. If it is shaky cam, did you get the daylight filter, basically if is technically done poorly, I am not going to keep it. Any editor that sees pictures that are unusable is not going to use them and therefore there is no point keeping them. . . so, absolutely you have to know what an editor will use and will not use. — INTERVIEW # 1 00:49:39.0 - 00:50:29.0

Importantly, however, aesthetic quality matters, but it does not exclusively correlate with pristine, professionally shot images that are visually enticing. In some case, moving image materials can be just as aesthetically valuable for reuse precisely because of their unassuming aesthetic qualities. This point emerges in the reflections of the coordinator of the visual resource department:

There is certainly the aesthetic question if you will. For example, when we deal with communication and they will be doing promos about the CBC, branding basically, and they want high-quality visuals that are very legible to the viewer and have an emotional quality. So, there is a whole portion of the collection that has no bearing on that. That is a particular type of thing they are looking for that has to do with resolution and quality but also a sense of excitement and tension and authenticity. And then there are other things people are looking for. They will be interested to find some person in 1972 in a monotone voice talking about what it is to live in a reserve in Northern Alberta. So, I think there are different types, different genres, there are

195 [different] things that people are looking for... — INTERVIEW # 18 01:29:29.2 - 01:35:10.0

Two other characteristics considered when evaluating stox are uniqueness and cost. They are best described as a pair. During my fieldwork, I observed a media librarian reviewing a recently digitized b-roll footage shot during the production of a CBC documentary. The topic of the documentary was the growing robotics industry in Japan. Much of the footage included interviews with various experts, interior and exterior shots of high-tech manufacturing plants, and of course robots. The participant I observed was acquiring footage related to these topics selectively. While reviewing hours of footage, the media librarian accidentally stumbled upon roughly three-minute-long footage of people walking and cars passing on the Omotesandō Boulevard in the Shibuya district of Tokyo, which is not related to the topic of the documentary. After identifying the Boulevard and researching its significance, the media librarian acquired it. When asked to clarify the reasoning behind this acquisition, the media librarian explained that CBC owned images of this landmark boulevard are rare and the cost of sending a camera crew to Tokyo is high. The media librarian did not confirm if in fact a similar footage of Omotesandō Boulevard already exists in the collection (e.g., by searching in the TVNLS database). The footage was deemed worthy of acquisition even if it was not unique because it is certainly expensive to produce. When asked directly to formulate the criteria informing his decision, the media librarian said: “have I seen it before; how much it costs to get it [to shot it]; how unusual it is.” A year later during one of our interviews, the same media librarian offered a further insight into how he understands cost and uniqueness as evaluation criteria:

It doesn't mean that we are making more stox necessarily because it [the footage] is coming [in more rapidly]. Because we own it and because it's coming in it doesn't mean that it is any good. If you are out there shooting more cabs in Toronto, and I took cabs in Toronto from last week and last fall and last spring, I've got cabs in Toronto, I am not going to take more cabs unless the plates change unless the colours change, unless the fleets change, unless they are Uber. So, you [the media librarian] watch for all the things that point to what makes this a unique experience, as opposed to a generic experience. — INTERVIEW # 2 00:45:34.1 - 00:47:17.5

196 During a different part of the same interview, the media librarian returns to this topic, saying that reuse value is driven by:

How rare it is; how difficult it is to get it in the first place, through how much trouble somebody went to get it; you have a cameraman and a producer in the field, what would be a good example, certain types of places is very difficult to get into; the virology lab in Winnipeg is extremely difficult to get in for obvious reasons. Big private companies for manufacturing, car companies, petroleum institutions; everything that is going to be problematic to get into; otherwise, it does not have a public face; they must invite you in to shoot, and this is going to be something to hang on to [acquire] absolutely. In terms of persons, it is the rarity of how often they speak. If they have never appeared in public, it is going to be in your interest to keep that [materails]. And then the strong things they say, sometimes you take stox given that is something that is just uncommon or unseen. So, you will get that and make sure it is catalogued in such a way that you're cataloguing specifically for content, by adding comments in the content. — INTERVIEW # 2 00:31:53.8 - 00:33:06.0

Here, themes close to the risk management school of appraisal of Boles and Young (1985) and Bearman (1989) emerge:

I try to take more time and really assess what risk did we take to shoot this material. . .[and] when selecting I also think about the investment. Say they have spent 20 or 30 thousand [dollars] on a few days of shooting. I mean we paid for that and if you don't save it that is money down the drain. — INTERVIEW # 3 00:22:02.3 - 00:26:38.9

Uniqueness and cost thus appear to be interrelated. In particular, uniqueness is an important factor in evaluation irrespective of the cost. But when the cost of obtaining the material is high, uniqueness will be the secondary consideration. The final two characteristics, specificity and malleability, are also best understood when discussed as a pair. The specificity of stox refers to their relation to given news stories, which are either of high social and cultural importance or have the potential to unfold in the immediate future (i.e., stories of high news value [Harcup and O'Neill 2001]). Consequently, because it is plausible to assume that there will be more reporting on these stories, any related stox are more likely to be reused. The malleability of moving images, on the other hand, refers to their generic qualities—that is to say, their ability to be reused in various common news reports such as stories about the economy, governance, and so on—what is in the jargon of broadcasting news sometimes called “wallpaper.” The way media librarians

197 understand these two characteristics comes through clearly in the following example from my fieldwork. During my participant observation at the acquisition department, I sat next to a media librarian who had just acquired an item reporting from the scene of the murder of an 82-year- old woman in Scarborough (a suburb of Toronto) that took place in early October 2015. The woman had been murdered in her house by a 21-year-old male. The media librarian acquired the item, but also took time to review any other material uploaded by the camera crew that had not appeared in the item, explaining that this is an especially cruel murder and will likely go to trial which will also be extensively covered in the news; hence, any material related to the murder will have a reuse value in the immediate future.116 This example allows us to understand the role of specificity as a factor in evaluation. But what happened next is also instructive for our understanding of the malleability of stox. After the media librarian acquired a large amount of footage specifically related to the murder, including exteriors and interiors of the house as well as a full interview with a Toronto Police constable, only parts of which had appeared in the item, she spotted about a few minutes of footage of city employees cleaning the autumn leaves from the street. Obviously, the footage had nothing to do with the murder. Likely it was shot as the camera operator was staying idle in front of the house and saw the city employees cleaning the leaves. It is impossible to know why the camera operator decided that these images should be recorded. But after noticing the footage, the media librarian immediately acquired it. She then added metadata to the file before passing it to the cataloguing department. In the metadata, she described the material as “images of city services in the fall” and did not establish any connection between the footage of the leaves and the murder. When asked to elaborate on what had just happened, the librarian said that stox of city services are always handy. They can be reused to illustrate many stories related to the governance of the city. It was equally important for this purpose that these images were an example of city services in the fall.

116 It could be suggested that specificity is not only a factor in acquiring stox from current materials, as described in the example above. If a major event is in the news, say debates on oil drilling in Alberta, and an archivist encounters images of Alberta oil drilling in the 1970s, it is reasonable to think that they will likely acquire the images as stox not only for their Cultural-Historical Value but also for their reuse value, knowing that this topic is frequently in the news in the immediate present.

198 A year later, during the interview part of my data collection, I reminded the same media librarian about this case. She clarified the logic of that acquisition by providing another example, pertaining to a recent acquisition of stox shot around—at the time— ongoing garbage collectors strike in the Peel region (a region of the Greater Toronto Area):

I took it as stox of Peel garbage collectors. Even though it was about a strike they went into. That doesn't matter to me [in terms of its reuse value] as much as that it is about Peel recycling and Peel garbage disposal. Because you know in 3-4 years if they do a story on outsourcing garbage in Peel, they [journalists and producers] will look for garbage collectors in Peel. You know, it will have multiple purposes. So, I thought, ok we have a lot of garbage collection [materials], but you know a lot of it is in the summer, and we have garbage collection in the winter, and this footage is in the fall, and I took it and catalogued it as garbage collection in the fall, because that is how it is useful. — INTERVIEW # 3 00:38:34.1 - 00:41:52.2

It becomes clear from the passage above that at least parts of these images were deemed valuable for reuse not because of their specificity (their relation the Peel garbage strike news story) but because of their malleability (the ability to be reused in any story on the city of Peel public services). Moreover, their malleability was enhanced by the fact that they were images of Peel garbage services in the fall. Several research participants described this type of images in a similar vein. The coordinator of the visual resource department explains:

One of the primary functions that we do, and you don't hear this term very much but a common term in the past was wallpaper, you know something to cover over some script. And I guess that is the most basic thing that we do. It is not [culturally] valuable but it is a very fundamental thing [aspect of our work]. — INTERVIEW # 18 00:27:05.3 - 00:35:23.4

The senior divisional manager likewise categorizes this type of images as wallpaper, when answering the question what is the role of archival materials in news production?

It is to give it [news production] a historical context it could be what I call wallpaper, generic material, it could be a shot of the supreme court of Canada they [news production] wanted it in winter because their [news] story is set in the winter and they forgot to shoot it. So, it is that kind of reuse of our archival material and production. And the librarians have to be very sensitive what will work, like we are working in

199 the summer, so it has to be a summer shot, those sorts of things that bring the added value to the broadcast — INTERVIEW # 6 00:30:47.5 - 00:31:56.5

These additional examples further indicate that the malleability of stox—i.e., their ability to be reused in many different stories—is an important characteristic in determining their reuse value. But also, and perhaps somewhat paradoxically, even malleable stox must adhere to some degree of specificity. One example is the four seasons, as discussed above. But there are other similar criteria, which are also related to the look and feel of stox. For example, as a media librarian at the acquisition department reflects, it is necessary to continually update malleable stox:

. . . you keep high-school stox and in ten years the kid’s glasses look different and the girls are different because they have a long hair instead of perm hair. So, you have to think about updating the collection in this way. — INTERVIEW # 3 00:38:34.1 - 00:41:52.2

Thus, malleability is constrained by how timely stox look. This is another example, of the complex set of criteria that are part of the evaluative strategies at the news archive. This analysis provides an insight into the dynamics of evaluative practices at the acquisition department and the different ways moving image archival materials are acquired and preserved with the aim of being reused in future news content production. It also highlights the decision-making heuristics that one of my research participants described as having an “editor’s eye” (see section 5.1.1). The concept of the “editor’s eye”, as it is understood at the news archive, refers primarily to the ability to ascertain the reuse value of archival materials in relation to their (1) aesthetic quality, (2) uniqueness, (3) cost, (4) specificity, and (5) malleability.

6.2 Metadata

Similar to the acquisition department, the practices in the cataloguing department are organized entirely around the folder structure. For example, when cataloguing items, a cataloguer locates the files to be catalogued in the folder LIBRARY WORKING/LIBRARY PROCESSING/ ITEMS/ ITEMS TO BE CATALOGUED. As noted, earlier items (as well as

200 stox) come with some preliminary metadata added by the acquisition department. Cataloguers further expand on this metadata.117 Once cataloguing is complete, they move the files to the folder ITEMS TO BE SENT TO DB for a quality-control review by one of the library coordinators. After a library coordinator has reviewed and approved the metadata, the files are moved back to the acquisition department to be ingested in the deep archive by being placed in the folder ITEMS TO BE ARCHIVED. Overnight, when the use of the IT systems is low, the metadata created in InterPlay Production is transferred (pushed) to TVNLS. A library coordinator supervises this process. As it is evident, the workflow is structurally similar to that of the acquisition department; however, it has built-in quality-control steps. The first step is moving the files to the folder ITEMS TO BE SENT TO DB where the quality of metadata is vetted by a coordinator prior their transfer to TVNLS. This review ascertains the metadata’s accuracy, consistency, completeness, and syntax. The quality of the metadata is validated once more automatically by the TVNLS system. After the metadata data is pushed to TVNLS, the system will generate a report of any errors. When errors are automatically detected, a senior coordinator will review the TVNLS report and correct the errors manually. Making these corrections is finicky, as TVNLS will identify that some fields cannot be validated, but it takes an additional analysis to identify what precisely is the issue—e.g., incorrect capitalization, spelling, punctuation, etc.118 Problems frequently occur with the TVNLS shot lists, which require careful formatting of unintuitive codes (See, Table 9). Yet, more importantly, the two-step quality control process is necessary because in many instances an error can slip through the TVNLS automatic validation process—for example, a date (or any other field for that matter) may be formatted correctly but nonetheless be factually inaccurate. In such instances, the media librarian’s evaluation of the quality of metadata is necessary to confirm not only that the metadata is well formatted but that it is reliable and authentic—i.e., genuine representation of the news materials it describes (Duranti 1995).

118 For example, during my fieldwork I observed one such case. The TVNLS report indicated an issue with one of the authority metadata fields. Upon analysis, the issue was a typo in the name Obama Barack, which was spelled Obama Barak. In another instance, there was an issue with the subject field, because the term security policy was used instead of the correct thesaurus term defense policy. These are issues to solve, but they become cognitively taxing when they have to be addressed, daily, over hundreds of records and metadata fields.

201 Descriptive metadata is entered manually in either InterPlay Assist or Access. Both tools are designed to enable the indexing and cataloguing of moving image materials in the InterPlay Production environment. They enable the cataloguer to view the materials on the left side of the screen, while entering metadata in designated fields (some of which are drop-down lists) mapped onto the TVNLS fields. Both tools are intuitive to use, offering simultaneously a view of a video screen, the metadata fields, and the folder structure (See, Fig. 25 in section 4.7 above). The difference between the two tools is in their user-interface and has no bearing on their overall functionality. As a cataloguer explains: “Assist is more visual. It allows you to see a bigger screen. The two interfaces are also organized slightly differently.” The choice of using either of the two is left to the cataloguers’ discretion. When they begin working on a particular file, media librarians need to fill in the field catalogued by. This field is specific to InterPlay Production and is not transferred to the TVNLS metadata record. It is important for two reasons. It allows the senior coordinator to monitor who is working on what and also to compile this information into statistics. But secondly, and more consequentially, it lowers the risk of duplicating work—that is, of two media librarians inadvertently cataloguing the same file. As such its use is an example of a procedural workaround through which a specific technological featured is used to address a situational problem of the practice. The problem of duplication of work is also unique to the digital systems—as the coordinator explains:

[duplication of work] happens if someone forgets to sign in [fill out the catalogued by field] when they begin cataloguing a file. In the past, this was a non-existent problem, because you had to catalogue from tape and if you have the tape with you there is no way someone else can start working on it at the same time.

6.2.1 Evaluation in the Metadata Department

Cataloguing involves the entry of several types of information that require objective (e.g., program name, announcer, dateline, format, definition, etc.) and subjective (e.g., synopsis, shot list, subject headings) evaluation. Full programs, items, and stox are also catalogued differently. On a most general level, the difference is that full programs are catalogued only with a synopsis, and items and stox are catalogued with a synopsis and shot list. The purpose

202 of a synopsis is to “offer an insight into the story” and the purpose of a shot list is to “classify and describe the visuals accompanying the story.” There are detailed organizational guidelines on how to provide objective metadata (i.e., program name, announcer, format, etc.). These guidelines systemize practices and ward off ambiguity. There is no reason someone to wonder what the field announcer refers to (e.g., Table 10). There are no written guidelines on how to develop a synopsis and shot list, however. The reason is that developing these descriptions requires an interpretation of the archival materials, which could not be synthesized in a set of guidelines. There is, of course, a general understanding of what a good synopsis or shot list should be. But the senior coordinator believes that each cataloguer has an idiosyncratic “working style and technique” in approaching these tasks. Hence, she encourages everyone to cultivates their own approach that works best for them.119 Objective and subjective evaluations thus are intertwined in the practice of cataloguing, as discussed below. Despite that they are typically an hour long, full programs are the least challenging to catalogue. This is partly because they have a clearly discernible structure; moreover, their structure is already documented in the iNews lineup, which cataloguers can consult and oftentimes copy verbatim. But more importantly, full programs are easier to catalogue because of their perceived status as public records. As a result, when cataloguing full programs, media librarians are not expected to do a thorough research into the themes, topics, or personalities represented in the material. They should instead focus on succinctly and accurately indicating what news items appear in the program and outlining them in the synopsis. As the library coordinator at the department explains:

So, the [metadata] record here [referring to full programs of the National] is a placeholder record. We keep the National every day of the week going back to I think 1981, we have every episode and then we have spotty coverage going back to the 1950s. We need to let people know, if you're looking for the National from this or that date this is where you will find it. And this is enough information to satisfy the system requirements and to also give them [the clients] useful pointers—like yes, indeed this is the National [from this date]. — INTERVIEW # 10 00:42:04.7 00:43:48.4

119 When training new employees, the senior coordinator is eager to show how she develops a synopsis and shot list, but she believes that practice cannot be effectively routinized.

203 The passage above suggests that the perceived value of archival materials informs the breadth and depth of their descriptive metadata. This may seem as an obvious point, but the relationship between value, evaluation, and cataloguing practice is not well understood topic. My analysis makes this relationship visible and suggests that the balance between efficiency and depth of metadata creation is relative to the value of the materials being described. Value, in this context, serves as the primary criteria for determining the anticipated reuse of archival materials. This idea is based on the following evidence. As noted above, full programs are public records, and basic metadata that indicates their provenance and date of broadcast suffices for their potential use by future users. But if they are associated with other values, the metadata will reflect that. This view is stated in the following passage indicating that the rules for cataloguing full programs with minimal metadata are overridden when the program has other values beyond its public record value:

We have set guidelines [for cataloguing full programs], but beyond that we are always making decisions on the fly. In terms of: we have a standard protocol for doing a record for a news program, but if there is a live event happening we need to make a decision if whether or not we might add something into that program’s [metadata] record to make a note of it. If it is a breaking news is not much of a decision of course, you add it in. But if it is something that's not as big of a deal, [for example] if there is a problem on the set and a light falls you might not make a note of it, but if a light falls and almost hits Peter Mansbridge [iconic CBC journalist and news anchor] on the head than you have to make a note of it because when he retires somebody will want to show this footage. — INTERVIEW # 10 00:03:30.7 - 00:07:33.6

The example above indicates that the evaluation of both the form and content of archival materials has an instrumental role in determining the specificity of their metadata. What is more, it appears that the recognition of two values that have already been identified and discussed—corporate memory value and reuse value—trigger the creation of additional metadata. Peter Mansbridge is one of the most highly recognized public figures associated with the CBC and any footage associated with him has a corporate memory value.120 Moreover, at the time at which the interview cited above took place (late 2016), Mansbridge

120 For example, see "He's the voice of 'it's going to be okay'" - A Tribute to Peter Mansbridge (particularly see 10:48 min) URL https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-FD8gnuoqrQ

204 was about to retire after a long and storied career; hence, as the senior coordinator acknowledges, there is a greater likelihood that someone will reuse the material. By contrasting this observation with the analysis of the acquisition department, we can conclude that while evaluation practices have no role in the acquisition of full programs, they are salient during their cataloguing. More interestingly, however, it also appears that unique characteristics (cf. “significant properties”) only become noticeable when they can be associated with specific values—as in the example above corporate memory and reuse values. That is to say, if a light had fallen on the set without nearly hitting Peter Mansbridge, then this would not have been a “big of a deal” and would have not warranted an inclusion in the metadata. The cataloguing of items requires more complex evaluation. Items have a reuse value and consequently must be catalogued in a way that increases the likelihood of their reuse. Doing so requires developing incisive synopsis that indicates the reuse value of an item. For example, if an item reports on a development in an ongoing murder trial, a good synopsis will not only identify the news but contextualize its relative value by pointing to its significance in the overall context of the news event—e.g., it will indicate if it is a watershed moment in the trial, etc. On other occasions—particularly if the item is longer—developing a synopsis requires indicating in what parts of the item any notable events occur. For example, when cataloguing an item in which a politician is discussing the introduction of a new tax bill, it will be important to note at which point in the item the introduction of the bill is explained and justified, as this is the part that is most likely to be reused in the future. In short, when cataloguing items, media librarians evaluative their overall newsworthiness and consequently document it as significant property. These two particular examples point to a more general difference between writing a synopsis for full programs, where attention is placed on describing the structure and content of archival materials, and writing a synopsis for items, where attention is placed on interpreting the overall context and value of the material and considering its cultural-historic, corporate memory, and reuse value. This suggests that the values associated with archival materials guide not only acquisition but also cataloguing practices. Cataloguing is neither routine nor mechanical process of objective description, but a critical interpretive practice, rooted in evaluating the potential range of values of archival news materials. In substantiating this point, it is useful to note how the two overall conceptions of clients (the hypothetical users of the

205 archives) identified earlier, align with the logic of these two practices. In the cataloguing of full programs, the client is the future historian or the Canadian public at large. In the cataloguing of items, the client is the organizational actor (i.e., visual researcher or news producer). Lastly, the cataloguing of stox is the most complex and time-consuming cataloguing practice. Media librarians in the cataloguing department must rely heavily on the metadata given to them by the acquisition department—as there are no other sources of information based on which to identify and contextualize the material. Furthermore, they need to develop a detailed shot list of the material. Procedurally, the practice is similar to developing a shot list for a news item, but conceptually it is different. As the coordinator explains:

A shot list is important for items and stox but not in the same way. For stox it is important because it is telling you what the footage is so you can tell if you want to use the material. For items, it is important in the sense that it is where you're going to list all the participants in the item and where they are [their location]. — INTERVIEW # 10 00:43:52.4 - 00:45:57.2

The logic motivating this distinction makes sense when it is considered in relation to the identity and value of the two categories of archival materials. The items’ identity is less ambiguous—it is clear what these news stories are about—thus the shot list indicates at what point in time something of value happens (e.g., someone appears on camera or makes a statement, etc.). For stox, on the other hand, the shot list is the essential piece of metadata describing what the material is really about. Furthermore, because stox are often ambiguous and polysemic, determining what one sees may require additional research. For example, the media librarian may need to follow up on contextual clues either in the footage or in the metadata provided by the acquisition department and to conduct additional research (typically on the internet). If they have a strong suspicion that the stox are valuable, they can contact the acquisition department for further clarification, who in turn can put them in touch with whoever shot the material. The process also involves trusting one’s gut feeling or intuition. When developing a shot list for stox, cataloguers are also encouraged not only to apply subjective judgments but to include it in the metadata. The senior coordinator instructs the cataloguers that “when something looks nice, feel free to say that it is nice [i.e., to included it in the metadata]”.

206 All of this additional research and contextualization takes time. As the senior media coordinator tells me, “you can get lost in this type of work.” This, however, is unproductive given the volume of material they need to go through. Cataloguers are thus asked to limit their evaluations for the sake of efficiency. The senior coordinator refers to this as the “five-minute rule”— as a rule of thumb a cataloguer should not spend more than five minutes on any given shot; if they cannot identify it in five minutes, they are advised to move on. Quality and efficiency need to be balanced, however, because the likelihood of accidentally discovering highly valuable materials while cataloguing stox is not insignificant. Media librarians in the cataloguing department are thus encouraged to trust their gut and to follow up on something that strikes them as valuable, albeit challenging to identify. A somewhat anecdotal but telling example is the discovery of the only interview (and visual record) of the British double-spy Guy Burgess, who defected to the USSR in the 1950s. Burgess was a member of the Cambridge Five spy ring that passed secrets to the Soviets before and during the Cold War.121 The footage of Burgess giving an interview to the CBC lay undiscovered in the archives for over 50 years. It was found accidentally when cataloguing digitized legacy stox. Somewhat ironically the material remained hidden in the archive for five decades because it was catalogued incorrectly in the first place.122 In sum, the analysis above allows us to understand how the evaluation of archival materials advances through various stages of the curation lifecycle. Evaluation begins in the acquisition department, but it does not end there. This is the case for full programs, items, and stox. Full programs and items are acquired systematically based on their primary values—that is, as evidence of organizational activities. Their evaluation at this stage of the life-cycle is minimal. But as shown earlier, they are evaluated once more when they are catalogued. It is plausible to argue that these evaluations are just as consequential as the ones occurring at the stage of acquisition. In other words, this is to propose that evaluations at the cataloguing department are as consequential in determining the identity of moving image materials and their place in the archives. Of course, if archival materials are not acquired in the first place they would never be catalogued, but it is not unreasonable to suggest that if they are not catalogued, or if they are catalogued incorrectly or incompletely, they likewise cease to exist.

121 Cambridge Five spy ring URL: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cambridge_Five 122 More about this curious case can be seen here Cambridge Five spy Guy Burgess interview unearthed by CBC URL https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e36KMyp-GDE

207 What this suggests is that evaluation is a continuous process in digital curation practices. The process is not limited to the selection and acquisition stage of the curation lifecycle but extends further at the stage of metadata creation. Another evidence in support of this view is that what cataloguers appear to grapple with the most in their work is how to interpret the content of items accurately. There are no fast-and-hard guidelines for doing so. For instance, a news item about the city of Toronto mayor attending the inauguration of a new chemical plant along with other public and business figures can yield multiple interpretations. Cataloguing such material requires accurately discerning the focus of the story, but in many complex cases, the final call is often made based on subjective determinations of what aspect of the material most clearly defines its identity. The head of the cataloguing department brings up this point while discussing an item similar to the one described above:

[the nature of] our content makes it [interpretation] crucial because it is not just a case of an author and a title—there would be three different options for [interpreting] this news item, so which one do you want [e.g. is it a story about the relationship between business and politics, the environment, or the City of Toronto]. And then if it is not described properly it becomes a different thing in essence. That is why the element of specificity is much more crucial [in our work], I think, than different types of more traditional cataloguing. — INTERVIEW # 7 00:21:34.6 - 00:21:55.8

When confronted with complex items and stox that yield multiple interpretations, a cataloguer must determine what is their focus—thus, seeking to, as the senior coordinator puts it, “create a place for them in the knowledge universe.” Such decisions largely determine the archival life of moving images. As the coordinator explains, “to a large extent you [the cataloguer] decide where it fits and changes its meaning. What I mean is if you decide it is something about political content people will find it there. As opposed to if you catalogue it as entertainment.” In this way —although far removed from acquisition and selection decision-making—the evaluative practices of the cataloguing department are consequential to defining the value and meaning of archival news materials. As the senior coordinator explains: “we are not really making a decision on what we are keeping, but in terms of how we describe it, and how we describe it informs how people will use it.”

208 6.3 Media Management

Media management practices require an advanced understanding of InterPlay Production. Media managers are responsible for configuring the various background settings and properties of the systems and troubleshooting all operational issues with the system. This requires an understanding of the inner-working of a complex information system. Aside from that, all other work related to media management is done through InterPlay Access. As discussed in chapter 5, a large part of media managers daily work is deleting files from the serves. The workflows for deleting items are complex, involving numerous steps but essentially entail the following: ensuring that media is approved for deletion and then deleting it. Aside from the routine deletions, an important aspect of the media management workflow is—as the media manager I spoke with puts it—“policing” how people use the folder structure in order to ensure efficient use of the server space. Essentially, this involves the continual monitoring the use of the server and addressing any actions resulting in the sub- optimal utilization of server space. The media manager also keeps track of the held material (i.e., material temporarily saved from deletion) in the HELD MATERIAL folder. When a hold expires, the media manager will contact the person that has placed the material on hold and will either extend the hold or proceeded with its deletion. The goal of media management workflow thus is to: “leave the system with enough capacity each day and to ensure that the holds that will be deleted have been approved and people know their content is going to be deleted.”

6.3.1 Evaluation in the Media Management Department

There are many decisions a media manager needs to make while deleting materials from the server and maintaining (policing) the use of the folder structure. While these decisions may entail an evaluation, they are not directly related to the news materials. The sole aspect of evaluative practices in the context of media management relevant to the current analysis is the selection of materials for the LIBRARY OTHER folder. The LIBRARY OTHER folder contains a large amount of news material that the CBC can reuse but cannot archive. The rights over this material are held by various news

209 services, broadcasters, and public and private agencies with which the CBC has various partnership agreements. The materials could be reused but cannot be preserved. Technically, they are stored on the deep archive but are not processed as part of the archival collection. Another impetus behind the LIBRARY OTHER folder is the need to free space on the ISIS servers regularly. This is interesting as it indicates that while digital infrastructure has made the information management practices at CBC more intuitive, it has also paradoxically placed constraints on how long materials can reside within the organization if they are not part of the permanent collection. A passage from my interview with a media librarian in the acquisition department offers an insight into this dynamic:

[LIBRARY OTHER] is a service we provide to production and we provide that service only because we are no longer on tape. In the digital world, you need to throw everything out as quickly as you can. In the tape environment tapes will come that we do not own the rights to, and we would never archive, and they [the tapes] will be thrown on the producers’ desk, and they will reuse them eventually. In the digital environment, you can't do that, so we created these long-term folders, long-term holds, that we use for production for these sorts of things, but there is no intention to archive that stuff ever.

As the names of the sub-folder in the LIBRARY OTHER folder reveal, materials are selected based on relevance to specific topics. These topics are generally related to major news stories and events that “cross the entire network” (See, Fig. 18). To select materials, the media manager routinely checks the Incoming media folder. When she identifies material related to ongoing news stories, irrespective of its format, length, or provenance, she moves it into the folder. Not much discretion is applied when evaluating these materials and they appear to be are guided primarily by subjective judgments and instinct, as the following passage reveals:

I have an idea of what they [journalist and news producers] are going to use again. I think it comes from watching our programming and an idea what the hooks are. Like they will use again the presser [also known as “handout”—discussed earlier] of a police officer reporting on a missing child investigation. That doesn't normally meet our acquisition policy, and this is way I am grabbing it for Library Other. So, this comes out of experience of knowing what they value. If they can give me feedback, I am all for it. — INTERVIEW # 12 00:02:00.1 - 00:03:13.2

Because the contents of the LIBRARY OTHER will not be part of the archival collection, its reuse seems to be the primary trigger for acquisition. The media manager determines the reuse

210 value in relation to some criteria media librarians at the acquisition department use. In particular, she will consider its aesthetic quality (is it a good shot?), specificity (how closely is it related to a specific news story), and uniqueness (how rare it is?).123 Aside from these criteria, she also confirms how frequently the materials have been reused during the week within which it entered the organization. This is particularly the case when the same material is coming from two different sources (e.g., Reuters and CNN). Before selecting such material for inclusion in the LIBRARY OTHER folder, the media manager will determine which of the two versions has been used more in news production. As the following passage clarifies:

I just think was it used? Because for instance we have two different versions of a Trump speech and one was from NBC and one was from somewhere else. And one has been used a lot more [during the past week] and the other not at all. So, they obviously saw more in one clip than the other, so I will choose the one that is used more. — INTERVIEW # 12 00:01:29.7 - 00:01:57.2

In sum, because of its broad scope, the analysis of evaluation of material selected for the LIBRARY OTHER folder cannot tell us more than what we already know from the analysis of the evaluation practices at the acquisition department. But it does reinforce some of the concepts encountered earlier, indicating how cultural strategies for action justify practices across the curation lifecycle. In particular, this analysis illustrates the relationship between aesthetic quality, specificity, and uniqueness as characteristics of reuse value.

6.4 Preservation

Most of the activities pertaining to the management of the deep archive involve the use of DIVArchive: Content Storage Management system. The system’s operations are continuously monitored by the library coordinator at the preservation department. An overarching objective is to maximize the use of the current storage space on the deep archive and to anticipate the need for its expansion. Beyond this, maximizing the storage space also entails many tasks related to the management of various hardware components of the systems. These aspects are

123 As the media manager explains: “I am not going to keep some crappy footage that someone took from twitter. Although, well if that was the only shot of something important that happened. Well, that changes the situation.”

211 relevant to discuss as a means of providing further characterization of the nature of digital preservation practices at the CBC news archive. One example is organizing the LTO tapes in the automated LTO data tape library. As noted briefly earlier, the data tape library is comprised of racks on which LTO tapes are stored, two data drives through which the tapes are read, and two robotic hands that move the tapes from the shelves to the data drives. The LTO tapes are divided into four groups full programs, items, stox, and other. The tape groups are positioned on three levels and as such are in varying distance from the data drives. To access data on a specific tape, one of the two robotic hands must retrieve the tape and insert it into the data drive. Tapes positioned farther away from the drive require more mechanical movements of the robotic hand. It is important, therefore, to organize the tape groups in a way that rarely requested materials sit farther away from the drives and frequently requested materials closer. This minimizes the mechanical movements of the robotic hands, subsequently optimizing data transfer speed and minimizing hardware wear-and-tear. Another factor that optimizes the use of the deep archive is the length of the files being restored from LTO tapes—e.g., a few minutes long items or an hour-long full program. The library coordinator of the preservation department has no control over that aspect, but he considers the implication of retrieving media of varying length in the way he manages the data tape storage—that is, by keeping tape groups that contain materials of shorter duration (e.g., items) closer to the data drives. As he explains:

In the data tape storage world, we find it is much more efficient to archive longer files. In terms of space and time. Our items are mainly two-three-minute-long but take the same time [to retrieve them from an LTO tape]. Let me explain, when we restore something AVID [i.e, InterPlay Production] sends a request to DIVA [i.e., the deep archive software], and DIVA sends a request to the LTO library robot. The robot goes and gets the tape and puts it in a drive. The drive speeds up the tape to the portion where the file is and reads it and then the file is sent back. All this technical and mechanical operations add time [to the process]. We will say it is 4 minutes for all that mechanical time. The actual transfer time to AVID is seconds because it is just a digital file. So, if you have a three-minute-long file and want to restore it, it will take 4 min plus a few seconds. If you have one-hour-long file will again takes 4 minutes plus a few more seconds. So, what ends up happening is you end up taking a lot of time restoring a very small file. The mechanical time is the same. So, when you are archiving 100 little files on many different tapes, in order to get them back you need to go through all these [mechanical steps] multiple times. If you are archiving only one

212 file you need to go through that only once. — INTERVIEW # 16 00:32:40.5 - 00:38:12.5

These examples are illustrative of some of the issues the preservation department deals with. Issues, it may be noted, that are not frequently discussed in the digital preservation literature arguably because they are predominately operational and engineering concerns. Such issues, nonetheless, are the primary aspect of daily digital preservation work at the CBC news archive. There are other similar tasks. For example, the LTO data tapes in the deep archive are copied and stored in two additional locations to mitigate the risk of infrastructural or natural disasters (e.g., fire, flooding, etc.). Supervising the copying and transfer of data tapes is partly a responsibility of the preservation department. Alongside that, another aspect of the work is the stewardship of legacy videotape archives, housed in climate-controlled vaults in Toronto. Aside from 400,000 videotapes, the legacy archives contain 80,000 film reels as well as an assortment of audio formats. The most involved process at the preservation department, however, is the digitization of legacy materials. The preservation department digitizes between 40 to 45 hours of footage per an eight-hour work shift. The process runs continuously on two shifts during the day and overnight. The is necessary to meet the 2020 completion deadline. The digitization process begins with an inventory of videotapes groups that will be digitized simultaneously. The acquisition department is consulted in developing the inventory. They are also responsible for identifying if certain materials exist on more than one videotape, and when this is the case, determining which of the multiple version should be digitized. The goal is to prioritize the digitization of materials of higher reuse value, but it is also necessary to group videotapes homogeneously—e.g., by ensuring items and full programs will be processed separately. The library coordinator at the preservation department refers to this process as the “preservation factory” approach. The concept was originally coined within the context of a large pan-European research project on digital moving image preservation know as Presto Space.124 In this project, the preservation factory concept was used to describe a set of digitization, restoration, and preservation workflows (See, Chenot et al. 2008). But within the context of the CBC, it is used to define the general philosophy informing the structure and organization of digitization workflows. As the library coordinator at the preservation

124 Presto Space URL http://www.prestospace.org/

213 department clarified to me, the preservation factory approach entails the streamlining and automation of the digitization workflow as much as possible, without excessive concern for minimal discrepancies in quality. That idea being that it is better to digitize all holdings at 95% of their potential quality than only a portion of the holdings at a 100% quality. This is particularly so given the rapid obsolescence of video tape, which increases the risk of moving image materials being lost forever if not digitized in due course. The preservation factory approach is organized in the following way: during each work shift, using the inventory as a guideline, a media librarian retrieves videotapes from the legacy vault, stacking them on a library trolley. The videotapes are cleaned and inspected on specialized machines called RTI Tape Check Pro-Line 4100 DLS.125 This prepares the videotapes for digitization and inspects them for physical defects (e.g., physical damage to the tape or missing magnetic signal, etc.). Videotapes with physical defects are separated from the group. Following this, the videotapes are transferred to the CBC ingest room. In there, they are ingested by an ingest operator, who digitizes them via videotape players hooked to the so- called Avid AirSpeed server.126 The video player reads the signal and the AirSpeed server and transcodes it into a digital file. Typically, the legacy digitization process uses eight videotape players at a time. The process unfolds in real time and roughly 45 hours of footage are digitized during an eight-hour work shift. Since there are two work shifts per day roughly 90 hours are digitized each day. Next, the digitized materials are ingested in InterPlay Production. From this point onward, the workflow is coordinated entirely through the InterPlay Production folder structure. The first step is visual inspection. Errors with the video signal would, in theory, register with the AirSpeed server upon ingestion and transcoding, but a great deal of errors cannot be automatically detected. Media librarians, thus, need to inspect the footage by watching three files on three different video screens simultaneously at eight-times the normal playback speed. Routinely they also check the quality of the audio. This process is done via Media Central, an InterPlay Production tool, which is used because it is the most adequate tool for watching multiple files simultaneously. While watching the files, the media librarians keep an eye for

125RTI Tape Check Pro-Line 4100 DLS URL: http://www.broadcaststore.com/store/prod_detail.cfm?eq_id=510630 126 For an overview, see http://www.avid.com/products/airspeed-5500 and http://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20040418005078/en/Avid-Introduces-Revolutionary-Broadcast-Video-Server- AirSpeed

214 visual defects—i.e., abnormalities with the image or sound, known as video artifacts. There is a wide array of possible video artifacts, but the majority are manifested as different types of image or colour distortions. When artifacts are detected, the media librarians need to determine if they are caused by the digitization process and therefore could be corrected by repeating the digitization. In many cases, this is not possible because the artifacts are already part of the image—meaning, that they have either occurred at an earlier stage of migration (e.g., the migration from 2-inch reel-to-reel videotape to another generation of videotape technology) or alternatively result from the physical condition of the videotape. Determining the cause of an artifact is done primarily visually, as there are characteristic differences between the look of analogue and digital video artifacts.127 The visual inspection process is time-consuming but necessary because it can identify problems that if left undetected can potentially affect hundreds of hours of digitized footage. In many cases, problems are due to malfunctioning equipment. For example, the head of the department tells me that on one occasion they noticed that after being digitized groups of tapes exhibited a problem with the audio and video synchronization. After investigating the cause, they discovered that it was a malfunction with one of the eight video players in the ingest room. In another similar case, they noticed a recurring video artifact. Following an investigation, it was determined that the artifact is digital and was traced back to a faulty video card in one of the AirSpeed servers.128 Many examples of such recurring problems are represented in the data. In each case, they need to be investigated and typically are resolved with minor altercations in the equipment. The digitization workflow is entirely automated, but as the above indicates, continuous oversight is necessary for ensuring the overall quality of the process. Lastly, once the materials have been digitized and inspected, a media librarian will augment their TVNLS metadata. As discussed earlier, each TVNLS record has a field called Holdings Information, which contains a videotape number, linking the material with the videotape on which it resides. The media librarians add a Server Holdings Information (SI) to the TVNLS record, a unique identifier indicating that the materials now exist as digital assets.

127 For an extensive list with visual examples, See URL: https://bavc.github.io/avaa/categories.html 128 Audio-visual artifacts can be classified in terms being analogue, video, or digital. Each category encompasses multiple different artifacts, but typically they have a distinct look and feel and can be identified visually by trained experts. See URL: https://bavc.github.io/avaa/categories.html

215 When the tapes being digitized are not associated with TVNLS records, the media librarian will create a shell record, and pass it to the cataloguing department for additional processing. The “metadata bottleneck” in this case is very large, and it may take up to two years for full metadata descriptions to be added to newly digitized materials (Wilson 2007).129 The last step of the process is ingesting the files into the deep archive. As described, the legacy digitization procedures are designed with efficiency in mind. As the library coordinator of the preservation department revealed in another conversation, he continually tries to refine the digitization workflows, considering that optimization of only one minute can result in large operational improvement. Shortening the digitization process of one tape with one minute may appear insignificant, but when one minute is multiplied by 400,000 it translates to over 6000 hours of saved time and resources.

6.4.1 Evaluation in the Preservation Department

As described above, many decision-making processes are involved in the management of the deep archive. But none encompasses preservation metadata, which is generated entirely within the preservation system. This finding contradicts one of the principal presuppositions of this project—namely, that evaluative practices pertaining to the creation of preservation metadata have implications for the authenticity of digital moving image materials. In practice, however, such evaluative practices do not take place. As discussed in section 2.3.4., I was interested in finding out how the “significant properties” of digital news materials are evaluated and recorded as preservation metadata evidence of authenticity. My observations revealed, however, that preservation metadata is simply not a part of the daily work of the preservation department. While this finding contradicts my initial argument, it does not entirely invalidate it. Instead, it opens a new perspective for theorizing the role of digital preservation in the context of digital curation practices. We will return to this point in the discussion and analysis in chapter 7. Yet, another unexpected finding was the extent to which evaluative practice play a role in the digitization of moving image materials at the CBC. Virtually all steps of the process require decisions about

129 As noted earlier in chapter 4, the “metadata bottleneck” concepts refers to the human efforts necessary for producing metadata relative to the pace of the creation of digital resources (See, Wilson 2007).

216 the integrity of moving image materials. The process begins with selecting and prioritizing materials for digitization, which are delegated entirely to the expertise of the media librarians in the acquisition department. As the head of the preservation department puts it:

Ironically, we don't care what is on the tape. The content itself. We just want to make sure that whatever it is it is in the best quality that it can be. — INTERVIEW # 15 00:28:58.7 00:30:27.9

The selection for digitization is a function that should be considered similar to what in the archival literature is known as reappraisal. The reason is that materials that are not digitized, although remaining on videotape, will eventually become inaccessible by virtue of the videotape becoming obsolete. The library coordinator at the acquisition department is keenly aware of this. As he explains:

[making selections for digitization] is your last chance to make a decision about something. If you believe that what you are looking at is not qualified to be part of a CBC collection even if it has been here for decades and if you decide that it shouldn't be there and you choose to alienate it from the collection that is your only chance to do so. Once you put it in preservation stream, it will go in an endless cycle of being migrated to the end of time. So, at the legacy point there is a question do we really want to keep it. — INTERVIEW # 1 01:05:53.2-01:06:47.9

Most decisions about digitizing legacy footage, however, do not require evaluations of their value and value. By virtue of already being part of the collection, the news materials are understood to already have a demonstrable value. As such, the evaluations are oriented primarily towards identifying duplicate materials and inspective their visual quality. Lastly, and perhaps most consequentially, media librarians inspect the quality of each piece of newly digitized material. The inspection of the visual quality of newly digitized materials is a routine step in the digitization of visual materials, and there is substantive literature on the topic. But while inspecting the visual quality of digital materials could be considered an evaluative practice, the technical nature of the determinations it entails (e.g., noting visual defects, etc.), places it out of the scope of my analysis interest in evaluation as mechanisms for making judgments about the cultural value and meaning of digital news materials. As my observations reveal inspecting the technical quality of news material serves two different functions instead. On the one hand, it ensures the integrity of the digital assets

217 (i.e., ensuring that the materials have not been visually altered in the digitization process), but on the other hand, it is also a mechanism through which the reliability of the entire digitization process is monitored. By evaluating the quality of the digitization output, media librarians are able to identify errors which in turn alert them to potential problems with the digitization workflow. Lastly, the selection of legacy videotapes for digitization is guided by the decision to first digitize the videotapes deemed of greatest reuse value. Digitization is by now a well- understood topic in the digital curation literature, where it is generally recommended that efforts should be prioritized based on the physical properties of the analogue sources (film, videotape etc.). The rationale being that analogue sources of greatest risk of becoming obsolete should be prioritized for digitization (HATII, & NINCH. 2003; Hughes 2004). Such considerations are not a factor at the CBC because the legacy holdings have been routinely migrated to stable media formats over the decades. As a result, the majority of the CBC’s archival holdings are Betacam SP and SX formats as well as Digital Betacam formats—that are not under an immediate threat of obsolescence. This allows prioritizing the digitization project based on the value of the materials rather than the physical properties of their analog carriers. The driving factor behind prioritizing archival materials for digitization is their reuse within the organization, which is indicated by how frequently the tape has been checked out from the archive by various production departments. Reuse is seen as important for several reasons. First, it is seen as an indicator that the material is of interest to clients, and therefore once digitized, the material will be reused. This logic here is operational but also strategic. Operational, because there is a clear case to be made that archival materials that are frequently reused should be digitized as soon as possible so as to be reused with greater ease and efficiency as digital assets. But it is also strategic because digitization of moving image materials is expensive, and by demonstrating that digitized materials are reused, the preservation department, and L+A more broadly, is in a better position to justify the costs of its digitization operations to the corporation’s senior executives. In addition, reuse is a factor because the more frequently used a videotape is the more susceptible it becomes to damage. All these factors emerge in the following interview passage provided in response to the question if the role of the physical carrier influences the digitization process:

218 Yeah, it certainly does. Generally, the more use a type of content gets, the sooner we want it digitized, so we can see more value come from it. That being said, it is always balance against the needs of the carrier. How much it is deteriorating, because if you have great tape used constantly [which affects its physical condition and hence longevity] and if we do not digitize it now we will lose it, so in this case we will do it [prioritize its digitization]. So, it is a balance. We look at things thinking is there a physical urgency to this collection irrespective of the popularity? But in general, at the CBC none of our tapes are in a bad of condition. So for the most part, the more it [a tape] is used the faster we will digitize it. INTERVIEW # 3 00:27:37.0-00:29:19.5

6.5 The Visual Resources Department

Requests for archival materials are emailed by clients across Canada to the centralized email of the visual resources department. When an email arrives, one of the several researchers on duty takes on the request and flags the email with an inbox label to indicate that is being processed. Once the request is processed, the researcher will change the label to complete. This is a simple but effective way to internally coordinate work in the department. Requests pour in throughout the day but are particularly high in the hours before main news broadcasts (e.g., 6 pm, 9 pm etc.). Frequently, researchers have less than an hour to locate and deliver the materials. In general, their work is characterized by a high pace (See, Appendix A, Table 3). Requests come in many shapes and forms, but as indicated earlier, they are frequently repetitive and hence easy to process. As discussed already in chapter 4, each day a member of the team attends the daily editorial meetings to get a sense of the main news stories in production. This provides an opportunity to anticipate potential requests. The overall visual research workflow could be divided into three steps: information seeking, retrieval, and delivery. The main tools used are TVNLS and InterPlay Production. Typically, after receiving a request, visual researchers will begin querying the TVNLS database to identify relevant materials. The materials will then be retrieved from the deep archive through either InterPlay Access or Assist and reviewed. At this stage, especially if the request is complex or abstract, it is common to contact the client, either via email or phone, to

219 request additional clarification.130 Once the researcher has finalized her selection, the final stage of the process is delivering the material. This is done by moving the files to the client’s designated sub-folder in the Catalogs folder in the folder structure.

6.5.1 Evaluation in the Visual Resources Department

As revealed above, visual research practices are procedurally uncomplicated, but that is not to suggest that they are simple. Their complexity ensues from the knowledge, precision, foresight, and creativity they require. The CBC archives are vast. A competent visual researcher must possess a comprehensive knowledge of their internal structure and organization in order to seek and locate archival materials effectively. Furthermore, there are numerous ways in which client requests could be interpreted, especially when they are abstract or vaguely formulated. Precision, foresight, and creativity are needed to anticipate what the client’s needs are and provide them with the most suitable material. Collectively, these qualities are highly valued internally by the coordinator of the visual resource department, as revealed in the following passage:

So when we talk about competency, I am hoping for somebody who becomes an expert. An expert, even better than our best clients at finding stuff because they understand how the information is arranged, how it is gathered, how it is stored, and also understand how it is exploited [reused] with which our clients are most familiar. . . [and I also] hope that people working in visual resources understand the vocabulary of visual language, the vocabulary of news and how TV news is made. — INTERVIEW # 18 00:14:08.5 - 00:17:56.8

In this context, an understanding of visual langue and of how television news is made appears to be the most highly valued quality. To an extent, these competencies are seen as an innate talent that cannot be obtained through working experience alone. This point emerges in the following interview passage in which an L+A’s senior executive reflects positively on the performance of a recently hired employee, who exhibits the skills necessary to do a visual research work:

130 In some rare cases, the material they locate in TVNLS may not be digitized, existing only as a videotape asset. This requires locating the videotape and bringing for digitization at the ingest room. Digitizing the tape is often not an option when the request comes on short notice, but also the bulk of the materials requested are typically already digital.

220

[they need to be able to] understand when someone comes to the desk and says I am doing a story on someone and that is what I am looking for. One of them this week told me that she got a producer saying, I need to visually represent the fall of the Russian Confederation, and I don't know how we can visually show that. And she said why don't we show the lowering of the flag and the raising of the new flag. And he was that is exactly it—the fall and the rise. And that is what they did [in production]. She found a perfect [visual] metaphor for him. And I asked her, what made you think of that and she said, I don't know, I have no idea, but I have seen that before, and I visually remembered it, and I thought we can use it for that purpose. — INTERVIEW # 6 00:02:31.7 - 00:04:42.3

Aside from the above, when searching for images, visual researchers also evaluate how their quality and visual characteristics align with the style and mood of the content in which they will be reused. Given the abundance of archival moving images to choose from, it is possible to find multiple materials portraying the same subject but in a different light. Verifying if the quality and visual characteristics of the moving images fit the context in which they will be reused, requires watching them because metadata cannot reliably reflect those aspects. This makes the process impervious to streamlining and time-consuming. The reason is that—as the senior coordinator tells me—"you are searching text that represents images. You can never be sure how some material will look, and how well it will fit the story, by simply reading the record. There is always a bit of chance.” When asked to formulate explicitly what characteristics of moving images determine their fitness for reuse, the senior coordinator offered the following: age (period), quality, specificity, accuracy, and appropriateness. The evaluative practices of visual researchers are thus complex, unstructured, and consequently difficult to teach. Perhaps because of that, in many ways, being a competent visual researcher is one of the most complex jobs at the news archive. The quality of one’s work, it appears, critically depends on talent and ability for seeing through the literal meanings of moving images and contemplating multiple ways they can be used to illustrate news stories. This point emerged during my interviews with the coordinator of the visual resources department, who lamented that often his staff lose passion and excitement for their work and become somewhat mechanical in their practice. When they receive a request, they deal with it literally, in a “kind of a robotic manner,” seeking the simplest solution. The coordinator believes that is not entirely their fault. Partly it is caused by the fact that the vast majority of the requests are repetitive, and at times even “painfully so.” But in order to excel at visual

221 research one needs to be able to deal with the routine demands of the job, while continuing to think broadly and boldly about the multiple ways moving images could tell a story. This is a skill and attitude he tries to encourage his staff to cultivate and sustain, as the following passage reveals:

That is what I try to do during the training. In conjunction with cataloguing when they are describing content, I try to get them to think about the multifaceted meaning of what they are looking at. So, if it includes people, say, kids in a classroom, so you have education here, you have public education, you have children at a particular age, you have the complexion of the classroom. Then you have a teacher and he is male; oh, so that is a male in the workforce, male in the position of authority. Basically, there are all these multifaceted social meanings, and I am keenly interested in that. — INTERVIEW # 18 00:36:20.0 - 00:40:02.1

I found the cerebral nature of these evaluations difficult to document and opaque to analysis. Yet, the data allows drawing some conclusions about the nature of evaluation in visual research practices. One element is the sense of purpose and moral fulfillment, which fosters excitement about the nature of the work. In part, as revealed on several instanced above, everyone at the news archive finds their work meaningful, a feeling nurtured by the realization that they are building an important cultural archive. Yet, this sentiment appears to be most pronounced with visual researchers, perhaps because they could most immediately see the results of their work. To this point, the senior divisional manager tells me about what he observes as motivating visual researchers. Feeling that he describes as “satisfaction and the added value [for the media librarians] when they see it [their materials] on the TV. I hear them saying... oh, there it is, I got this footage. And you feel you are really contributing and enhancing production.” A similar point emerged in my interviews with the coordinator of the visual research department, who, however, finds meaning not only in the service aspect of his work but equally so in its contribution to Canadian heritage. As he explains:

There is a sense that we are contributing to a pile that gets bigger and bigger and if the corporation is still around it will be able to exploit it. And I think it is appreciated right now that we need to have content. But in the fullness of time, I just see it as being inevitable that Canadians will have way more access [to the archives]. I just can't see this not happening. And when that happens, I think it will be transformative for this country to better develop a sense of itself. — INTERVIEW # 18 01:01:21.6 - 01:02:33.6

222

The practice of visual research, more than any other practice in the curation lifecycle, blends elements of curation and journalistic expertise. Visual researchers are not journalists. They do not gather, arrange, and report news. But they do play a crucial role in illustrating news visually. In this capacity, they contribute to the making of news in a much more direct way than any other actors in the news archive. This contribution depends on their expert ability to navigate the archives and seek and retrieve relevant information. To do so well, however, they need to internalize the sensibilities of newsmakers. This latter ability enables them to make fine discernments about the contextual, formal, and aesthetic characteristics of archival moving images. And what drives them is a commitment to enhancing the news production but also the sense of purpose stemming from their position as curators of a unique visual archive. This sense of purpose, I believe, accurately captures the impetus behind the work of visual researchers but is also a suitable analogy to describe the work of all media librarians documented in the pages above.

6.6 The Temporality of Digital Curation

Savolainen (2006) and Hartel (2010) have brought attention to the effects of time on information practices. This literature has focused on information seeking and use and has not examined workplace contexts, but convincingly suggests that time has notable effects on information practices. As discussed in section 3.3, time has also received attention in the ethnomethodological literature, where it is considered as an important contextual factor facilitating the “accountability” and “interactional order” of work—two concepts that seek to explain how people achieve a “local, moment-by-moment determination of meaning in social contexts” (Heritage 1984, 2). My data similarly reveals that time plays a role in digital curation practices, and it further suggests that the experience of time is shaped by the features of the technological infrastructure and by the dynamics of the domain with which digital curation is embedded. In the context of my study, those two factors collectively contribute to what we can think of as the pace of digital curation practices.

223 At the CBC news archive, technology shapes the experience of time primarily through the constraints on practices imposed by the weekly purge cycle. As discussed earlier, the deep archive is currently 7 petabytes and can be expanded up to over 870 petabytes. Expanding the deep archive would require a capital investment, but not one that is beyond the means of the corporation.131 Expanding the ISIS serves, however, seems to be much more difficult, primarily because of the associated financial cost of adding blade-serve storage. In this situation, the data space limitations are experienced not in relation to the sustainability of long-term preservation—i.e., how much can be stored in the deep archive— but as temporal limitations placed on the processing of the material by the weekly deletions of the ISIS servers (i.e., the purge cycle). These technological constraints do not limit the capacity to preserve materials in the long-term but limit the available time for processing them in the short-term, thus directly speeding up the work pace across the curation life-cycle. The urgency to process materials promptly is most keenly felt in the acquisition department but reverberate across all other departments. Beyond the influence of technology, it should be noted, the pace of archival practices is a consequence of a more permanent feature of the domain of news production, which itself is highly information-intensive and high-paced. The global news cycle runs 24-hours, seven days a week. News breaks unexpectedly, and the commercial success or failure of news organizations depends on the speed with which they can deliver news of interest to their audience. This temporal dynamic has been further compounded by the diversification of media channels for news distribution brought about by digitization, which has created new standards for the immediacy of news production in broadcasting organizations (Avilés et al. 2004). Developments, which Klinenberg (2005) observes, have transformed the traditional 24-hour news cycle into an incessant “news cyclone” (54). The conditions are keenly experienced in the overall context of news production at the CBC, as the following quote by a media librarian at the acquisition department reveals:

The pace increases but it is increasing on all levels. The internet means that we [news production staff in general] are no longer waiting for the top of the clock to put up a news story. News stories go out as soon as they are finished [online or via other immediate channels]. You are no longer cutting for the hourly, you are cutting for

131 Moreover, 7 petabytes of data now contain close to 500,000 hours of footage. Even if that storage is only doubled, the CBC news archive can continue preserving materials for years to come.

224 whatever minute you are finished. But the deadlines have increased to the state that there is no such thing as a deadline, so every minute of the day is somebody's deadline. — INTERVIEW # 2 00:17:08.1 - 00:17:29.5

At the level of curation practices, the temporal pressure brought about by CBC’s transformation into a digital media organization is most acutely felt at the visual resources department, the primary department interacting with news production. Furthermore, the pace is also cyclical, peaking during the unexpected occurrence of major media crisis. A media crisis is unanticipated news events of large social and political significance (e.g., 9/11, the Fukushima nuclear disaster, etc.) (Olsson 2009). When a media crisis occurs, newsroom organizational procedures are redefined. Routine daily tasks are put on hold, and all efforts are directed at managing information related to the unfolding events (Olsson 2009, 448). During my fieldwork, I observed first-hand the effects of a media crisis on organizational practices during the tragic November 2015 Paris terrorist attacks.132 As the event unfolded on Friday, scheduled news shows were cancelled and replaced by live coverage and special reporting directly from Paris. In addition to that, ingestion of raw feeds from various networks and media sources increased exponentially, throwing all organizational workflows—as a member of the acquisition department described it—“up in the air.” Media crises occur with regularity, although they may vary in scale and significance and hence in their impact on daily practices in the newsroom and news archive. In addition to media crises, major news events (e.g., a major and unexpected public or political events or scandals) can have similar effects on organizational practices (Tuchman 1973 cited in Olsson 2009, 449). Irrespective of their intensity, media crises and major news events affect all departments of the CBC news archive but are most keenly experienced in the acquisition and media management departments as these departments are directly responsible for processing incoming news materials and managing the server space. In sum, in the field of broadcasting news production, work is fast-paced, and accordingly, the pace of archival practices is a factor across all stages of the curation life-cycle, notably at varying degrees of intensity (Appendix A, Table 3). It is this antithetical to the traditional archival and library work temporal environment that characterizes the experience of working in a broadcasting news archive.

132 November 2015 Paris attacks. Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/November_2015_Paris_attacks

225 6.7 Conclusion

The chapter presented an account of the digital curation practice at the CBC news archive. The account points to a broad-level functional distinction among the five departments at the news archive based on the difference in their practices that can be described as managing digital information and knowledge objects. This idea is developed below through a summary of the chapter’s findings. More specifically, as discussed above, the practices of acquisition, cataloguing, and visual resources departments are concerned with the meanings of news materials, albeit in different capacities and to different ends. The acquisition department oversees the selection and appraisal of news materials, acquiring only a small fraction from an abundance of potential material. To narrow their choices, media librarians orient their practices in relation to the information needs of two types of actors (“clients”) in the short- and long-term. Media librarians understand these clients to be, in the short-term, organizational actors such as journalists and news producers, and in the long-term, future historians and the Canadian public at large. The department systematically acquires all full news programs airing on the CBC. The content of the full programs is not evaluated. They are acquired simply by virtue of their provenance as public records. Items are subject to more complex evolutions. They are also acquired systematically but because they exist in multiple versions, their content is evaluated to determine the best version for preservation. The evaluation of stox is the most complex and unstructured process. A closer look reveals three evaluative strategies that structure and organize it: (1) cultural-historical value, (2) corporate memory value, and (3) reuse value. Evaluative strategies consist of the decision-making heuristics and practices guiding the selection of stox. They are grounded in institutional rules, most clearly formulated in the news’ archives policy.133 Evaluative strategies, in practice, reduce ambiguity by providing concrete strategies for acting on institutional rules—they present a set of shared criteria that bind evaluative practices giving them structure and direction. For example, when confronted with the institutionally defined problem of how to acquire stox of cultural-historical, corporate memory, and reuse value, media librarians have to find a practical strategy for action because

133 See section 5.2.

226 the institutional rules are too general to reliably guide practice. It is within this gap left open by the institutional rules that media librarians elaborate on cultural resources to develop practical strategies for evaluation—what I have called evaluative strategies. In addition, subjective judgments also flourish in the process of evaluation serving as additional filters that narrow the complexity of selecting from an abundance of comparable options. The nature of my data does not allow me to differentiate how the identity, gender, or personal background of media librarians’ shapes their subjective judgments about value, but it allows me to suggest that subjectivity often filters in evaluation as means of narrowing the complexity of selecting news material from abundance of sources and in relation to the institutional rules. Alongside the evaluative strategies, the aesthetic codes and convention of broadcasting news are also a factor in evaluation and are strongly associated with reuse value. In evaluative practice, they are manifested as the following five criteria: (1) aesthetic quality, (2) uniqueness, (3) cost, (4) specificity, and (5) malleability of news materials. An ability to evaluate materials in relation to these five criteria and to anticipate how they could be reused in news production accounts for what the head of the acquisition department metaphorically refers to as the “editor’s eye.” This analysis of the data is consistent with the practice theory perspective on culture, which suggests that cultural strategies for action are rooted in “codes, contexts, and institutions” (Swidler 2001; 2003; 2008) and emerged precisely in the gaps left open by institutions when “people must put together lines of action in relation to established institutional options” (Swidler 2003, 133). It is furthermore consistent with the findings of prior studies of evaluative practice indicating that it is in the absence of clear value criteria when subjectivity becomes a primary tool for evaluation (Chong 2013).134 The cataloguing department oversees the production of descriptive metadata. The different types of news materials trigger different levels of depth of description. Full programs are described with minimal metadata, sufficient to indicate their provenance and general themes and subjects. Items are described thoroughly with the goal of clarifying their focus as a news story. Stox are described at a similar level of complexity, but the focus of the metadata is on highlighting their potential for reuse. As a practice, cataloguing requires close scrutiny and evaluation of the form and content of news materials. Evaluating the content of items and stox,

134 For discussion see sections 3.2 and 3.5.

227 however, is often complex as they can yield multiple meanings. To narrow their choices, in practice, media librarians in the cataloguing department, similar to their collogues in the acquisition department, base their evaluations on the perceived information needs of clients in the short- and long-term. Cataloguing of news material, in most case, is neither a routine nor mechanical process of objective description, but a critical interpretive practice rooted in evaluating the potential range of values of archival news materials and creating, as what one of the research participants describes as, “a place for them in the knowledge universe.” The visual resources department enables the reuse of news material by searching and retrieving them and by associating them to specific concepts or themes that news materials have the potential to represent. Visual researchers do not select what goes into the archive, but they activate its potential. They do not shape the editorial agenda, but nonetheless, play a role in news production. The decision if an archival material will run in a current news broadcast is with the producers and journalists who contact the visual researcher to request archival materials. The visual researchers offer them “options”—it is a service job; much like a restaurant, as one of the participants described it, the goal is to offer the client a menu of options to choose from. Identifying suitable “options” requires talent, expertise, and knowledge of the collection. It is in the richness and evocativeness of “options” visual research can present to their clients that shapes the way news looks. The practices across all these three departments are functionally different but share a common characteristic. They require analyzing, evaluating, and contextualizing information, transforming information into meaningful objects that can be repurposed and reused in the context of news production. Conceptually they fall under the umbrella of knowledge management practices. The media management and preservation departments role in curation is different. The core practices at these departments are only tangentially connected to the meaning and value of moving images—as the coordinator of the preservation department puts it, “ironically . . . we don’t care what is on the tape.” Instead, these practices support the information management infrastructure that sustains the curation practice. The media management department oversees the folder structure and naming conventions, and the preservation department, the long-term preservation of digital information. This variance across the five departments points to two parallel sets of practices:

228 § Knowledge management practices o Selection (acquisition dept.) o Enrichment (cataloguing dept.) o Reuse (visual resources dept.)

§ Information management practices o Managing current and legacy news materials (media management and the preservation depts.)

This conceptual distinction is also evident in the analysis of evaluative practices, which reveals that they are much more pronounced in the three departments concerned with knowledge management than the two departments concerned with information management. Even though in each of the two cases there are exceptions. Evaluation plays a role in the acquisition of materials for the LIBRARY OTHER folder in the media management department. And similarly, it is part of the digitization practices at the preservation department and in particular part of the inspection of the visual quality of digitized materials. But as discussed, while the inspection of the visual quality of digitized materials undoubtedly requires evaluation, the technical nature of the determinations it entails (e.g., noting visual defects, etc.), places it out of the scope of my analysis’ interest in evaluation as mechanisms for making qualitative judgments about the cultural value and meaning of digital news materials. Yet, evaluation is the primary object of work in each of the three departments whose practices are centered on the management of knowledge rather than information: the acquisition, cataloguing, and visual resources departments. It is in these three stages of the curation practice when the social and cultural dimension of evaluation is most prominent. Lastly, in this chapter, we saw that at every stage of the curation lifecycle, practices are oriented towards the needs of an actor/client. Such an observation is anticipated by the literature in digital curation and preservation, which emphasizes that curation and preservation are always oriented towards the needs of a “designated community.” A systematic overview of the answers the research participants provided to the question what is the “designated community” for whom they do their work reveals two distinct entities: in the first case, specific internal organizational actors, and in the second case, loosely defined external actors—what borrowing from one of my research participants I describe as clients in the short- and long-term. What is interesting about this definition is that it does not appear only in the thinking of the media librarians at the acquisition, cataloguing, and visual resource departments (who use it to support their evaluations), but also in the thinking of the media

229 librarians in the media management and preservation departments (for a comparative view of the data, see Appendix A, Table 1). This suggests that how media librarians define “designated community” is defined by the wider institutional logic of the organization (Thornton, Ocasio, and Lounsbury 2012).135 At the CBC news archive, this institutional logic appears to be guided by, on the one hand, a goal to serve the specific needs of the institution by acquiring materials that can be reused in broadcast productions, and on the other hand, commitment and responsibility to preserving Canadian cultural heritage. The competing demands of these two institutional logics place media librarians in a dual role as both organizational stakeholders striving to maximize organizational resources and at the same time as custodians of cultural heritage.

135 See section 3.2.1.

230 CHAPTER 7: Synthesis and Conclusion: Curation Culture and Evaluative Practice

In this concluding chapter, I address the dissertation’s research questions by discussing the findings of the analyses presented in chapters 4, 5 and 6. In doing so I identify the social, cultural, and material arrangements and mechanisms characteristic of what I propose to call the curation culture of the CBC news archive. Specifically, I identify and discuss three arrangements (i. the temporal pace, ii. technology, and iii. institutional identity) and three mechanisms (i. workarounds, ii. genres, and iii. evaluative strategies) underlying curation practice at the CBC news archive, and I account for their articulation following a pragmatists theoretical perspective (Gross 2009). I conclude the chapter by presenting a summary of the study’s contribution and limitations and by discussing areas for future research.

7.1 Overview of the Study and Findings

The analysis of the digital curation practice at CBC news archive presented in this study has been predicated on the argument that analyzing practice would furnish insight into the “articulation work” that supports collective action and situated cognition at work (Suchman 1996, 407)—a less studied topic in digital curation research. Following insights from science, organization, and information scholarship, I proposed that articulation work can be examined by looking for arrangements and mechanisms comprising individuals and groups; cognitive and symbolic capacities; and material artifacts and technologies (Knorr-Cetina 1999) To conduct this analysis, I developed a theoretical and methodological framework for studying practice—what Nicolini (2012) calls a “theory-method package” (213-240). I did so by starting from the widely-accepted definition of practice as “materially mediated arrays of human activity centrally organized around shared practical understanding” (Schatzki 2001, 11). I expanded on the first two elements of this conceptualization—material agency and human activity —by drawing on studies of social interaction, cognition, and action in the workplace and studies of material and discursive agency. I also develop a perspective on the relationship between culture and practice—and hence a conceptualization of understanding in

231 practice—with recourse to work in cultural sociology and institutional theory. In addition to that, I presented a theoretical perspective on the nature of evaluative practices, arguing that by virtue of its defining objectives—to enhance the value and enable the reuse of data and digital materials—digital curation practice logically presupposes some form of evaluative practice. The tenets of the “theory method package” I developed are summarized in chapter 3. Predicated on these ideas, I explored the following two research questions:

How do archivists at the CBC establish and apply criteria to enhance the value and enable the repurposing and reuse of news materials?

And what articulations of social interactions, technological tools, and practical understandings support these tasks?

The findings of my investigation revealed that while the organizational structure of the CBC news archive is characterized by functional lines of division and control, its organizational dynamics resemble the axioms of a networked organization. This is manifested in the social interactions and the modalities of knowledge exchange, learning, and the development of cross-organizational skills and open lines of communications across the organizational hierarchy. The employees of the news archive are knowledge workers, who are trained extensively across all aspects of curation work. They typically begin their career in the organization with extensive training in the cataloguing and visual resources departments, which are considered as core skills and competencies for broadcasting news archivists, but eventually develop the skills and competencies necessary to work across all departments at the CBC news archive. In this respect, the practice is seen by my research participants as being a craft that needs to be mastered systematically (See, Appendix A, Table 2). Furthermore, the analysis shows that the organization of the CBC’s archival holdings aligns with the tenets of archival science and resemble the organization of archives. As the findings of chapter 4 indicate, news archival materials are organized chronologically into three collections but the archival bond between them is manifested in the TVNLS metadata. The CBC archival holdings thus are both a naturally accumulated aggregation of information but also an information collection organized in a way conducive to information search and reuse. This is predominantly because reuse is among the primary goals of the CBC news archive and the organization of collections is designed to be accessible as broadly as possible within the organization. No archival finding aids are used to arrange and describe the materials.

232 Nonetheless, the archival bond is clearly traceable among the three categories of news materials, as discussed in section 4.3. This finding suggests that information tends to naturally accumulate sequentially and chronologically—i.e., in line with the principals of provenance and original order—and this relationship can be captured in a variety of ways accidentally or intentionally. The study further identified the impact of organizational and procedural changes following digital transformation of the CBC’s operations in 2008. One consequence was that the role of the news archive became more proactive. For example, visual resources staff was embedded directly into the newsroom and began anticipating the production needs of the news and adjusting their work accordingly to meet the newsrooms demands. The introduction of digital technologies had other effects, too. It accelerated the pace of work, which created new pressures and demands on media librarians. The videotape (as the main media of curation) was replaced by a complex set of media assets: master clips, sub-clips, and sequences. Some of these digital assets are highly unstable and can be easily altered. It thus became more challenging to determine the identity and integrity of news materials and doing so became a more prominent part of daily work. More generally, while digital systems provided unprecedented capabilities for accessing and exchanging media, it became much easier to lose news materials in the digital environment, while the flow of information passing through the organization grew exponentially. The processing, documentation, and organization of digital materials demanded meticulous planning and attention. Consequently, new employees with expertise in library and information studies began to be actively recruited and hired. This redrew the social makeup of the organization and the boundaries of what counts as expertise in practice, leading media librarians to begin associating their expertise as that of either librarians or journalists (Appendix A, Table 2). In this way the digital transformation of organizational practices influenced the symbolic nature of practical expertise and the self-perception of practitioners. In this digital environment, the news archive took over the management of the InterPlay Production folder structure and established the file naming conventions and rules for using the new information systems. As discussed in chapter 4, these technological artifacts align with the definition of metadata and also provide the structure that enables materials to be exchanged across various stages of the curation lifecycle. They were designed to be intuitive and to reflect pre-established traditions of work at the organization.

233 The findings further suggest that the tools of curation practice are adapted to fit its goals. Curation work is accomplished with the technological infrastructure already in place at the CBC, and while this technology is state-of-the-art, it was designed with the goals of media production in mind. The affordances of these systems present structural and representational challenges to the established tradition of practice. As my analysis suggests, the structural challenges are addressed through workarounds (patching the InterPlay production and TVNLS systems for cataloguing work) and the representational through genres (the folder structure). The findings also point to a general distinction among the five departments at the news archive. The acquisition, cataloguing, and visual resources departments are concerned with the meanings of news materials, albeit in different capacities and to different ends. The acquisition department oversees the appraisal and selection of materials. In doing so, they consider several actors (clients) for whom news material could be valuable. Complex strategies of evaluation emerge around the different categories of materials, with the subjectivity of evaluation increasing relative on the type of news materials—low with full programs, moderate with items, and high with stox.

Stox Full Programs Items

Objective Evaluation Subjective Evaluation

Figure 28. Role of subjectivity in evaluation process relative to type of material

The cataloguing department oversees the production of descriptive metadata and in this capacity enriches the identity of news materials and stabilizes their meanings. Their evaluative practices also vary in relation to the different types of news materials (full programs, items, and stox)—all three of which are described in varying levels of depth and complexity. The visual resources department enables the reuse of news material by searching and retrieving them and by evaluating the extent to which they have the potential to represent specific themes, concepts, and events. Their evaluative practice is more intuitive and difficult to capture analytically—it is more of an art than a science—although in many cases requests for archival materials are routine and literal. The visual researchers see their role as that of

234 offering “options” to journalist and news producers, and in this capacity, they play a direct albeit small role in shaping the daily news. The practices across all these three departments are different, but they also have something in common. They require analyzing, evaluating, and contextualizing information, transforming information into meaningful objects that can be repurposed and reused in the context of news production. The media management and preservation departments role in curation is different. The core practices at these departments are only tangentially connected to the meaning and value of news materials. Instead, they support the information management infrastructure that sustains curation. These differences between the five departments suggest that digital curation at the CBC news archive consist of two parallel sets of practices: knowledge management and information management practices.

§ Knowledge management practices o Selection (acquisition dept.) o Enrichment (cataloguing dept.) o Reuse (visual resources dept.)

§ Information management practices o Managing current and legacy news materials (media management and the preservation depts.)

This distinction allows us to consider the various aspects of the digital curation work and to think how the distributed and cooperative dynamics of digital curation and the forms of expertise it entails in practice are manifested in different contexts. At every stage of the curation lifecycle, practices are oriented towards the needs of an actor/client, a real or imagined designated community of future users. Specifically, curation practice is informed by the needs of internal users such as reporters and news producers (a real designated community) and by the needs of the corporation as a whole, current or future scholar, or some amorphous notion of the Canadian public (an imagined designated community). These cultural strategies of action appear to be rooted in the overarching institutional identity of the CBC as an institution situated between the market and public service (section 1.3). Lastly, it is by passing through the curation lifecycle that information becomes an epistemic object which has the potential to be reused. There are three key stages in this process: the stage of acquisition (when value is established), the stage of cataloguing (when value is enriched), and the stage of reuse (when value is negotiated to fit into a new context).

235 Preservation Legacy material Data management deep archive Preservation planning

Media Management Cataloguing

Data management Descriptive metadata Asset Management added ISIS Apprise and select Enrichment: temp. holdings deep archive Value is Enriched

Knowledge Management and Acquisition Evaluative Visual Resources Selection and Appraisal Practices Reuse/Access/Newsroom Support

Value is Established Aesthetic Public quality Value is Negotiated records Reuse valuation (re)contextualized value Cultural- Current material Corporate strategies Uniqueness historical Malleability memory value Cost Specificity value value

Figure 29. Curation Culture and Evaluative Practice at the CBC news archive

7.2 Towards a Definition of Curation Culture

In the following sub-sections, I discuss three arrangements and three mechanisms and account for their association drawing on a pragmatist theory of action. I propose that these arrangements and mechanisms are constitutive of the curation culture at the CBC news archive. A concept modeled after Knorr-Cetina’s (1999) concept of “epistemic culture” and what Edwards et al. (2007) have called “data cultures” (31-33). In line with the discussion in chapter 3, social action could be understood as situated in the social environment from which it draws the “content of the goals, orientations, identities, vocabularies of motive, and other understandings of the action situation” prerequisite for action (Gross 2009, 367; Swidler 1986; 2003). Such pragmatists view further suggests that most action is habitual and structured. It is when the external environment

236 changes and when “pre-existing habits fail to solve a problem at hand does an action- situation rise to the forefront of consciousness as problematic. Then, the pragmatists argued, humankind’s innate capacity for creativity comes into play as actors dream up possible solutions, later integrating some of these into their stocks of habit for use on subsequent occasions” thus establishing a new set of social and cultural mechanisms (Gross 2009, 366). This account corresponds with Swidler’s view that it is during “unsettled cultural periods” when the external environment changes and institutional frameworks are weakened when culture’s agency is most clearly perceptible in shaping action, making “possible new strategies of action” to be elaborated at group and individual levels (Swidler 1986, 276-280; Swidler 2003, 131).136 In this perspective, social and material arrangements of an environment is the ground against which social and cultural mechanisms are elaborated. When technological or social structures change, social and cultural mechanisms evolve. Importantly, articulating new social and cultural mechanisms, while prompted by changes in material arrangements, reciprocally involves “putting [material] nonhuman resources to work” in solving practical problems (Gross 2009, 370). Lastly, mechanisms can be manifested at the cultural-cognitive level (Gross 2009, 370-371; Swidler 1986). In the following two sections, I discuss the arrangement and mechanisms identified at the CBC news archive guided by these theoretical ideas.

7.3 Arrangements

Based on my analysis I define arrangements as socio-material articulations of objects, technologies, people, rules, and procedures that form the environment in which practice is situated. Next, I identify and discuss three arrangements that appear to be characteristic of the curation practice at the CBC news archive. I present the concepts and reflect on their implications.

136 Swidler’s (1986) definition of “unsettled cultural periods” is broad enough to encompass large-scale social process such (e.g., the industrial revolution) and induvial social processes (e.g., adolescence, becoming a parent, etc.). The idea at both levels is that during such unsettled periods people draw on cultural meanings and symbols to elaborate new strategies for action (Swidler 1986, 276-280).

237 7.3.1 Temporality

An important theme that emerged from my analysis is that time (or the lack thereof) is a central element of the curation culture at the CBC news archive and that this creates what I called the pace of archival work. As discussed, technology is a major factor in setting the pace of archival work—with the weekly purge cycle being one example—but the pace results from the nature of the broader field in which curation practice is situated. Broadcasting journalism practice is fast-paced and so is the pace of curation practices across all stages of the curation lifecycle, albeit in varying degrees of intensity. The pace is most keenly experienced in what I have designated as the knowledge management departments as indicated on the figure below (See, also, Appendix A, Table 3).

Low Pace digitize Legacy material Preservation add technical metadata Data management deep archive Preservation planning

Moderate Appraise and select Pace Moderate Media Management Pace deep archive Cataloguing Monitors the capacity of ISIS server; executes the weekly purge cycle Add descriptive metadata. Protected from weekly purge cycle but high volume of material

High High Pace Pace Visual Resources ingest Acquisition Current material Tight deadlines to Acquire, ingest daily, process before weekly purge process/reuse/access archival materials requests Figure 30. Pace of Archival Work at the CBC news archive

Thinking about time in digital curation practice is useful as it provides an analytical variable for differentiating curation contexts and domains. Furthermore, as discussed in chapter 1 and 6, while the temporal nature of information practice has been examined by information scholars, it could also be an area for further study in digital curation. It has been established that digital preservation ushers a new custodial paradigm, one in which it is no longer possible to treat materials with “benign neglect” (Ross 2000; Tibbo 2003; Van House and Churchill 2008). In the archival literature,

238 the findings of InterPARES II project underscore that in order to preserve digital records, archivists need to assume custodial control early in their lifecycle, as early as the point of records’ creation (Duranti and Thibodeau 2006; Duranti and Preston 2008). A similar emphasis on assuming control over digital information at the point of its creation is also evident in domain-independent digital curation recommendations (Higgins 2008). Yet, despite that we are aware of the importance of time to digital preservation and curation, we lack a clear understanding of time’s role in digital curation practice.

7.3.2 Technology: Working with Borrowed Tools

The analysis of the curation infrastructure indicates the nature of digital objects at the CBC news archive are not ideal for the purposes of digital preservation and curation. Rather than permanence and fixity, the defining characteristics of these digital objects are their relationality, variability, and openness. Another finding is that media librarians have little control over selecting the technological tools for their work. They must work with the tools they are given—the digital broadcasting systems—and adapt them to the nature of their work. This creates both structural and representational challenges to the practice. My analysis suggests that the structural challenges are overcome through workarounds and the representational through genres.

7.3.3 Institutional Logics

Institutional logics are defined as the “frames of reference that condition actors’ choices for sensemaking, the vocabulary they use to motivate action, and their sense of self and identity” (Thornton, Ocasio, and Lounsbury 2012, 2). Prior work shows that several logics can co-exist in modern organizations and that they are manifested differently at different organizational levels (Kraatz and Block 2008; Yu 2015). The analysis of the CBC’s institutional identity in section 1.3 suggests that the organization is guided by two institutional logics—public service and the market. The analysis of the curation practices further reveals that the institutional logics of public service and the market translate to the logics of organizational

239 service (providing service to journalist/reporters) and heritage responsibility (building a cultural archive for prosperity) at the level of the news archive, as shown on the figure below.

Institutional Public Service Market Logic Logics—CBC

Institutional Organizational Heritage Logics—News service Responsibility Archive

Figure 31. Institutional Logics at Macro and Meso Levels

The influence of these logics on practice is most patently manifested in how the research participants defined the actors (i.e., designated community) for which they keep archives as comprising both internal organizational actors and external public actors (e.g., See, Appendix A, Table 1). The analysis further suggests that the position of the actors within the curation lifecycle, influence the extent to which these two logics motivate their practices. As the account in chapter 6 and the interview quotes in Appendix A Table 1 indicates, the dual-role of organizational actors and cultural heritage stewards is most strongly perceptible in the perspectives held by the senior divisional manager as well as by media librarians working in the acquisition, cataloguing, and visual resources departments. It is less accentuated in the perspectives held by the media librarians working in the media management and preservation departments. One way to explain this is following the conceptualization of digital curation as comprised of knowledge management and information management practices advanced above. Media librarians in the media management and preservation department likely do not think of their work as that of stewards of cultural heritage because their practices are centred primarily on the managing information rather than the cultural knowledge this information embodies.

240 7.4 Mechanisms

Mechanisms can be analyzed at several levels of analysis: social, cultural, and material (Gross 2009). The discussion I present focuses on interpreting the study data to identify mechanisms that span all three levels.

7.4.1 Evaluative Practice

Swidler (2001; 2003; 2008) proposes that cultural strategies for action are grounded in “codes, contexts, and institutions.” We can observe these factors in the analysis of evaluation practices in the acquisition department. Acquisition practices are oriented towards internal clients (CBC, as an institution, reporters and producers) and external clients (the hypothetical historian of the future, and the Canadian public at large). As they are aligned with the institutional logics of the CBC (as discussed earlier in this chapter). They are furthermore organized into three evaluative strategies — (1) cultural-historical value, (2) corporate memory value, and (3) reuse value—and are guided by the aesthetic codes and conventions of broadcasting news, manifested in evaluations that center on the (1) aesthetic quality, (2) uniqueness, (3) cost, (4) specificity, and (5) malleability of archival news materials. News materials acquired as public records, such as full programs, are acquired in relation to their provenance, context, and function. Their content is not evaluated. Their value is solely in the accountability they provide as an unbroken, chronological aggregation of records of CBC news. The evaluation criteria associated with the cultural-historical strategy are relevance to Canadian history and culture. Those associated with the corporate memory strategy are relevance to the CBC history and culture, which includes the corporation as a whole as well as the careers of notable CBC personalities. Both items and stox can be acquired in relation to those two strategies. Lastly, the criteria associated with the reuse strategy are social relevance and newsworthiness, when the materials under evaluation are items; but when the materials under evaluation are stox, all criteria could potentially be taken into consideration and notably the evaluation of the aesthetic quality, uniqueness, production cost, specificity, and malleability of news materials are a key factor in evaluation for reuse. Evaluative strategies thus vary in relation to the types of materials.

241

Capture and organize full show recording; Full Programs Create a “shell record” including prog. title and broadcast date Reuse low Public Record— provenance, context, function Evaluation low

Acquire all items from the National (news stories, Items Interviews, panels); identify and acquire last-to-air version; Select items from local news shows, exclude items that Reuse moderate are repeated on the National Transfer Evaluation moderate Public Record— provenance, context, function to Cataloguing Reuse — relevance of the story/issue covered

Cultural-historical — relevance to Canadian history/culture Stox Corporate memory— relevance to CBC history/culture Reuse—aesthetic quality; uniqueness; cost; specificity; Reuse high malleability Evaluation high

Figure 32. Evaluative strategies relative to type of material

Evaluation is most complex when news materials do not have a clearly identifiable intrinsic value (such as the public record value of full programs) but rather have the “potential” to be valuable (such as is the case with stox) (Palmer, Weber, Cragin 2012). This potential is identified through the evaluative practices of the acquisition department, and it is then enhanced through the evaluative practices of the cataloguing and visual resource departments. Interestingly, all news materials can be associated with more than one value, as illustrate it on the figure below. Evaluation thus involves not only the assessment but also the sorting of value in relation to institutional rules. These rules set out broad value categories for selection and acquisition. In many instances, however, news materials are too ambiguous to neatly fit within a single category. In such situations, media librarians draw on their subjectivity to narrow the options of determining the potential of news materials. Consistent with the literature on evaluative practices, my data shows that subjectivity becomes a tool of evaluation when institutional rules can no longer provide reliable support to practice.

242 Public Record value

+

+/- Full Programs - + value +/- Reuse vale

+/- Items +

+ Corporate memory -

+ = high + Stox + +/- = moderate - = low +

Cultural value

Figure 33. Relationship between values and types of archival materials

Furthermore, as the analysis in chapter 5 shows, the evaluation of significant properties, as well as more general deliberations regarding preservation metadata, are entirely absent from the practices of the preservation department. As described in chapter 5 and 6, preservation work is complex and demanding, but it is essentially a media management practice in which the system is entrusted with the task to ensure the authenticity of digital objects. This indicates that much of the knowledge developed in the past two decades by the digital preservation research community (for an overview, See Ruusalepp and Dobreva 2012) is now integrated into proprietary solutions such as the DIVArchive: Content Storage Management system. This makes the evaluative aspects of digital preservation—which I expected to be a dominant concern in the preservation department—disappear from analytical view. Yet, while this defies one of this project’s principal presuppositions, it does not entirely invalidate them. Rather, it points in a different analytical direction. Preservation metadata plays a role in digital preservation, but decisions about its scope, structure, and content are beyond the context of digital curation practices.137 Instead, such decisions have

137 As discussed in chapter 4 in, the deep archive is an OAIS-compliant preservation system.

243 been made in the Oracle’s research labs and offices and “black boxed” within the system (Latour 1984). Lastly, as chapter 6 shows, evaluation plays a role across all six departments. It is a distributed process, each stage of which enhances the value of news materials in specific ways. This suggests that indeed evaluative practices play an important role in transforming information objects into knowledge objects. Based on this finding, it is worth proposing that evaluative practices are a central mechanism through which value is added to information through the curation lifecycle. Such a view is in line with the argument that value emerges as a product of evaluation (Dewey 1915 in Muniesa 2012). Furthermore, the distributed and collective nature of evaluative practices at the CBC news archive; their role at every stage of the curation lifecycle (albeit in different capacity and intensity); their complexity, varying from complex (e.g., with stox) to simple (e.g., with public records) deliberations suggests that evaluative practices are a part of the “invisible work” of digital curation. Invisible work being understood as the “routine” or “highly skilled” work that is “crucial for the collective functioning of the workplace” but often hidden from public view (Nardi and Engeström 1999).

7.4.2 Workarounds

Workarounds are the simplest of the three mechanisms observed. The concept broadly designates the ideas that when confronted with structural constraints imposed by the technological infrastructure, social actors develop alternative strategies to overcome these constraints. At the CBC news archive, this is most clearly evident in the inability to fully integrate the InterPlay production systems with the legacy TVNLS database. To overcome this constraint a workaround was developed, allowing media librarians to catalogue news material using the InterPlay production tools and to then transfer the metadata to TVNLS. For most librarians’ workarounds seamlessly blends with their experience of using the tools and systems. Workarounds, at least in the curation context examined here, are mechanisms for aligning the functionality of information systems with the patterns of curation practice. This conclusion aligns with prior conceptualizations in the literature (Alter 2014).

244 7.4.3 Genres as Externalized Cognitive Maps

The study’s findings support the view of genres’ social and cultural role in practice. They organize the interaction order of curation and make it mutually accessible. In this capacity, they support situated cognition and collective action. Within the CBC, the folder structure is a primary mechanism through which workflows are delegated, enabling the transfer of archival materials from one organizational actor to another. This is particularly the case with the LIBRARY WORKING folders and sub-folders, which provides a virtual workflow template, thus representing organizational and procedural knowledge. But beyond its ability to coordinate the direction of workplace practice, we also saw that the organization of folder structure reciprocally reflects the recurrent demands of the practice. The folder structure is also an artifact that must be meaningful to numerous organizational actors—both media librarians and journalists. This is something that the research participants recognize. As a member of the acquisition department explains: “it [the folder structure] has to be a universal language. Because I use this folder structure but so does CBC London, England. You know it is the same there. So, it has to work for many clients.” This characteristic of the folder structure provides a perspective on the relationship between genres and situated cognition. In complex organizational environments, where interpretation is cognitively complex, genres provide meaningful templates for stabilizing practice. It is these two characteristics of genres that allow them to act as a recurrent response to typified social situations, providing support to both situated cognition and collective action. Similarly, we saw that the naming conventions play an important role in the context of the CBC news archive. Their primary purpose is to enable the organization of media files within the system. The majority (if not all) of information management systems pivot around files, and to be successfully managed, files need to be consistently named. But the naming conventions are also designed in a way that enhances not only their management but also the interpretation of their content. In this capacity, naming conventions also support situated cognition. Lastly, the analysis also revealed that TVNLS metadata records stand at the crux of curation practice at the CBC news archive. Without a corresponding TVNLS metadata

245 records, archival materials are just files in the InterPlay Production asset management system. This finding is consistent with the acknowledged importance of metadata for digital preservation and curation. It also explains why while equipped with a state-of-the-art asset management system such as InterPlay Production, the practices at the CBC news archive still revolve around the use of TVNLS. What makes TVNLS metadata superior, however, is not the system itself but the metadata schema within it (Appendix A, Table 8). In addition, as we saw, the TVNLS metadata records are far more than descriptive records because they offer salient evidence in relation to which the identity and integrity of moving image archival materials can be ascertained. They are used flexibly to support different levels of description that fit with the various profiles of different types of moving image materials recurrently processed in the organization. But perhaps their status as genres is most patently evident in the fact that many of the fields are specific to the identity and integrity of news broadcasting materials—fields such as Program Title (PT), Reporters (RP), Show Announcer (SA) and so on. This observation is not surprising. It is logical that the fields in the metadata record will align with the significant properties of information objects being described, but it provides grounds to consider metadata records at the CBC—and I will argue descriptive metadata in general—not as standardized descriptions of information but as rhetorical traditions of creating information about information. It is frequently asserted in the literature that genres reflect shared assumptions and cultural understandings (Spinuzzi 2003; Andersen 2008; Foscarini 2012b; 2014; 2015; MacNeil 2012; 2015; McKenzie 2105). My findings corroborate this view. Genres appear to be part of the externalized cultural scaffolding that supports collective action and situated cognition in practice (Lizardo and Strand 2010). This cultural scaffolding is built on the affordances of specific technologies, but it takes additional work to adapt these affordances to a curation practice. I would suggest that genres are in many ways similar to what Weick (1990) describes as “strategic maps” that help actors navigate an “uncertain intellectual terrain.” It is these characteristics of genres that enables them to function as “mechanisms through which knowledge is made and negotiated, transmitted and transformed during the social interactions taking place in workplace communities” (Foscarini 2014, 22).

246 7.5 Conclusion and Questions for Future Research

The analysis of the arrangements and mechanisms of digital curation practice at the CBC news archive provides grounds for formulating two overarching arguments. First, that aside from being supported by socio-technical systems (an arrangement of information, technology, and people) digital curation practice is also supported by cultural systems. These cultural systems sustain collective action and situated cognition by providing vocabularies of motives and strategies for action. They are shaped by normative and regulative institutional frameworks, transmitted through material artifacts, and refracted through subjective interpretations. Second, the analysis indicates that evaluative practices are an integral part of digital curation and a prerequisite to enhancing the value of data and digital materials. They are likewise not simply technical and procedural decisions but complex deliberations involving at times opaque judgments and trade-offs; as such, they are deeply interwoven in social and cultural processes that are indigenous to their local domain and context of practice (Bruch and Feinberg 2017). Given the evidence of their causal role in the curation culture of the CBC presented in this dissertation, and the scholarship on culture and evaluative practice discussed in chapter 3, it is valid to propose that cultural systems and evaluative practices will vary across information management domains and context and as such should be studied comparatively across a wider range of case studies. Studying curation culture is examining closely situated practices with the aim of identifying the arrangements and mechanism that characterize them. The preceding sections presented the most salient arrangements and mechanisms of the curation culture at the CBC news archive identified by this study. Future studies could distinguish other elements that contribute to the culture and practice of digital curation. Based on the findings of the present study, it is suggested that the following questions could be used to profile curation cultures across domains and organizational contexts:

o What is the temporality of curation practice (is the pace of practice fast or slow)? o How curators perceive their role, responsibility, and the designated community for which they keep data or digital materials? o At what stages of the curation lifecycle evaluation is strong, weak, or absent? o How are evaluative practices experienced on the ground, and to what extent they are organized by normative and regulative cultural frameworks? o What are the methods of comparison, criteria and tools supporting evaluation?

247 o When and how subjectivity (biases, emotions, taste) filter in evaluation? o Are evaluations collective or individual process? o What is the alignment between technology and practice? Do curators choose their tools or do they establish their practice around the domain-specific infrastructure of information creation and exchange? o What mechanisms facilitate the entanglement between social actors and technologies in practice, and how are technological affordances adapted to align with preestablished practice conventions?

Examining these questions comparatively will advance the current understanding of the situated dimension of digital curation practice and the articulation work it entails and will contribute to growing knowledge on social and human factors in digital curation.

7.6 Limitations of the Study

As noted in the methodology section in chapter 3 by virtue of using a single-case study research design model, the study findings cannot be generalized outside of the immediate environment of the CBC news archive. This is a known limitation of the single case-study approach in general that could have been mitigated by developing a multi-case study design. Unfortunately, I was unable to do so because I could not gain access to a second, comparable case study for this project (i.e., another digital broadcasting archive). On the other hand, the single case study design did afford the possibility of a comprehensive, multi-faceted inquiry based on a combination of methods and data. Another limitation is that the study’s data collection is based on a small sample of the population at the news archive—namely the operations managers (i.e., library coordinators). While managers qualify as “expert research informants” through whose insight an informed and accurate estimation of the practice can be obtained (Trinczek 2009), the study would have been richer if the perspectives of a wider range of organizational actors (situated either higher or lower in the organizational hierarchy) were taken into account. Furthermore, the data collection and analysis process in this study is entirely qualitative. While practice theory studies tend to be qualitative, that is not always and necessarily the case, as methodological advice and examples on using mixed methods to study practice exist (e.g., Mohr and Duquenne 1997; Breiger 2000). The validity of the study’s findings would have been enhanced by the collection and analysis of quantitative

248 data, and this would have also contributed to the literature on mixed methods in information research (Fidel 2008; Ma 2012). There are many possible ways in which the study could have utilized mixed methods, but one highly relevant approach is to combine qualitative data with Vaisey’s (2014) survey approach to studying culture. Specifically, as discussed above, I examined the evaluative practices through which archivists at the CBC determine the value of news material with a goal of understanding how cultural frameworks provide strategies for action. This analysis was based primarily on observation and interview data to describe the processes and heuristics of evaluation. While process can to an extent be observed, I had to rely on interview data for understanding the evaluative heuristics as it is not possible to observe decision-making directly at the cognitive level (i.e., to peer inside peoples’ heads).138 My interview data was revealing of how evaluation works in practice, but a known concern here is that research participants tend to engage in positive self-representation during interviews, which consequently raises questions about the limits of interview data in analyzing the link between culture, cognition, and practice. A productive way to tackle this problem would have been to develop surveys based on my participant observation and interview data and to administer them as a part of the project. Combining ideas from the work of Bourdieu and Giddens with insights from cognitive psychology, Vaisey (2014) has proposed a method for conducting surveys for the analysis of culture. Drawing on work in cognitive psychology, he argues that there are “two primary levels of consciousness” at work in cognition, “deliberative and automatic,” and has further suggested that most of human cognition occurs at the automatic (unconscious) level (Vaisey 2014, 1681). Thus, Vaisey (2014) argues that pairing survey and interview data is a productive way to analyze cognition because surveys allow research participants to identify their mental processes, even if they cannot fully articulate them in discourse (Vaisey 2014, 1689). Using Vaisey (2014) survey methods would have complemented the analysis of cultural strategies for action in evaluation by allowing the research participants not only to describe the elements of their evaluative practice but to identify them in relation to a set of pre-defined categories and styles. The

138 The primary reason why the in-depth interview is considered the principal methodological tool of cultural sociology (Pugh 2013; Lamont and Swidler 2014).

249 reasons this research strategy was not implemented in the project was the relatively small research sample. Finally, a last limitation of the study is it is its strict analytical focus on non-monetary evaluations. Critics will be right to point out that there are other consequential evaluative practices in digital curation related to the utility and reliability of technology, cost and risk assessment, and planning (McHugh and Ross 2006; Strodl 2007; Becker et al 2012; Vermaaten, Lavoie, and Caplan 2012). While important such evaluations were outside of the scope of the daily work of the research participants with which I interacted.139 Future work should examine the situated dimension of “planning work” in digital curation (Giraudeau 2008) as well as other aspects of evaluations that do not pertain to content and meaning of data and digital materials being curated.

7.7 Contributions to Knowledge and Directions for Future Research

This final section reflects on the relevance of this dissertation to five research fields, indicating the directions for future research the present study opens with those fields.

7.7.1 Journalism Studies

Most fundamentally, this dissertation studies the digital curation of a newsroom archive. It is fitting to begin this section by clarifying the contribution it offers to the literature in journalism and communication studies. The dissertation did not examine journalistic practices or the editorial decision-making at the CBC newsroom. As such it has little to offer to scholars interested in learning more about how CBC news content is gathered and produced. Nonetheless, the empirical account the dissertation presents enriches the knowledge on the production of news in important ways. Specifically, the study of journalistic practice (also known as newsroom ethnography) has a long lineage in media and communication studies before (White 1950; Tuchman 1978; Gans 1979; Fishman 1980) and after the digital transformation of news production

139 Apart from the coordinator of the preservation department, who has input in such decisions.

250 (Klinenberg 2005; Ryfe 2009; Willig 2013). This latter literature in particular has focused on studying the networks and articulations of human and non-human actors mediating the production of digital news (Boczkowski 2004 & 2010; Czarniawska 2011; Domingo 2016) as well as the attitudes, perceptions, and decision-making practices of journalists and media workers in digital environments (Schultz 2007; Ryfe 2009; Chong 2017). However, neither of the two topics has been examined in the context of archival newsroom practices. The analysis in chapters 3, 4, and 5 fill in this empirical gap by providing an account of this background part of news production. Furthermore, the dissertation also provides a basis for conceptualizing the role news archivists play in the broader set of practices through which media is produced and consumed, a long-standing topic of interest to communication studies (Hall 2001 [1980]). To be sure, newsroom archivists are not journalists. They do not make editorial decisions about the nature of content that will air on the CBC network. Their practices have little influence in shaping the news agenda—likely the main reason why they are overlooked in the journalism studies literature. But as the analysis above has shown, newsroom digital curation practices are not inconsequential. Newsroom archivists shape the visual resources that feed into the daily stream of news production; and perhaps more significantly, they shape the historical record of what news was. In this dual capacity, newsrooms archivists partake in the exchange of symbolic goods and services by occupying a space “in-between” news producers and consumers (Negus 2002). My analysis and findings thus provide insight into the practices through which broadcasting news is shaped by a larger network of actors beyond the newsroom floor as well as insight into the ways the cultural and symbolic value of news is evaluated beyond their immediate “news value” (Galtung and Ruge 1965; Harcup and O'Neill 2001). As such, my account could be also useful for scholars interested in studying the processes of cultural production and consumption more broadly (Peterson and Anand 2004). Lastly, research on the curation of news in a variety of other contexts and settings could simultaneously advance knowledge in both journalism and information research. Such a cross-disciplinary undertaking would create opportunities for theoretical exchange and could garner empirical findings of interest to both disciplines. While substantive differences between the two disciplines abound, journalism and information research have a common

251 interest in understanding the flow and properties of information and how information is acquired, evaluated, enhances, processed, transformed, and disseminated.

7.7.2 Digital Curation

In digital curation research, Dallas (2016) has brought attention to the fact that the diversity and pervasiveness of digital curation practices are not accounted for by domain-independent models of digital curation, thus calling for a “pragmatic theorization” of digital curation. Similarly, empirical studies on scientific data curation have demonstrated that “a variety of data curation and stewardship practices and approaches exist” across different organizational settings and knowledge domains (Karasti, Baker, and Halkola 2006, 232-233). It is in relation to this project of advancing the knowledge on digital curation as a situated practice that this dissertation makes several contributions. In particular, the analysis presented transgresses previous debates on culture and agency in digital curation by placing an analytical focus on the cultural factors shaping curation practice. This contribution is important because while Dallas (2016) has brought attention to the culture concept, he has not analytically specified what culture is and how it affects practice. Furthermore, Dallas’ (2007) earlier use of cultural-historical activity theory (CHAT) to conceptualize digital curation practices is likewise very useful, but do not provide a sufficient theorization of culture primarily because CHAT overemphasizes cognition and technological agency at the expense of having a tenuous conceptualization of the relationship between culture and action. Put simply, questions about how cultural symbols and meanings affect cognition are absent in CHAT thereby essentially reducing the concept of culture to the historical and material practices and socioeconomic context within which activity takes place (Cole 1999, 91-93). Likewise, while scholars of scientific data curation have extensively documented the opinions and preferences of data users and producers, they have also rarely operationalized the concept of culture. A similar concept used in this literature is the concept of domain (taken from [Hjørland and Albrechtsen 1995]), but in this perspective, cultural factors take the backstage to social factors such as the relationships between “communication networks or groups of collaborators” (Palmer and Cragin 2008, 178). Domain analysis as a perspective to study human and social factors in digital curation allows for detail accounts of how situated

252 actors operate in the context of their immediate social and technical environments, but without a broader conceptualization of how cognition and publicly available cultural symbols and meanings influence practice. An important contribution in this line of work is Mayernik (2015), who draws on the “institutional logics” perspective to explain the relationship between culture and practice in data curation. But Mayernik’s (2015) focuses on “institutional logics” as the only element mediating the relationship between culture and practices, downplaying social and material agency, both of which, in his account are explained with recourse to institutions. The theoretical approach developed in this dissertation instead seeks to holistically account for the cultural, social, and material dimension of practice and to conceptualize them under the rubric of curation culture. Future research can examine the extent to which curation contexts exhibit specific curation cultures by studying the socio-material mechanisms (e.g., workarounds and genres), the temporal pace, evaluative practice, and the institutional logics of curation practice within and across domains and contexts. Furthermore, this dissertation also brought specific attention to the topic of evaluative practices in digital curation, demonstrating that this perspective is conducive to the analysis of digital curation on principled grounds (because the defining objectives of digital curation logically presuppose some form of evaluation) and empirically (because as my findings revealed evaluative practices appear to abound in curation). The approach for studying evaluative practices advanced in the dissertation can be used to explore further the arrangements and mechanism through which the value of data and digital materials is identified, negotiated, and consequently enhanced (Palmer, Weber, and Cragin 2012) and can equally be useful for analyzing evaluative practices in data sharing and reuse (Zimmerman 2008; Faniel and Yakel 2011; Borgman, Wallis, and Mayernik 2012).

7.7.3 Information Practices

The present study, likewise, suggests that we should accord more attention to the analysis of culture in information practices, more broadly, while keeping into perspective how social and material factors influence these practices. To assert, this is to propose that we cannot engage with the world without attaching meaning to the actors and objects in our environments. That is not to suggest that our understanding of the world is always and necessary correct, but only

253 that meaning is a prerequisite for any form of social action. Examining the cultural meanings social actors attach to their immediate actions and environment is thus a necessary component for developing explanations of both motivation and action in information practices. To assert, however, that the cultural symbols and meanings social actors attach to their environment is an important object of analysis in explaining both motivation and action is not to assume a social constructivist position thereby reducing the material world (and by extension information) to a meaningless object on which social constructions are projected (e.g., Hjørland 2007). Rather the goal should be to examine how cultural meanings give coherence and direction to social actions, but in doing so, remain attentive to the extent to which the range of meanings available to social actors in a given context are in turn constrained by objective conditions (Zuckerman 2012). The analytical perspective advanced in this dissertation could be usefully explored in the context of information practice research where similar debates have been underway for years (see chapter 1, section 1.2.2). This new avenue for information research seems to be timely as in recent years information scholars have turned their attention to the new theoretical construct: “information experience.” While what exactly constitutes “information experience” is yet to be fully articulated, it is generally accepted that it designates “the way in which people engage and derive meaning from the way in which they engage with information and their lived worlds as they go about their daily life and work” (Bruce et al. 2014, 6). The overarching contribution of this dissertation advances the effort of thinking through the nature of information experience by providing theoretical and empirical insights into how social, material, and cultural factors influence the ways in which people engage and derive meaning from information in organizational contexts.

7.7.4 Archival Practices

As an approach to studying archival practice, the practice theory approach presented above could be applied to the study of various archival topics. It would be particularly applicable to the analysis of other archival practices that presuppose evaluation such as arrangement, description, and classification. Important work has already been done in this space (Meehan 2009). Yet, more importantly, future work could explore the situated dimension of archival

254 appraisal in other practice contexts, thus aligning with the research direction introduced by Barbara Craig (2004; 2007). In addition, the study of evaluative practices as it pertains to archives also could be extended beyond the confines of archival practice. One such research direction is to explore the role organizational records play in the management of business continuity. This allows us to understand how records and their evaluations become information mechanism supporting organizational decision-making. At a fourth more general level, practice theory offers an opportunity to think about foundational archival practices (e.g., appraisal) without recourse to naïve empiricism (e.g., Roberts 1987, 1990, 1994; Burke 1981; Stielow 1991). Future research can explore the extent to which practice theory insights can be synthesized to pragmatic methods and models (plans) that may be useful in practice. This will require intellectual commitment beyond the scope of this dissertation but could prove useful to the field. We should not forget that it was after all the practice theory of Anthony Giddens that inspired the records continuum model.

7.7.5 From Curation Culture to Information Culture

Lastly, bringing attention to the role of culture in digital curation practices through the perspective introduced in the dissertation also enhances prior conceptualizations of information culture, a nascent but rapidly gathering momentum area in information research that is interested in the role of culture in a variety of contexts (e.g., records management and information management practices). Current conceptualizations define information culture as a set of values, beliefs, and norms toward which information practice is oriented (Oliver 2011; Choo 2013; Oliver and Foscarini 2015). In contrast, following a different line of thinking, the approach put forward in this dissertation defines culture as a loosely-articulated set of cultural meanings that give coherence and structure to information practice (Swidler 1986; DiMaggio 1997). This alternative conceptualization of culture provides an analytical sound ontological and epistemological perspective on how a diverse set of cultural resources identified by previous studies on information and organizations—such as cultural toolkits (Swidler 1986), cultural schemas (Sewell 1992), vocabularies for sense-making (Weick 1995), institutional logics (Thornton and Ocasio. 2008), or genres (Spinuzzi 2003)—can have a marked influence on the social and material dimension of practice. Applying this

255 conceptualization of culture to the study of information culture opens new opportunities for developing both interpretive and causal accounts of cultures of information work. Practice theory scholars emphasize that neither the social world (of action), the material world (of objects), or the cultural world (of meanings and symbols) could be coherently organized and function independently from one another. The analytical approach advanced in this dissertation offers a perceptive on how this argument can be put to analytical use. There is no stipulation made that the elements of curation culture as developed in this dissertation are exhaustive, but they offer a good starting point for thinking about how the social, material, and cultural context of curation influences practice. Future work should elaborate and extend our knowledge in each of the three conceptual directions. I believe that such a line of analysis will be productive for advancing the study of information culture because it is congruent with one of the most widely-accepted conceptualizations of information in information research as social, material, and cognitive (Buckland 1991). What the approach I presented in this dissertation uniquely reminds us to consider is that the social, material, and cognitive elements of information practice are deeply steeped into available cultural systems of meaning.

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297 APPENDIX A

Table 1. Conceptualization of Archival Users per Department A contrast data analysis matrix, modeled after Miles, Huberman, and Saldaña (2013, 150-152).

Department Public users Internal users Acquisition [Acquisition dept. staff #1] Visual resources dept. — [Acquisition dept. staff #1] 20-30 years from now [our clients] will not be reporters and producers; Theoretically this department has no it will be academics; it will be clients, our clients are fellow historians; it will be any number of librarians. At the acquisition level, we kinds of Canadians citizens that has are behind the scenes, we are doing absolutely every right to be using this the work that will support our institution in the same way as research and client services division reporters and producers do. So, there [viz. dept], they are the people who is in the back of your mind always are forward looking and will be the idea that what we are doing has looking at clients and dealing with a very long-term value to the producers and reporters in the course Canadian public, for which we will of their day. There is no reason why a keep accurate records. . . producer or reporter will ever need to see me unless it is to bring stox to my . . . and it is not just historians it is attention, which they sometimes do. documentarians, it is people who can But in terms of having a client base, I reuse any kind of moving image or don't, my clients are fellow librarians, sound for any reason in the future. who are researching. These are public materials. [Acquisition dept. staff #2] . . . then there is the Canadian citizen, who one day can say oh that was News services — In any case, so my what the CBC did. clients are I think national news, I think of a reporter. My client is the [Acquisition dept. staff #2] reporter, the veteran reporter, the people who have been here for a long So the archive is a living thing so to time. They know what to expect from speak.... the value today can diminish us already. or decrease depending on how the future develops. Other internal clients — We also keep materials for practical reason... our communication department uses them as well. They are clients too.

298 And when they do company branding ... cultural branding. They come to us for iconic moments in the news.

Metadata the Canadian public calls in with requests for things, but they are not Visual resources dept. — AS and his researching our archive on a daily team [viz. dept.], I kind of consider basis. them cataloguing clients as well because they are the main people that search our records—they give me a lot of feedback which is great. But expect from them, most of the other clients don't give us tons of feedback expect when there is a problem.

Other internal users — [Our clients are] production, but we get other departments, for example I was mentioning earlier the diversity group, once we start tracking the diversity for them, they will start looking at our collection to be able to find their stats that they need. There is also that department. . . I guess there is somebody in finance, I'm not sure what the title would be, but someone who processes honorariums for the people who appear as experts on news shows, and I discovered a years ago, that they are using our cataloguing records as proof that they appeared on the show. . . so that is sort of periphery client that you don't think about but it is important.

Media [preserving a record for the Canadian News services — My clients are very Management public is] large part of what we do. . . busy people. Mainly news producers, and sometimes reporters, and also executive producers. But primarily producers working on projects or the National, so those are the people I interact with most.

299

Other L+A dept. — [my colleagues] can be considered as clients. If they have problems with clips I help them, I also help cataloguers if they have issues with DTV.

Preservation if you look at it as a continuum, like I News services — our clients are said, “Reach for the Top”, a high primarily internal production. And the school game show we used to largest of those is our news broadcast in the 1960-70-80s, we departments, they are always looking never really thought that that would for file footage to go on the air have much cultural value; it is just a quickly. bunch of high school students answering history questions. But now Other internal clients — We also 30 years later the people that were serve archive sales, which is a on that show have grown up. For separate department within the CBC example, Stephen Harper was on it which sales to external production when he was a teenager. . . So you companies. don't know today what you will need. We have an interview with Wayne Gretzky when he was just a little kid in a small league talking about how much he loves playing hockey.

Visual [our archives are] testaments of that News services — We are principally resources time. So, I think it is cool to grab a assisting the news service, which is (viz.) little bit of how Yonge street looked, multifaceted, multi-media client base or how people worked, or looked and and we are assisting them to tell their all this is just added to that pile of stories. stuff that we have that great time line [representing Canadian history]. So, the clients are first and foremost they are the news network, our so [the archive] is informative, it is called 24-hour news service and these illustrative, but it is also informative. are producers associated producers . . if you need to know when Brian who are charged with basically Mulroney said something, I would illustrating a story finding picture to still go to Google. But I think I can support interviews also find this in TVNLS [internal database] fairly readily, so I guess it is kind of obvious but it is a record of when things happened.

300 I've dealt with a fair number of academics, authors, but also individuals who are interested in seeing specific or general things in the archive to help their artistic or academic work. There is the educational aspect to it. General And I would eventually love all of the Other internal clients — [Our clients Manager CBC archival collection to be online are] all of CBC. All [departments] out there accessible to everyone, and across the country use our services we just can't do it at the moment and be it reference be it corporate because of copyright issues, but the asking about some CBC commissioned value [of the archive] I think is not report for 50 years ago it is here. So, it just to the corporation. I think it is to is not just audio and TV it is all citizen of Canada. I feel that everything. strongly. News services — [what is your we are the only cultural institution biggest client?] News, news is our that is recording and preserving, I biggest client ... would say, the eyes and ears of Canada. And people will look back 50 years from now and listen and watch stuff... that they will most likely won't know about.

[Other cultural institutions also use our archives] it could be anything from an exhibit on early CBC dance shows or music shows, an exhibition about Canadian history and so on.

301

Table 2. Boundary Work Data summary log of answers to the question: What is the difference between the expertise librarians/information studies trained staff and journalism/video production train staff bring to the job?

Research Participants Question: What is the difference between the expertise librarians/information studies trained staff and journalism/video production train staff bring to the job? RP #1 I would say that journalists are generally much better at determining what is the news. Obviously, the Church is on fire, that is the news. But there is lots of complexity in the world and interpreting the implications and meaning of particular things. And I think journalist are better at considering the contextual significance at events. Think they are good at that and coming up with an idea what is the news what is the story. As I was saying earlier you need to have a focus to the story. And I think librarians are less concerned about having—they are more—they are not always adept at determine what is in and out scope. Because they want to include. They don't want to miss anything. And they want to be more inclusive of lots of things and they also want to be helping all the time, they want to offer something, and sometimes they are offering things that is just not germane; it is just not part of the focus. So I think there are two different competencies there—they are not exclusive but there is a big difference between how they think about things. Because it is a service right; the librarian is not functioning in the vacuum it is reactive and they want to help somebody to tell their story and journalist are the consumers of that story.

302 RP #2 I think [the skills journalist bring to the work is] to be present in the world to be aware who is dying and who is living and earthquakes, and just to be aware of the world. The immediacy of it. Joe Biden is in Ottawa today, so he is going to be archived as it is his last visit in Canada as a VP and etc. So, I think to be aware of today is journalism... and to tell today story today. Whereas a librarian to me is to keep yesterday story forever. A librarian has the luxury of time and perspective. The Librarian will look at yesterday but the journalist will look at today and tomorrow, but a librarian has the luxury at looking back. Comfortably taking the time to assess how something is going to be preserved for ever; preserving the pas forever. Whereas journalist is more like what is on today and how is it going to go forward. How are we going to tell the story tomorrow and the next day. Whereas the librarian is looking out how to preserve, how to safe keep what is journalism.

RP #3 Librarians are special kind of breed, and if they have a library degree they are even more special kind. But it is basically an information organizing system that lives in your head. You're a librarian now and you know about information and you know how to organize information and you will bring those skills on whatever the subject is and in this case is moving images.

Production background, which is to say what editors and cameraman do, have this very profound aesthetic sense so they know how stories are put together so they know what makes television and that is extremely useful asset in a library, especially if you will be doing things like handling stox, versioning, versioning gets very complex. If you have a journalism background it will be tremendously helpful.

And journalist are the third kind we are talking about. Journalist are go getters, producers and reporters are out there asking questions and the curious ones, who believe that things are worth looking into and digging up. Findings out about things. So you have much better data if you have a librarian who has a journalism background because it will go an extra length to dig up the value added that needs to go to the data, to make it that much more useful for anyone else in the news service. So, it is a nice blend of both things. You don't need those journalism skills if you are going to be a media librarian in Post, right. Sports is another role to itself.

303 We have sports librarians whose background is in sports and that is good because they understand what special data goes with sports that does not go with anything else. So, bringing some skills beyond of those of a librarian to a broadcasting archive helps a great deal. You still need the library skills, but those extra things to your background will be very valuable. RP #4 Well, ideally [our ideal type of employee] and I have found a couple lately, people that have a journalism and library science degrees. That is a combination of both. They understand when someone comes to the desk and says I am doing a story on someone and that is what I am looking for. One of them this week told me that she got producer saying I need to visually represent the fall of the Russian confederation, and he said I don't know how we can visually show that. And she said why don't we show the lowering of the flag and the rating of the new flag. And he was that is exactly it... the fall and the rise. And that she did; she find him a perfect metaphor. And I said what made you think of that and she said, I don't know. I have no idea, but I have seen that before, and I visually remembered it ... and I thought we can use it for that. And she has journalism degree and a library science degree ... so that is where I am going... so haven gone through a journalism school I think they get a better sense of what is being asked from them, because it is television news. They get a sense of visual storytelling and creativity how to do approach it. . . [and with regard to librarians] well, it is actually as I said earlier, it is not only that they are organized they have that librarianship mentality where things can be found, and in the digital world if it is not catalogued properly or if it is not in its right place it is lost forever. So, librarians bring another role and yes they are organized. Production and reporters, they what to cut a story and it is gone, all the inherent clean up afterwards they don't want to know about. So, all the original shot material, the stand ups the voiceovers, the scripts they might have used to create that piece, they just want to walk away from it. And so there is where the acquisition part comes in they are actually cleaning up after production ... and finding material that we can reuse.

304 RP #5 I think you have to understand both sides; Librarians have to understand the production in order to meet their need. For quite some time now they have required that you have [ALA accredited] degree to get this job; so, they are very few left behind people that don't [have the degree]. The few that do tend to have more of a technical [journalism/video production] expertise, than they do an understanding of what it means to be a librarian or an archivist. They do not have that background. But mostly they have adapted to the way they work here. I am not a journalist. I have libraries and archive background, so I had to learn all of their lingo all of their way of doing things and understand from the point when a story is thought o,f to when it goes to air, every single step along the way and where all those problems may occur, and what the library and media management can do to assist to either improve the situation or make it easier to find stuff

305

Table 3. The Pace of Archival Practice A construct table, modeled after Miles, Huberman, and Saldaña (2013, 171-172).

Department Time Supporting data from field observations constraints Acquisition high There is a marked urgency to acquire material before it is deleted from the server. In addition, new material is ingested on daily basis, so everything has to be done in due course to avoid backlogs, which cannot be processed pass the weekly purge cycle. Furthermore, if material is no acquired early in the day the metadata staff cannot process it in due course. Metadata moderate The time constraints on the metadata department are not so acute. All of the material they are working with is already protected from the weekly purge cycle. There is, however, still an urgency to do work promptly and systematically. The reason is that material that is left behind can be easily misplaced and lost since it has a very minimal metadata associated with it the so-called shell record. In addition, because of the large volume of materials that need to be catalogued, works needs to be done promptly. Yet, this is difficult because cataloguing moving images accurately is cognitively taxing and time-consuming. The content is often not self-describing one needs to identify what they are seeing and describe it well. As the head of the department explains: There is just no time for too long of a deliberation. [cataloguing] decision-making is crucial in prioritizing your work and how much you can afford to spend at each segment of the shot list. Staff are trained to apply the so-called five-minute rule. If they can identify something in under than five minutes, they must move on. Media Management moderate Media Management is responsible for overseeing capacity on the ISIS server and executing the weekly purge cycles. It is crucial to monitor the capacity in real time because if the ISIS server runs over capacity there is a risk of CBC news going off-air.

306 Preservation low Preservation operates under more lax time constraints than the other departments. Visual resources (viz.) high Visual researchers receive up to 100 requests for archival materials a day. Often on tight deadlines. This is particularly the case, since a lot of material does not air on CBC channels but goes online as soon as it is finished. As senior staff explains: The internet means that we are no longer waiting for the top of the hour. News stories go out as soon as they are finished. You are no longer editing for the hourly broadcast, you are editing for whatever minute you are finished. The deadlines have increased to the state that there is no such thing as a deadline, they are all deadlines, so every minute of the day is somebody's deadline.

307

Table 4. Effects of the Digital transformation of the CBC An effects matrix, modeled after Miles, Huberman, and Saldaña (2013, 228-231)

Triger A host of digital systems (collectively referred to as DTV) are introduced as the primary infrastructure for management of broadcasting materials across — i.e., the CBC. major structural All CBC production is now fully digital and can be distributed across multiple change channels and platforms, beyond traditional broadcasting channels, in accordance with the objectives set-out in Strategy 2020. Effects Type Primary Effects Secondary Effects

— i.e., changes associated — i.e., secondary effects, some of directly with the which may not have been fully introduction of DTV anticipated Organizational The creation of new L+A department— All newly acquired digital media management—increases the materials are ingested directly into prominence of L+A in wider the deep archive. L+A legacy video organizational environment. Media tape collections are amalgamated, management oversees not only the digitized, and ingested into the operations of L+A, but also the daily deep archive. operations of news, sports, post, current affairs, arts & entertainment, To address the need of managing and, since more recently, the children digital media, L+A creates a new programming departments. department— the media management department—which The operations of the news archive oversees the management of all become proactive rather than reactive production and archival media on to the production of news. Visual DTV. resources employees are embedded directly into the newsroom. Members of the visual resources department begin attending the news department daily editorial briefs as means to anticipate the production needs of the news department. Procedural Within the context of L+A the Digital workflows increase the pace of digital infrastructure increases the archival work, which creates new speed and efficiency of access to pressures and demands on archival archival materials and the transfer expertise (See table 3). of materials from one

308 organizational actor to another It becomes increasingly complicated to (e.g., from one department of L+A determine the identity and integrity of to another, or from L+A to a moving images materials, which now production unit/department). exist in multiple versions, can be broadcast across variety of channels, Tedious tasks such as tracking and could be edited instantaneously down, shelving, copying, and and without due notice. viewing videotapes are obliterated.

Social Management makes a strategic Organizational members collectively decision to require an ALA engage in drawing symbolic accredited information studies boundaries distinguishing between degree as a prerequisite for two kinds of knowledge and expertise employment at L+A. From 2008 within the L+A workforce—that of onward, most new hires, beyond librarians and journalists. (See table 2) the rank of a library technician, hold degrees with specialization in library or archival studies from ALA accredited programs in Canada.

309

Table 5. CBC Folder Structure’s Classes of Master Folders

Production folders System administration L+A operational folders and sub- folders folders Catalogs MAM DAILY NEWS HELD MATERIALS Remote Location - Organized thematically HOLD REQUESTS TO BE DELETED (news event/story) LONG TERM PROJECTS Orphan Clips Incoming Media MAM Sent to Playback - Capture PRODUCTION TRANSCODE - Ingest Projects Unchecked-in Avid - National Items SHOWS Assets Deleted items - Studio records SRC PRODUCTION - BBC TEMPLATES - CNN - REUTERS - CBC programing - Election day - Queens park - Question Period - Archives low-res LIBRARY COLLECTION - LIBRARY ITEMS (organized chronologically) LIBRARY PROGRAMS organized chronologically) - LIBRARY STOX organized chronologically) - LIBRARY OTHER (organized thematically—news event/story) - OBITS (organized thematically—news event/story) - RESTORED - SRC ARCHIVES LIBRARY WORKING - Legacy Project - LIBRARY PROCESSING o ITEMS o PROGRAMS o REGIONAL

310 o STOX o WORKING - MISC. OTHERS

Table 6. CBC News Archive File Naming Conventions

Codes Description AR Material originating from the archives Z Restricted material, not to be reused ST A story narrated by a reporter BG A visual story with background narration by the news anchor SI A silent visual story K Transitions, animations, or other visual graphics VO A reporter voice over VR Feed of raw pictures of Bulk feed CAS Shoot tape (followed by a number when more than one tape) CONF Press conference or Speech POOL Politics/Elections LIVE Live broadcast with a reporter ISO Isolated segment from an interview INT Interview DE Double Ender [an interview via tele-link with the host is in the studio and the guest in another location] AUD Audio clip from a radio or phone VNR Video news release PK Packaging graphics, tables, and other visuals W Material to be kept for an unspecified amount of time STOX Stock footage PROG Full programs

311 Table 7. TVNLS Databases, Record Holdings Summary

TVNLS databases – Record holdings CALGARY • The Calgary database contains News and Current Affairs programming and news stox tapes. • Contains approximately 50,000 records (04/01). New material is catalogued daily. • Catalogue contains French item up to late 1990s (records in English). • Most items are fully catalogued with synopses, detailed shotlists. Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields are also used, but they are note thesaurus-controlled. OTTAWA • Contains Ottawa French regional news programming and stox. REGIONAL NEWS • Contains approximately 35,000 records (04/01). – FRENCH • Most items are catalogued with synopses and shotlists, but level of detail is uneven. Subject Heading and People fields are seldom used, and are not thesaurus-controlled. • Material dates from the early 1950s OTTAWA Contains Ottawa English regional news programming and news stox REGIONAL NEWS tapes. Some items are catalogued in French. – ENGLISH • Contains approximately 48,000 records (04/01). • New material is catalogued daily. • Most items are catalogued in detail, with synopses, shotlists, and Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields. Vocabulary is not thesaurus-controlled. • Fairly precise searches can be undertaken. • Material dates from late 1950s. CHARLOTTETOWN • Prince Edward Island regional news and stox • Approximately 42,000 records are held in this database (04/01). • Items are catalogued with synopses, Subject Heading and Reporter fields. The level of detail is very uneven. Some records are highly detailed synopses and others contain only minimal information. Items are not shotlisted. Some records include detailed information in the Old Information field. • Material dates from the early 1980s.

CURRENT AFFAIRS • The Current Affairs database contains English Network Current Affairs programming and Stox. • Level of record detail is low; items are not shotlisted. • Broad searches are recommended. • Material dates from the early 1980s. • Contains roughly 11,000 records (04/01).

312 • The Edmonton database contains French and English news and current affairs programming and news stox tapes. New material is catalogued daily. EDMONTON • The Edmonton database is one of the larger databases in the system, containing over 120,000 records (04/01). • Items are catalogued with detailed synopses, and Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields. Over a quarter of the records also contain shotlists. • Material dates back to the mid 1960s. (A few items are from previous decades). ELECTION • The Elections database contains Federal elections and referendum material. During election campaigns, this database is used as a temporary catalogue of field tapes from across the country; otherwise it contains material located in Ottawa. • Contains approximately 7,000 records (04/01). • The level of record detail is high. Items are fully catalogued with extensive synopses, shotlists, and audio transcripts in both French and English. • People, Organization, Reporter, and Subject Heading fields are thesaurus-controlled. • Items are catalogued in English only. • Material dates from the 1984 federal election campaign. The 1980 election tapes are partially entered in the Ottawa database. FREDERICTON • The Fredericton database contains New Brunswick English and French Regional News. • This database contains approximately 37,000 records (04/01). • Contains records in both French and English • The majority of records in this database contain minimal information: a brief synopsis, keywords, and Reporter field. Records added to the database after 2000 contain much more detail: a full synopsis, shotlist, Subject Heading, Reporter, and People fields. • Because the level of detail is inconsistent, start with a broad search strategy. Narrow your search terms if your results are too broad. • Most material dates from the mid-1970s to the present; a few items date as far back as the 1920s.

HALIFAX The Halifax database contains news and current affairs programming. • The database contains approximately 64,000 records (04/01). • New material is catalogued daily. • Items are fully catalogued with detailed synopses, shotlists, and Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields. LONDON BUREAU • The London Bureau database contains National News and London bureau stox tapes. • This is a relatively small database, containing just over 3,000 records (04/01).

313 • Edit pack information is in the National database. • Record detail varies. Most records include synopsis and detailed shotlist. • Subject headings, People, Reporter, and Organization fields are also used, but not consistently. The vocabulary used in these fields is not thesaurus-controlled. • Records date from mid-1980s MONCTON • The Moncton database contains French regional news items. • Contains approximately 6,000 records (04/01). • New material is catalogued daily. • The level of record detail is high. Items are fully catalogued with synopses, shotlists, and Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields. • People and Reporter fields are thesaurus-controlled. • Material dates back to late 1930s. MONTREAL • Montreal English regional news items and stox tapes. • The database contains approximately 60,000 records (04/01). • Most items are catalogued with synopses and shotlists; many records also include Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields. • Material dates back to 1920 [radio]. NATIONAL NEWS • The National database contains Network News programming, selected international items and stox tapes. • The largest database in the TVNLS system, the National contains close to 180,000 records (04/01). • The level of record detail is high. Items are fully catalogued with extensive synopses and shotlists. • People, Organization, Reporter, and Subject Heading fields are controlled by an English thesaurus. • Precise searches can be undertaken in this database. • Material dates from the early 1950s; a small number of stox date from earlier in the century. • New material is added to the database daily.

NEWSWORLD • The Newsworld database contains selected Newsworld programming and specials. • Contains approximately 7,700 records (04/01). • People, Organization, Reporter, and Subject Heading fields are controlled by an English thesaurus. • Record detail varies. Most records have synopses and/or shotlists. • Start with a precise search; widen search scope if you are not satisfied with the results. • Material dates from the late 1980s. • This database contains many procured shows that cannot be excerpted or rebroadcast.

314 NATIONAL • National News Pre-1979 contains Network News and Toronto regional NEWS— PRE 1979 items. • The database contains approximately 52,000 records (04/01). • Some records are fully shotlisted, but many others offer only skeletal information. • The Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields are controlled by a thesaurus. • Broad searches are recommended. • This database will eventually be merged with the National News database. • Records date from approximately 1950 to 1978. OTTAWA BUREAU • The Ottawa Bureau database contains CBC National News, Ottawa bureau news programming, stox, and camera tapes. • Contains approximately 17,000 records (04/01). • Level of record detail is very high. Items are catalogued with full synopses, shotlists, and Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields. Shotlists are extremely detailed. • Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields are controlled by an English thesaurus. • Very precise searches can be conducted. • Material dates from late 1950s with a small number of earlier items. PROGRAM • The Program Archives database contains entertainment programs and ARCHIVES older Current Affairs material. • This database contains approximately 96,000 records (04/01). • Level of record detail is uneven. Some records include detailed synopses and credits as well as Subject Headings and People fields. Other records contain only minimal information. • Material dates back to 1952. SASKATCHEWAN • The Saskatchewan database contains English and French news, current affairs programming, and news stox tapes from both Regina and Saskatoon. • The Saskatchewan database is one of the larger databases in the system, containing approximately 129,000 records (04/01). New material is added to the database daily. • Items are fully catalogued with detailed synopses and shotlists. Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields are also used extensively, but without thesaurus control. • Precise searches can be conducted in this database. • Records date back to the late 1940s. STJOHN’S • The St. John’s database contains St. John’s regional news, current affairs programming, and stox. • The database contains close to 80,000 records (04/01). • New material is catalogued daily.

315 • Records provide detailed item information, including synopses, full shotlists, and Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields. • Vocabulary is not thesaurus-controlled. • Start with a precise search; widen search scope if you are not satisfied with the results. • Material dates from the late 1940s to the present. STOX • Stox database contains network arts and non-news programming stox. • The database is updated daily. It contains approximately 15,000 records (04/01). • Most records contain synopses and detailed shotlists; many also include Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields. • Material dates back to 1918 TORONTO NEWS • The Toronto French News database contains Toronto’s French regional – FRENCH news programming. • Contains approximately 23,000 records (04/01) • Record detail varies. Some records contain only minimal information, while others include full synopses, shotlists, as well as Subject Heading, People, Report, and Organization fields. • Records date from the mid-1970s to 2000. TORONTO NEWS • The Toronto News database contains Toronto’s English regional news – ENGLISH programming and news stox. Currently, only Toronto inserts from Canada now are being entered. • Record detail varies. In older records, full synopses, shotlists, and Subject Headings, People, Reporter, and Organization fields are applied. Currently, items are being catalogued with synopsis and Subject Headings only. Vocabulary is not thesaurus-controlled. • The majority of records date from early 1980s (a few items are from previous decades). VANCOUVER • British Columbia French and English news, current affairs programming, and news stox. • The Vancouver database is the second largest in the system; it contains close to 140,000 records (04/01) • The database is updated daily. • Records are fully catalogued in both French and English with synopses, shotlists, Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields. • Subject Heading, People, Reporter, and Organization fields are thesaurus-controlled. The thesaurus is in English but can be browsed using some French terms. WASHINGTON • The Washington database contains National News and Washington BUREAU bureau stox. (Edit pack information is held in the National database.) • Contains approximately 14,000 records (04/01). • Record detail varies. Most records include synopses and/or shotlists. • Subject Headings, People, Reporter, and Organization fields are also used. Vocabulary is not thesaurus-controlled.

316 • Material dates from the late 1950s, with a handful of items dating from previous decades. WINDSOR • Windsor regional news programming and stox. • Approximately 63,000 records are held in this database (04/01). • Records dated prior to mid-February 2000 provide minimal information: a brief synopsis and Reporter field; Subject Headings, People, and Organization fields are not used consistently. • Records dated after mid-February 2000 provide extremely detailed information, including broadcast transcripts in the Synopsis and Old Information fields. Subject Headings, People, and Organization fields are not used consistently; the Reporter field is usually used. • Items are not shotlisted. • Records date back to 1930. WINNIPEG NEWS • Manitoba’s French news programming and news stox. – FRENCH • Most items are fully catalogued with synopses, shotlists, Subject Headings, People, Reporter, and Organization fields. • The database contains approximately 55,000 records (04/01). • Titles and synopses are in French. Most shotlists are in English. Subject Headings are in English. • Vocabulary in the Subject Headings, People, Reporter, and Organization fields is not thesaurus-controlled. • To fully search the database you must use both French and English search terms. Use a broad search strategy. • Most records date from the early 1980s to the present. A few records are from previous decades. WINNIPEG NEWS • Manitoba’s English news programming and news stox. – ENGLISH • Records are fully catalogued with synopses, shotlists, Subject Headings, People, Reporter, and Organization fields. • Vocabulary in the Subject Headings, People, Reporter, and Organization fields is not thesaurus-controlled. • Precise searches can be conducted in this database. Widen the scope of your search if you are not satisfied with the results. • Most records date from the early 1950s to the present; a few records are from previous decades. YELLOWKNIFE • English news and current affairs programming, and news stox. • The database contains approximately 14,000 records (04/01). • Level of record detail is uneven. Most records include a detailed synopsis and/or shotlist. Subject Headings, People, Reporter, and Organization fields are also used, but vocabulary is not thesaurus- controlled. • Moderately precise searches can be conducted in this database. Widen the scope of your search if you are not satisfied with the results. • Most records date from the late-1980s to the present; a few are from previous decades, as far back as the 1940s.

317

Table 8. TVNLS Fields

TVNLS Fields Responsible Indicates the CBC branch responsible for the data record. eg., NNL, the (RES) National News Library; OB, Ottawa Bureau. Information Indicates the type of information stored in the record, e.g., daily network Type (IT) news (for national items and full programs); Daily Regional News (for items Toronto [or other regions] items and full programs). Information Indicates the type of material being catalogued. E.g., Items; full programs; Level (IL) segments (for segments of News Special, Current Affairs daily shows); edit- packs and shot-tapes Aired/Non-aired Indicates whether the item, program, or stox have aired or non-aired. (ANA) Program Title Contains the title of a daily network news program, eg., The Journal, The (PT) National. Program Sub- Contains the sub-title of a program if it exists. title (PST) Show/Program Contains the unique number (corporate accounting number) assigned to number (SN) each News Special or Current Affairs daily show. [no longer used] Show Broadcast Contains the show’s initial air date. Format is YYYY/MM/DD. Date (SBD) Show Broadcast Contains the time of day the show was initially aired. Format is hh:mm:ss. Time (SBT) Show Broadcast Contains the day of the week the show was initially aired. Day of Week (SBDW) Show/Program Contains the names of the show/program announcers. Announcers (SA) Cumulation Contains the title of the cumulation tape, eg., event title for host broadcaster Tape Title (CTT) tape, generic subject title for stox tape, political event title for field tape, etc. This field is used for Amnets, Visnews, Stox tapes, Telecine packs and WTN items. [no longer used] Editorial The name of the organization the footage belongs to. Note: the field will only accept one value. If multiple values are applicable Editorial is used, which is a free text. Editorial (2) Multiple values can be entered in upper case separated by commas. Item/Segment This field is used only when the item/segment belongs to a show. It contains ID (ID) the unique identifier assigned by the library for the item/segment. Original/Repeat This field is used only when item/segment belongs to a show. It contains the Indicator (ORI) code “O” or “R” indicating whether the item/segment is an original or a repeat.

318 Old Information Contains miscellaneous information stored in the SHOWS field of the old (OI) library systems, prior to TVNLS Original This field is used only when the item/segment belongs to a show and is a Item/Segment repeat. It contains the ID of the original item/segment and allows the linkage ID (OID) of the item/segment repeats with the original. Record Status Contains information regarding the status of the record, the input location, (RS) and the input person’s name at different stages of record creation. Record Date of Contains the date on which the database record was created. The system Birth (DOB) assigns this number to a database record when it first appears in the queue file; the field should not be filled in by the cataloguer. Date of Last Contains the date on which the record was last changed. The system assigns Update (UP) and updates this number when a record appears in the queue file; the field should not be filled in by the cataloguer. Item/Segment The slug is used. Titles are not necessarily unique. Title (TI) Sub-title (ST) Contains the sub-title of the item or segment, if one exists. It is an additional title to help describe the item. Maximum character length is 100. Number (NUM) When IT=DNN, this field contains the number assigned to the story by the newsroom, generally called the NAT number. If no number exists, enter 0000. [no longer used] Voice-over Contains a code “Y” if the item/segment is an announcer voice- over. Indicator (VOI) Event Date For news, when the news event occurred on a date different from the (EVD) broadcast date or edit date, the date of the news event is entered in this field. For cumulation tape, when the shots in the item/segment are related to a specific event, eg. The First Ministers’ Conference, the date of that event is entered in this field. Format is YYYY/MM/DD. Edit Date (EDD) For news, when the news event has not aired and the event date is not known, the edit date will be entered in this field. Dateline (DL) Contains one or more origins of the item—i.e., the location at which the item was recorded (e.g., Toronto, London, Delhi etc…). It is usually gleaned from the final words of the new report… “for CBC news reporting from Toronto, [name of the reporter] Synopsis (SYN) The synopsis should reflect the main thrust of the item, and should contain key words, locations, and topics. The SYN field should be completed only after the item/segment has been viewed in full. Subject Contains terms describing what the item/segment is about. The SH field is Headings (SH) also used for geographical location of an item. Information must be entered in upper case letters, with multiple entries separated with a semicolon and a space. A maximum of ten entries is allowed in this field. The SH field is thesaurus-controlled. People (PP) Contains the names of notable people—names that add precision to the description of the item and aid its retrieval. Information must be entered in upper case letters, with multiple entries separated with a semicolon and a

319 space. A maximum of ten entries is allowed in this field. The PP field is thesaurus-controlled. Organizations This field is used when an item is related to specific organizations. (ORG) Organizations mentioned more than three times will be added to this field. Information must be entered in upper case letters, with multiple entries separated with a semicolon and a space. A maximum of 10 organizations can be listed. The ORG field is thesaurus-controlled. Reporters (RP) Contains the names of reporters, whether National, Journal, Regional, or other. A maximum of 10 entries may be listed in this field. Enter RP headings in upper case characters; separate multiple entries with a semicolon and a space. This field is thesaurus-controlled. Producers (PD) Contains the names of producers. A maximum of 10 names may be listed in this field. Length (LEN) Contains the length of an item measured by time. The format is MM:SS. Footage (FT) Contains film footage of an item measured in feet. Used for film materials only Bureau/Location Contains the prime bureau/location responsible for the item. (BUR) Holdings Contains information related to the physical broadcast material (i.e., the Information (HI) video tape code) Server Holdings Contains information related to the digital material (i.e., the digital file) Information (SHI) MobAlias ID A unique identifier establishing a relation between the TVNLS record and file (not humanly readable) Notes (NOTE) Contains general notes. It may contain full names of non-standard editorial sources when they exist. It is used to note legal restrictions and rulings from the CRTC and any copyright clearances required for the future use of the item. This field is used often for stox tapes. Shotlist (SL) The shotlist consists of a shot description, which describes what is happening in the shot; and the shot type, a technical description of the shot. Use both upper and lowercase letters. The format for the SL field is: */shot type/ counter time, shot description. “ * ” begins all shots; “ ; ” ends all shots. See page 49 for details. Definition Indicating if the material is HD or SD Image Format Indicating if the material is 16:9 or 4:3. Library Title A hidden field in the InterPlay Production environment that is visible only to L+A users. Used to ensure the preservation of the filename if any changes are made to the metadata by production staff.

320 Table 9. TVNLS Shot List Codes

Shot SLT Code When to Use Type */aer/ Aerial Used for footage taken from a helicopter or airplane. Used when there is a shot that interrupts a continuous sequence. Usually used in interviews. For example, the */ca/ Cutaway standard talking head shot, interrupted by a shot or two or the interviewee working in an office with the interview continuing in voice-over, then back to the talking head. Used for shots that are very close to subject. For people this would be their head only filling the screen. For inanimate */cu/ Close-Up objects this would be just a portion of the object filling the screen. Used for exterior shots of buildings. Usually used in sequences */ext/ Exterior that contain inside and outside shots of locations. High Used for shots that look down on a focal point. */ha/ Angle Used for interior shots of buildings. Usually used in sequences */int/ Interior that contain inside and outside shots of locations. Used for interviews. This can be used for single shots and groups of shots that feature an interviewer and interviewee. */intv/ Interview

Used for shots that look up to a focal point. Low */la/ Angle

Used for shots that have been modified to letterbox for broadcast. They can be identified by the strips of black at the */lbox/ Letterbox top and bottom of the screen. This shot type should be given precedence over others. For example, use */lbox/ mcu description; Use for shots that are longer than the usual medium shots. For example, a shot of a cow grazing in a field with a lot of the field Long */ls/ being shown in front of the cow. Shot

Use for shots that have been modified for broadcast but it is Modified unclear what has been done to them. */mar/ Aspect Ratio

Use for shots that are bit closer than a standard medium shot but do not warrant a close-up designation. For people this Medium */mcu/ would be a head, shoulders and part of the chest. For Close-Up inanimate objects this would be the object with very little else shown around it.

321 Use for shots that are considered to be standard. That is they cannot be given any of the other SLTs easily. This shot is Medium */ms/ among the most frequently used. Shot

Use for shots that have been modified to pillarbox for broadcast. They can be identified by the strips of black at the */pbox/ Pillarbox outer edges of the screen. This shot type should be given precedence over others. For example, use */pbox/ mcu description; Use for shots that have been modified to pillarbox and letterbox Pillar & for broadcast. They can be identified a black outlining the */plbox/ Letter footage on all four sides. This shot type should be given Box precedence over others. For example, use */plbox/ mcu description; Use for shots of media scrums. Can be used for multiple shots as long as the number of shots is noted in the shot description. */scrum/ Scrum For example, */scrum/ shot description, several shots;

Use for shots of the reporter talking to the camera and/or throwing to the program host. */su/ Standup

Use for series of three or more shots that can be clumped together because of their similarity. */var/ Various

Use for shots that are wider than the usual medium shots. For example, a shot of a cow grazing in a field with a lot of the field Wide */ws/ being shown on either side of the cow. Shot

Use for shots that are even longer than the regular long shot. Extreme For example, a shot of a cow grazing in a field where the cow is */xls/ Long a small spot on the horizon. Shot

Table 10. Full Programs Cataloguing Guidelines

DTV Field TVNLS Equivalent Data Required

Select from drop down list whether the footage was aired or not aired. Aired-Non-Aired (ANA) ANA Programs and items are always AP for Aired Program.

322 Select from drop down list what TVNLS database you want the Archives Database NONE record to be uploaded into. For all CBLT programs and items select CBLT. Insert your iNews username to alert colleagues that you are working with this file. Note: this Catalogued By (CSB) NONE should be done at the beginning of the cataloguing process to eliminate any duplication of work. The dateline for programs is the city where the program is hosted from. Reportered items use the location the reporter signs off from. Voiceovers use the location(s) the Dateline (DL) DL footage is from. More than one location can be used for voiceovers with each entry separated by semicolons. This is a free text field and not validated in TVNLS. Select from a drop down list whether the footage is SD or HD. Definition SI (between first set of slashes) Files that are XD should be assigned the HD code. Select from a drop down list what organization the footage belongs Editorial (SIE) SIE to. Note: this field will only accept one value. If you need to insert multiple values use Editorial 2. Enter multiple values in upper case separated by commas. This field is Editorial 2 (SIE) SIE not necessary if the Editorial field is being used.

Select from the drop down list Image Format SI (SI notes subfield) whether the footage is 16:9 or 4:3.

Select from the drop down list I for Information Level (IL) IL items or P for the complete show.

Select from the drop list DRN for Information Type (IT) IT Daily Regional News.

323 This is a hidden field that ensures the preservation of the filename if Library Title NONE any changes are made to the metadata by production staff. The filename should be copied in here.

Any relevant notes that do not fit in the synopsis go here such as information regarding copy and graphic material preceding or Note NOTE following the item. For programs this may contain information regarding a special broadcast. This field is optional. Validated organizations are inserted here in upper case Organization (ORG) ORG separated by semicolons. This field is optional. Validated people are inserted here People (PP) PP in upper case separated by semicolons. This field is optional. Select from the drop down list the Program Title (PT) PT appropriate program title. This field should be populated with Record Status (RS) RS the complete RS line ie. V/YYMMDD/NNL/your rs Select the SRV ST from the drop down for the program level record. Items will default so it is not Recording Type SI (between first set of slashes) necessary to select anything. However, if you wish you can select SRV EP for items. Select from the drop down list the reporter responsible for the news Reporters (RP) RP item being catalogued. If you need to insert multiple terms use Reporters 2 (RP). Enter multiple values in upper case separated by semicolons. This field Reporters 2 (RP) RP is not necessary if the Reporters (RP) field is being used. Select from the drop down list which department is responsible Responsible (RES) RES for the material. Select CBLT for all local programs and items.

Select from the drop down list the show announcer hosting the program being catalogued. If you Show Announcer (SA) SA need to use terms not on the list or if you have more than one host, use Show Announcer 2 (SA).

324 Enter multiple values in upper case separated by semicolons. This field is not necessary if the Show Show Announcer 2 (SA) SA Announcer (SA) field is being used. Names should be listed last name followed by the first name. Example: SMITH JOHN; JONES…

Type in the date the program was broadcast using the YYYYMMDD Show Broadcast Date (SBD) SBD format. This information can be taken from the filename.

Type in the time of the broadcast being catalogued using HH:MM:SS format. The broadcast time is Show Broadcast Time (SBT) SBT reflected at the end of the filename. The program file and the items often have different broadcast times due to versioning. Select from the drop down list the appropriate sound type. Generally, Sound type SIS programs are MT, stories are ST, voiceovers are NATS or SIL and stox are NATS.

Validated subject headings should Subject Headings (SH) SH be inserted here in upper case and separated by semicolons.

A brief 2-3 sentence synopsis of the footage should be inserted here. The synopsis should be clear Synopsis (SYN) SYN and neutral. It should answer the five Ws of who, what, where, when, why. The slug portion of the filename Title (TI) TI should be inserted here in upper case. Select from the drop down list if the item being catalogued is a voiceover or not. Interviews, Panels and items with a reporter Voice-over Indicator (VOI) VOI should be N for No and all other items should be Y for Yes. Programs do not require this field to be filled out.

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APPENDIX B

INTERVIEW GUIDE 1

Interview Questions (full repertoire)

1. Social and organizational structures and dynamics

-- Please describe your roles and responsibilities?

-- How were you introduced to/entered the profession?

-- What is your professional and educational background?

-- Does your professional and educational background inform or influences your current work?

-- Who is responsible for the department’s management?

-- How is the department funded?

-- What is the role of management in the running of the department?

-- What are the department state goals/objectives?

-- Is the department evaluated if it has achieved its stated goals/objectives?

-- How many people in the organization are involved in the department?

-- What type of competence they are required to develop?

-- How is competence development encouraged—what sort of training people are provided with?

-- What type of clients does the department have?

-- How have the needs of the clients been analyzed?

-- Tell me what do you know about them?

-- Who is responsible for the systems’ development and operation?

326 -- What organizational changes has the department undergone?

-- Does this affect the organizational structures that existed before the analogue to digital transition ?

-- What improvements have been achieved?

-- Has your department undergone any change management? If yes, how was it carried out and what did it involve?

-- What measures are in place to enable the re-use or re-purposing of information?

-- What are the rules and regulations that govern the management of information in your department?

2. Individual routines (including use of technology)

-- How is information re-used or re-purposed in you departments?

-- How will you describe the amount/quantity of information at the department?

-- Do you think you and your collegues experience an information overload?

-- If yes, how do you think has information overload affects your work?

-- Would you say that your workplace practice is goal oriented?

-- [If goal oriented] Please describe this goal and how sets it?

-- Please describe the daily routines and process in doing your work?

-- Would you say there is some temporal pattern to your work

-- Aside, from a temporal pattern, are these activities organized in terms of any other structuring hierarchy? (e.g., how are activities/processes depended on other)

-- [depending on the hierarchy] What would you say this is the crucial activity on which your practice depends?

-- Do you work alone or in collaboration with others?

-- Please describe the nature of these collaborations?

-- Do you rely on your individual opinion or you turn to others for recommendations, and if so when?

327 -- Please tell me what digital information you create/use in your day-to-day practice?

-- What is the purpose of this information?

-- What kinds of computer files do you create (e.g. text, image, spreadsheet, e-mail, database, etc.) to accomplish the goals you’ve just described?

-- Did you create or adopt the standard process through which you conduct your work?

-- [if created] Please elaborate on the process of creation?

--- [if adopted] Where did you get it from?

3. Technological settings and tools

-- Please describe the IT systems and tools at your departments.

-- Are the systems integrated well with other systems?

-- Are there any outsourced systems and if yes, what impact do they have on your work?

-- Do you conduct your work using one or few software programs/solutions?

-- What software programs/solutions are you using?

-- Please describe how files and the technology interact to produce the results you want for your work?

-- Please reflect on the relationship between your set of work practices and the role technologies play in shaping these practices?

-- Is it important for you to follow a specific procedure in accomplishing your day-to-day work?

-- Are there "practical rules" sustaining this order?

-- Are these rules written or unwritten?

-- Are these rules communally shared?

-- Would you say that there is something distinctive about how you do your work that distinguishes it from other people’s works of a similar nature?

-- When do you consider your work as completed? What needs to be accomplished for task or project to be complete?

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-- What constitutes a well-executed work? Could you list some characteristics?

-- Who is the ultimate judge of the quality of your work: you, your colleagues, your boss, the institution etc.?

-- Do you know how different people at different institutions engage in similar work?

-- Who do you envision as the ideal type of user for your work (and individual, society at large)?

-- What purpose you feel your work fulfills in relation to the society at large (feel free to interpret broadly) ?

-- What is the long-term preservation strategy?

-- How has the issue of metadata been planned for?

-- What is your understanding of the challenges of long-term preservation of information in the systems your department uses?

-- What policies are in place regarding the long-term preservation of information?

-- Do these policies differ in relation to the perceived value of the information?

-- What measures have you implemented deal with the problem of limited lifetime of digital storage media and the constantly changing digital technology?

--. What challenges does many systems and the many types of information you deal with pose to the long-term preservation of information?

-- What steps are you taking to deal with the problem?

4. Cultural tool-kits/repertoires; symbolic classifications and semiotic codes; evaluative rules, norms, and strategies

-- How was the transition from analogue to digital perceived by the employees?

-- How was the transition from analogue to digital perceived by the clients?

-- Are there any overarching institutional ideals (expressed as institutional vision and/or mission) to which you align your work?

-- Is there such thing as organizational culture? If yes, how would you describe it?

-- What do you consider an authentic preservation?

-- What practices do you think are necessary to ensure authentic preservation?

329 -- What level of metadata is necessary to ensure authentic preservation?

-- What do you consider to be the significant properties (the essential characteristics) of moving image materials you are working with?

--- Are these properties intrinsic (i.e., inherent to the object)?

-- Conversely are they extrinsic properties (i.e., contextual)?

-- How should these properties best described and documented?

-- Aside from the content of moving image work, what other factors do you think are important for its authenticity—for example the original material medium, the context of the moving image work, its function?

-- Please tell me what meaning the following terms elicit in your mind: authentic, accurate, truthful, trustworthy, dependable, inauthentic, inaccurate, unreliable.

-- Could some of the terms we just discussed be usefully applied to discuss the quality of your work? In other words, do you feel that it is incumbent on your work to ensure that a digital object is authentic as opposed to inauthentic, reliable as opposed to unreadable and so forth.

-- What facets of your work practice make a difference between authentic and inauthentic preservation?

-- Please describe the types of selection happening at the department

-- Please describe the types of selection criteria you use

-- Are selection criteria vary from one object to another

-- Do you do selection alone or cooperate with colleagues

-- What are the challenges of doing selection (any type)

-- Please describe the criteria in which you will judge the value of particular clip when acquiring/cataloguing/selecting it for reuse?

-- Where do these criteria come from (both within and outside the organization)?

-- Would it be possible to rank these criteria in order of significance?

-- Do you arrive at determinations of value on your own or is it a collective process?

--- [if collective process] Please describe the nature of interactions you engage in process?

-- Do you always adhere to a strict set of criteria in determining value?

330 -- are these determination slippery

-- Could you please discuss some of the subjective determinations of value that you use in your practice (or you think occur in practice)?

-- Is there a correspondence between the objective characteristics and subjective determination? Could you please map them out?

-- Please comment on the role subjectivity plays in the work of the visual cataloguer/ acquisition/ viz. ?

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Questions for the second interview —AS, 07 December 2016

Evaluative decisions occur at the acquisition department, but where else—e.g., cataloguing, viz., preservation?

Furthermore, I want to understand, within the acquisition department alone, to what extent the following effect the nature of selection practice: copyright, departmental (or other) policies as well as the need for speed, efficiency, and accuracy.

I also want to discuss if you think that it is possible to breakdown the evaluative decisions in the acquisition determent into more granular categories/criteria. How you will describe these categories/criteria to a novice who needs to start doing this work tomorrow?

Are selection criteria rooted in the policy, where it is stipulated that materials to be acquired should have “cultural or historic value”, value for “potential re-use”, and content in which CBC has a “partnership interest”? • If that is the case: o How do you recognize these criteria in practice? o Do they overlap and to what extent? o Is any of these criteria more significant/important? o Can we identify other criteria/forms of value that emerge in practice? o To what extent understanding the principles of journalism, the nature and goals of news broadcasting, and the aesthetic conventions of broadcasting media play a role in selection and acquisition? o How is selection of legacy material for preservation different?

Types of Material There seem to be three broad categories of material outlined as acquisition focus: (1) Finished Content (final and full programs); (2) Raw Materials (stocks and production elements); (3) Procured Content (content from other broadcaster and media services with which CBC has an agreement). • If that is correct: o To what extent these types of materials are potential sources of values? o To what extent provenance, context, and function of the materials inform selection/acquisition?

Evaluative decisions

What criteria of evaluation do you use in your work? What do you define as valuable material?

332 What role subjective factors play in the process (aesthetics, emotional appeal)? What role utilitarian factors play in the process? Is something worth keeping even if it can’t be reused? How your work is different from that that of your colleagues?

Value

Would you say that value is ascribed/present at items at inception, or it accrues over time?

Does value accrue with use, in custody, and transmission over time?

How important are the following: is the item used or replicated, how much time and effort went into its creation, with whom the digital item is shared, and the ability to reconstruct its source over time?

Do you arrive at determinations of value on your own or is it a collective process?

Metadata creation

Metadata Accuracy/data quality—Could you reflect on the controls in place for the processes of creation, transmission, maintenance, and preservation of metadata?

Which cataloguing fields reflect the intrinsic and extrinsic properties of records • Intrinsic Elements are defined as: The elements of a record that convey the action in which the record participates and its immediate context, including the names of the persons involved in its creation, the name and description of the action or matter to which it pertains, the date(s) of creation and transmission, etc. • Extrinsic Elements are defined as: The elements of a record that constitute its external appearance, including presentation features such as font, graphics, images, sounds, layouts, hyperlinks, image resolutions, etc., as well as digital signatures, seals, and time stamps and special signs (digital watermarks, logos, crests, etc.).

Authenticity

On what basis can the records created in the course of each activity be presumed authentic?

How, in the absence of such presumption, can their authenticity be verified?

(archival bond) What is network of relationships that each record has with the records belonging in the same records aggregation?

Identity: The whole of the characteristics of a document or a record that uniquely identify it and distinguish it from any other document or record. With integrity, a component of authenticity.

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Integrity: The quality of being complete and unaltered in all essential respects. With identity, a component of authenticity.

Accuracy: The degree to which data, information, documents or records are precise, correct, truthful, free of error or distortion, or pertinent to the matter.

Reliability: The trustworthiness of a record as a statement of fact. It exists when a record can stand for the fact it is about, and is established by examining the completeness of the record’s form and the amount of control exercised on the process of its creation. Competencies

What skills and competencies librarians bring to the job?

What skills and competencies production/journalist bring to the job?

How are they different?

Has your practice influenced your knowledge of how different people at different organizations engage in similar work?

Who do you envision as the ideal type of user for your work (and individual, society at large)?

How important is the media management infrastructure?

How is work handed from one department to another—is there a life-cycle or continuum that structures work?

To what extent systems/interfaces you use work for you?

Are they intuitive?

What documentation/rules/regulation shape your work?

How is the tape-based workflow different from D

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