Heritage Conservation and Advocacy Coalitions: the State-Society Conflict in the Case of the Enning Road Redevelopment Project in Guangzhou

International Journal of Heritage Studies

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Heritage conservation and advocacy coalitions: the state-society conflict in the case of the Enning Road redevelopment project in Guangzhou

Anna Ka-yin Lee

To cite this article: Anna Ka-yin Lee (2016): Heritage conservation and advocacy coalitions: the state-society conflict in the case of the Enning Road redevelopment project in Guangzhou, International Journal of Heritage Studies, DOI: 10.1080/13527258.2016.1195427

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13527258.2016.1195427

Published online: 17 Jun 2016.

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Download by: [University of Technology Sydney] Date: 22 June 2016, At: 22:37 International Journal of Heritage Studies, 2016 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13527258.2016.1195427

Heritage conservation and advocacy coalitions: the state-society conflict in the case of the Enning Road redevelopment project in Guangzhou

Anna Ka-yin Lee

Domain of Social Science, Centennial College, Pok Fu Lam, Hong Kong

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY The Enning Road redevelopment project has been controversial in Received 20 March 2016 Guangzhou as the site possesses many vernacular buildings that are not Accepted 20 May 2016 officially recognised by the authorities as significant but are nevertheless KEYWORDS highly regarded by non-state stakeholders as important entities that Advocacy coalition embody the unique essence and culture of local neighbourhoods. This paper framework; heritage examines the positive role led by the press media, the New Express, in bringing conservation; public about changes in the government-sanctioned Enning Road redevelopment opinion supervision; urban project plan through the lens of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). redevelopment; semi- The significance of this paper lies in detailing how the news group has helped authoritarian; China shift the project priority from being property-led to conservation-led. Its reports have gained a wide audience in appreciating and recognising the conservation value of non-designated vernacular architecture in inner city areas. Nonetheless, this paper raises question about the sustainability of civil mobilisation in subsequent conservation efforts, due to a general lack of enthusiasm. Neither urban redevelopment strategies nor conservation agenda have been subject to a major overhaul due to the impact of this individual redevelopment project. Therefore, the promise of change is at best a tactical compromise adopted by the municipal authorities to nullify opposing public voices in Guangzhou.

Introduction This study uses the case of the redevelopment project on Enning Road in Liwan District, an inner-city district of Guangzhou and examines, through the lens of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 the changes in the project contents brought about by the non-state stakeholders that are situated outside the traditional arenas of policy-making. Conflicts between urban redevelopment and heritage conservation are best illustrated by the constant struggle between the two coalitions namely the Urban Redevelopment Coalition (URC), which consists of the municipal authorities and property developers, and the Urban Conservation Coalition (UCC). This study contends that the appearance of a new group of non-state stakeholders such as community-based groups, specialists and academics, non-governmental organisations, and the mass media presents emerging opportunities for urban heritage conservation. The case reveals that the coordinated activities undertaken by members of the UCC, led by an outspoken Guangzhou-based commercialised news group, the New Express (Xinkuaibao),

became an important engine for the changes in the redevelopment project. The significance of this paper lies in the fact that the collective actions were particularly critical in safeguarding vernacular architecture that are not officially recognised by the authorities as significant but are nevertheless highly regarded by non-state stakeholders as important entities that embody the unique essence and culture of local neighbourhoods. The first part of this study begins with a description of the site itself, the research design and methodology, followed by an overview of the ACF as the analytical framework. The framework helps tease out how the newsgroup has mobilised the public and subsequently forced the government to re-prioritise the nature of the project from property-led to conservation-led. However, the second part of the case study reveals that while the public have vigorously protested against the ‘indiscrimi- nate demolition and re-building from scratch’ strategy for urban redevelopment and the closed-door dealings between the local governments and property developers, the members of UCC have only managed to secure perfunctory conservation measures from the government. Civic mobilisation and interest levels have dwindled in the subsequent conservation phase of the project. Coupled with the problem of foot-dragging among the members of URC, conservation efforts on the site have come to a halt. This paper suggests that the impacts of this redevelopment project, in terms of the emergence of conservation aspirations and the government’s tactical concessions, have not led to an immediate overhaul in urban conservation policy that could dynamically enhance the value of vernacular architecture in the redevelopment process.

Study area Enning Road is located in Liwan district, one of the earliest and most densely populated neighbourhoods in Guangzhou that is collectively referred to as the Xiguan or literally the ‘West Gate’ area (i.e. the area in the west of Guangzhou) where the upper classes once resided (Figures 1 and 2). The district is also the cradle land of Lingnan culture of Guangdong Province and the birthplace of Cantonese Opera. Enning Road was built in 1931. It spans 1,115 m connecting Baohua Road in the east, Duobao Road in the north, and Longjin West Road in the northwest. This Road was once lined with vernacular Lingnan architecture such as qilou or arcade buildings, granite streets and lanes, bamboo tube houses, and Xiguan mansions, which were the typical dwellings for wealthy businessmen (Figures 3–5). The redevelopment project site is over 100,000 m2 in size, stretching from Enning Road, Duobao Road, and Baohua Road (Guangzhou Daily 2007; Figure 6). The total gross floor area of that project site was 207,000 m2 and it was expected that an area of over 140,000 m2 would be demolished after the redevelopment plan that was announced in 2007 (Wu 2008).

Research design and methodology

Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 This study adopts the case study approach as the research strategy to collect, interpret, and analyse the relevant data and to report the findings. Case study research is an empirical inquiry that metic- ulously examines a contemporary phenomenon (the ‘case’) within its real-world context (Yin 2014). This inquiry involves purposeful sampling which selects information-rich cases for in-depth study (Patton 2015). Case study research is a distinctive form of inquiry that possesses the following merits. Firstly, it helps explain interrelationships in real-world interventions that are too complex for survey or exper- imental methods (Hodkinson and Hodkinson 2001; Yin 2014). Secondly, it is grounded in ‘lived reality’. Unlike experiments which are conducted in a controlled environment to focus precisely upon the particular phenomenon, real significance of case study research is often derived from complex contexts and conditions that help describe and illustrate certain real-world interventions (Hodkinson and Hodkinson 2001; Yin 2014). Thirdly, case study research can facilitate rich conceptual/ theoretical development (Hodkinson and Hodkinson 2001). International Journal of Heritage Studies 3 Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016

Figure 1. The location of Liwan district in Guangzhou. Map created by Anna Lee.

Yet, the rigour of case study research has been subject to debate. In particular, case study research does not lend itself to numerical representation and its findings are not generalisable in conventional sense (Hodkinson and Hodkinson 2001; Patton 2015). In face of this limitation, both Yin (2014) and Patton (2015) suggest that case study research offers analytical generalisation and extrapolation instead. Analytical generalisation generalises findings beyond the setting for the specific case that has been studied (Yin 2014). Analytical generalisation can be based on modifications, rejections, or advancement of existing theoretical concepts. In addition, it can also come from new research focuses and concepts generated upon the completion of the case studies. In other words, the process can be either derived from the conditions specified at the outset or uncovered at the conclusion of the case 4 A. K.-Y. Lee

Figure 2. The location of Enning Road redevelopment project site. Map created by Anna Lee. Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016

Figure 3. Vernacular arcade buildings, qilou, on the project site. Photo by Anna Lee.

study. The generalisation happens in either circumstance will be at a conceptual level higher than the statistical generalisation of the specific case (i.e. generalisation of findings based on the empirical data collected from a sample) (Yin 2014). Similarly, the concept of extrapolation connotes that one has gone beyond the narrow confines of the data and to think about other applications of the findings (Patton 2015). Extrapolations are logical, thoughtful, case-derived rather than statistical where the evaluators are expected to thoughtfully extrapolate from the case findings in the sense of pointing out lessons learns and potential applications to future efforts (Patton 2015). International Journal of Heritage Studies 5

Figure 4. A typical residential dwelling on the project site. Photo by Anna Lee.

A single-case research design is selected for this study with an aim to provide rich and deep understanding of the subject and breakthrough insights (Patton 2015). The case of the Enning Road Redevelopment project is a unique one due to three main reasons. Firstly, the actions of non-state stakeholders in the case have resulted in conflict between urban conservation and urban redevelopment which have now developed into a power struggle between society and the state over the state-imposed definitions of her-

Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 itage. Secondly, the explosive growth of local state entrepreneurialism and land-based interests among the municipal authorities has been driven by the province’s experiment of ‘walking one step ahead’ (xian xing yi bu). This has been an ongoing issue since 1978; it encourages, and tacitly permits, local officials to implement more liberal economic reform measures (Vogel 1989; Lin 2008). Thirdly, the media appears to be more forthright in this particular case because Guangzhou’s political environment has been relatively more tolerant of the growth of progressive media compared with the rest of the country. Different types of qualitative data have been used for compiling the study. Semi-structured interviews with key informants are essential source of case study evidence. Interviews help researchers discover and portray the multiple views of the case studies (Stake 1995). Interview sessions were conducted from April to December in 2011 in Guangzhou, the period that the project plan underwent a major overhaul. An additional interview with an architecture professor who has served as a project advisor for the redevelopment project was also conducted in April 2015 in Guangzhou. Key informants who were also interviewed include academic scholars, the director of the newsgroup, and the deputy director at the district planning bureau. They provide shortcuts to the prior history of the situation 6 A. K.-Y. Lee

Figure 5. A typical residential dwelling on the project site. Photo by Anna Lee.

which may help the research to identify other relevant sources of evidence (Yin 2014). Guangzhou has proven to be a more receptive environment compared to Beijing and Shanghai for conducting research work that involves bureaucratic politics (Xue 2007). Data from established data sources, such as academic journals, books, newspaper reports, and conference papers were consulted. Audio and visual information from new media channels such as micro-blogs and internet forums form additional

Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 valuable resources. More importantly, a number of government officials and well-respected scholars were very willing to share certain government documents and research materials which are arguably more reliable and certainly richer that newspaper data. Perusal of these data helps the research to gain a better understanding of the historical trends of cultural heritage conservation in China generally and the implementation of conservation measures in Guangzhou in particular. The use of these documents is also useful for corroborating and augmenting evidence from other sources particularly in verifying the correct spellings and titles or names of the organisations that were mentioned in the interviews (Yin 2014). In short, these collective research processes give confirmation of details where needed, enhance their veracity, and serve to demonstrate the general applicability of the findings (Stake 1995).

ACF: an overview The ACF helps us to understand the linkage between the collective actions of stakeholders and their influence on policy processes and also to explain policy change. This analytical framework is considered International Journal of Heritage Studies 7

Figure 6. The boundary of Enning Road redevelopment project site. Map created by Anna Lee.

more sophisticated than ‘stage models’ in describing and explaining the complex, dynamic policy-making processes of modern societies because its basic theoretical assumptions have been carefully developed, and the various hypotheses have been tested in empirical research (Schlager 1995; Weible, Sabatier, and McQueen 2009; Weible et al. 2011). The ACF is built upon a set of assumptions (Sabatier 1988). First, scientific and technical information are given a central role in the policy process. Second, to understand policy change, a perspective of a decade or more is required (Sabatier and Weible 2007). The third assumption is that the unit of analysis is the ‘policy subsystem,’ which involves both a functional and a territorial dimension and encompasses a group of people and/or organisations interacting regularly over periods of a decade or more to influence policy formulation and implementation (Sabatier 1998). The fourth assumption is that the set of policy subsystem stakeholders is expanded beyond the traditional members of the iron triangle (i.e. Congress, government agencies/bureaucracies, and special interest lobby groups) to

Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 include officials from all levels of government, consultants, scientists, and representatives of the media. The final assumption is that the belief system is central to coalition formation. Rather than primarily driven by economic and political interests, individuals are bound together by belief systems from which opinions about a given policy problem are generated (Albright 2011). The ACF assumes that stakeholders can be aggregated into a number of ‘advocacy coalitions,’ with each being composed of stakeholders from various governmental and private organisations who engage in a non-trivial degree of coordinated activities over time and share a set of belief systems (Sabatier 1998, 103). Such systems are structured into a three-fold hierarchy and are structured in decreasing order of resistance to change: deep core beliefs, policy core beliefs, and secondary beliefs (Sabatier 1988). Deep core beliefs are fundamental normative beliefs that span multiple policy subsystems and are very resistant to change. This is because these beliefs are largely the product of childhood socialisation and that stakeholders tend to have the tendency to relate to the world through a set of perceptual filters composed of preexisting beliefs that are difficult to alter (Sabatier and Weible 2007). In the middle tier are policy beliefs which are normative, and empirical beliefs that span an entire policy subsystem, 8 A. K.-Y. Lee

including value priorities, perceptions of causal mechanisms and basic policy preferences. Policy core beliefs are still resistant to change but are more pliable than deep core beliefs. In the lowest tier are secondary beliefs which are empirical beliefs and policy preferences that relate to a subcomponent of a policy subsystem. Secondary beliefs include stakeholders’ preferences for specific government tools for achieving objectives or their perceptions of problems in special locales (Weible and Sabatier 2007, 127, 128). Secondary beliefs can be readily adjusted in light of new data, experiences or changing strategic considerations (Olsson 2009). Among the three sets of beliefs, policy core beliefs are the most important as they provide the principal ‘glue’ of politics (Sabatier 1998). The ACF suggests either changes in beliefs of a dominant coalition or changes in resources distribution among coalitions can result in a major policy change (Weible 2007). In the earliest version of the ACF, it stated that each coalition strives to use different strategies involving the use of ‘guidance instruments (changes in rules, budgets, personnel, or information) as a means to altering the behaviour of various governmental institutions in an effort to realise its policy objectives (Sabatier 1988). It did not make explicit a set of concrete resources that stakeholders could employ. In 2007, Sabatier and Weible made an important revision in this area by including public opinions, skillful leadership, information, formal legal authority, financial resources, and mobilizable troops as resources to be shared within a coalition (Sabatier and Weible 2007; Weible 2007). These resources are strategically used by coalitions to influence beliefs or policy (Weible and Sabatier 2007). This study shall explore how public opinion contributes to change in project plan. Studies with reference to the ACF were usually centred on the US, examining issues related to environmental, natural resources, education reform and energy policies (Mintrom and Vergari 1996; Zafonte and Sabatier 1998; Weible 2005, 2007; Matti and Sandström 2011; Harrinkari, Katila, and Karppinen 2016). In spite of its age, the ACF has proven to be an overarching lens for researchers to understand and analyse goal disagreements, technical disputes, and policy change involving a mul- titude of policy actors (Han 2011; Matti and Sandström 2011; Guo et al. 2016). Also, the framework has the advantage of being able to simplify the complexities into manageable components such as policy subsystems, and coalitions. These help enhance our understanding of the broader context in which individuals situated, the contextualised mechanisms at work driving coalition formation and behavioural coordination among actors within a policy subsystem (Schlager 1995; Weible et al. 2011). Although the ACF presents strong pluralistic and democratic overtones, scholars have begun to apply the model to explain China’s politics (Wang 2010; Zhang 2010; Han 2011; Guo et al. 2016). The ACF is useful in the Chinese context because it helps explain the political behaviour of actors in the policy process, which is often overlooked in China (Guo et al. 2016). While these scholars acknowl- edge that society has become relatively pluralized during the reform period, they neglect to mention the fact that the composition of the Chinese Communist Party has also switched to value ‘expertise’ from ‘redness’ (i.e. ideological purity and revolutionary pedigree) (C. Li 2010). This observation is important for understanding why some non-state stakeholders such as experts and research scholars

Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 can produce an impact in the decision-making process. Also, scholars have used the word ‘coalition’ in a rather cursory manner. In fact, ‘coalition’ is a highly politically-charged term given that the Western concept of civil autonomy is still not being embraced in China (Mertha 2008, 17). Citizens or individual activists in China are at best mobilised into relatively weak forms of ‘coalition.’ Although constrained by limited freedom, they can still mobilise resources and articulate their beliefs to gain sufficiently significant political or social influence if their actions remain ‘depoliticized’ (Kang and Han 2008; Watson 2008; Dillon 2011). In other words, ‘coalitions’ in China can only engage in a trivial degree of coordinated activities over time. These governance realities largely constrain the possibilities of wholesale transfer of the ACF assumptions in understanding China’s urban politics.

Enning redevelopment project: from property-led to conservation-led Over the past six decades, cultural heritage managers in China have made significant progress in which the practice has been transformed from protecting individual cultural relics toward preserving International Journal of Heritage Studies 9

both tangible and intangible heritage assets. However, the changing processes of urban governance in the post-reform period have posed challenges and opportunities for heritage conservation and management. The major challenge has been to resolve the conflict between heritage conservation and economic development. While the gradual formation of the market mechanism has helped open up multiple sources of financing resources to assist local governments in carrying out urban redevelopment schemes since the 1990s, these property-led redevelopment projects often come into direct conflict with the goals of cultural heritage conservation initiatives. More importantly, the economic orientation of the state has led to the growth of entrepreneurial local governments whose focus is primarily on the maximisation of their budgetary surpluses from which they can derive bonuses and career benefits for themselves (Ma and Chan 2003). Therefore, urban entrepreneurialism has driven local governments to take land as mere abstract space for the maximisation of economic and administrative interests or space for money (Ku 2010, 2012). Conservation is an undesirable intervention into the operation of the land market and the local governments are generally reluctant to use local resources to produce public goods, such as heritage conservation that are by their very nature non-profitable (Ma and Chan 2003; Ku 2010). Until the late 1990s, the redevelopment politics in Guangzhou had, historically, been dominated by the URC. This coalition – involving the municipal authorities and property developers – has become increasingly engaged in coordinating their activities. In particular, they have been attaining advantageous bargaining positions in land (re)development since the 1980s due to the marketization and commodification of land. The construction of high-density buildings, however, has resulted in the destruction of many old urban districts which were of significant historical and cultural value. Other major problems created by property developers have been land hoarding and the presence of large-scale half-finished construction sites, which hindered the proper uses of urban land (Zhang 2005). Given the impact of rampant property-led redevelopment on old urban districts, Lin Shusen, the pro-conservation city mayor of the time, decided to prohibit property developers from carrying out any redevelopment projects in 1999 (Wang 2007). However, the redevelopment process was reintroduced in 2006 along with the appointment of the new city mayor, Zhang Guangning. The city mayor introduced an additional element to the existing urban development strategy, ‘restructuring and upgrading of the city’s centrally-located districts (zhongtiao),’ which informed the development direction of the city centre (Information Times 2007). In essence, three development plans were expected to be carried out in the inner city areas: first, the reconstruction of old urban districts; secondly, the reconstruction of ‘urban slums (chengzhongcun),’ that is rural villages that have been surrounded or otherwise encroached upon by urban expansion (Zheng et al. 2009); and thirdly, industrial restructuring – which facilitates ‘the growth of tertiary industry and phases out the secondary industry’ (tui er jin san) (Information Times 2007). Guided by this concept, the city government was given very strong incentives to extract land values and to pursue development interests in premium urban locations.1 In this regard, the city government hoped

Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 to clear the site of Enning Road and to invite property developers to pursue a high-end residential and commercial project that would enable the tapping of revenue from land lease sales. Following the zhongtiao policy, the Liwan district government recommended a site near Enning Road to the city government as one of its pilot redevelopment projects.2 In the early stages of the project, the URC, comprising mainly the municipal authorities, dominated the policy subsystem (Table 1). The district government was the ‘active collaborator’ with the private developers and the municipal government was the ‘authoritative mediator and supervisor’ in the urban redevelopment process taking place in the city (He and Wu 2005). Though the private developers assumed the role of ‘primary participator,’ they were virtually absent from this redevelopment controversy. The URC regarded the site as being plagued by poor housing conditions and a lack of urban amenities. It was expected that redevelopment could give a new image to the old district. The redevelopment project was expected to be completed in a ‘self-financed’ (jiudi jingji pingheng) manner in which the revenues to be generated from the future high-density development would offset the expenditure used for clearance and monetary relocation assistance to the affected residents (New Express 2011). This high-density 10 A. K.-Y. Lee

Table 1. The policy core belief systems of the two advocacy coalitions in the ERRP

Urban redevelopment coalition (dominant Urban conservation coalition (minority coalition) coalition) Members of the ‘coalition’ Municipal authorities (city and district), developers Experts, academics, non-registered (role not significant here) organisations, mass media, netizens Policy core beliefs Basic value priorities as Exchange value of old urban districts Use, social, cultural, aesthetic values of fundamental normative historic districts precept Precepts with a substantial empirical component 1. Problem defined Old urban districts suffer from poor housing quality, The integrity of historic districts is being a lack of proper infrastructure and urban amenities compromised by redevelopment (e.g. open space), and a lack of widened roads to programs support increased volume of vehicular traffic 2. Cause(s) of the problem • Pre-reform housing system lacked planning and • ‘Demolish-all, construct-from-scratch’ housing was provided by government organisations redevelopment mode destroys diversity or work units and vibrancy of neighborhoods • Pre-reform period favored investment in heavy • lack of incentives (funding, regulations, industry over consumption and discouraged expertise) to incorporate conservation maintenance/redevelopment elements in redevelopment projects • tenants added illegal structures on existing buildings 3. Policy preference(s) • urban redevelopment to be property-led and • urban redevelopment to be conserva- monitored by municipal authorities tion-led and government sponsored • Participation by elite and experts • active community participation in decision making process Secondary aspects Instrumental decisions • Self-financing redevelopment project • redevelopment to respect the existing • Keep designated cultural heritage blocks and historic character of the location • on-site relocation or cash compensation for affected • Keep all historic architecture in addition residents to designated heritage blocks • on-site relocation for all affected residents preferred Information searches • Closed-door discussion with advisory panel to • Insufficient knowledge about the plan provide guidance for plan formulation due to limited information disclosure by the municipal authorities

demolition-led redevelopment helps reflect the policy core belief of the URC in which urban land is just a commodity with a high exchange value. Meanwhile, the UCC, consisting of the news media, academics, experts, non-registered organisations, and netizens equated the redevelopment project with the destruction of the local historic quarters. This coalition prioritises cultural, historical, and social values over the exchange value. The news media, the most important member of the UCC, was the first to criticise the municipal author- Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 ities for lacking the commitment to safeguard historic qilou structures, which were actually listed as structures to be demolished.3 Apart from the news group, NGOs also objected to what they considered to be a total disregard for the conservation of local culture in the redevelopment process. Two NGOs, Guangzhou Old Town Concern Group and Enning Road Academic Concern Group, were formed in 2009 and 2010 respectively when the redevelopment project received heavy coverage in the media. It could also be argued that their formation was inspired by the work of the New Express. Some members who formed the organisations were university students or young journalists. They organised exhibitions and produced documentaries which helped the news media amplify the pro-conservation set of beliefs. However, in contrast to the West where lobbying civic groups can exert considerable influence in the political process, many of the groups in Guangzhou and NGOs could not do so. Many interviewees expressed that, due to their lack of expertise and non-registered status, academics, experts, and officials could hardly respond to the advice of civic groups and NGOs.4 International Journal of Heritage Studies 11

Figure 7. Regulatory plan for the Enning Road redevelopment project site. Map modified by Anna Lee. Source: Guangzhou Urban Planning Bureau (2011).

The project plan underwent minor modifications in its contents in August 2007. Specifically, the district government announced the decision to conserve qilou structures fronting the street on both sides of Enning Road. The modified plan would list additional historic buildings of social, cultural, and architectural value (216 blocks in total) to be conserved during the redevelopment process (Liao 2007). Although it is claimed that many historic buildings were conserved, the modified redevelopment plan was not made public. No one knew exactly where these buildings were located. By late 2008, the demolition list was ready and the official demolition process began. Since the project commenced in late 2006, the media has always been quick to point out the confusion surrounding the exact number of structures of vernacular architecture to be conserved or demolished (Chen, He, and Wang 2007; Liao 2007; Lin and Zhang 2007; Chen and He 2009a). The

Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 municipal authorities finally came up with a new redevelopment plan in June 2011 which was guided by a set of three holistic principles: ‘coordinated planning comes first, implementation to follow,’ ‘cultural heritage conservation comes first, development to follow,’ and ‘relocation of residents comes first, site clearance to follow (Xu 2010).’ This new redevelopment plan breathed fresh life into the old district (Figure 7). The overhaul reflected changes in favour of the demands of the UCC. First, the demolition-led, self-financed nature of the redevelopment project was replaced by one which was conservation-led, a policy orientation preferred by the UCC (He 2011). Secondly, area-wide protection was guaranteed by the municipal authorities. Specifically, the site would opt for low-density development with a decreased plot-ratio, lowered from 2.0, as proposed in 2006, to 1.36. Three zones were demarcated to achieve area-wide protection: the qilou cluster; a key architecture protection zone; and a historic building protection zone (He 2011). Another breakthrough in the planning was the decision to remove the construction of two 40-metre- long main roads across the protection zones, which would otherwise have been detrimental to the conservation effort of the historic environment had they been implemented (He 2011). 12 A. K.-Y. Lee

Project contents reprioritised: the result of public opinion supervision exercised by the local media TheNew Express used keywords such as ‘conservation’ (bayou) and ‘place-based identity’ (bentuyishi) as frames to form the policy core belief system of the UCC (e.g. Zheng 2011). It duly exercised its role in moulding public opinion. The news group was ready to frustrate the municipal authorities’ short-term redevelopment goals. This reached a large audience which demonstrated that the news group could be an effective platform for like-minded individuals from the community to articulate pro-conservation views. The broad-based support gathered by the news media effectively bound the UCC. In the end, the URC was unable to quash the influence of this coalition, forcing it to abandon the earlier version of the plan and thereby avert widespread protest and condemnation. Public opinion supervision is a prominent discourse in Chinese media and politics (Zhao and Sun 2007). This phenomenon is where citizen awareness of an issue is mobilised to act as a check against the state, to influence court decisions, or to push for policy reforms (Cheung 2007). In the Chinese context, this exercise refers to supervision by the masses, exercised through the media, under the leadership of the CCP (Cheung 2007). The media environment has become more complex since the 1980s in which the Communist Party control coexists with media marketization. Media operation has become commercialised and the number of media outlets has proliferated along with the development of a market economy (Zhao and Sun 2007; Stockmann and Gallagher 2011). As a result, commercialised papers like the New Express emerged. These ‘commercialised papers’ are an integral part of the Party apparatus for disciplining delinquent local officials, rather than being part of the government’s administrative structure (Zhao and Sun 2007). Specifically, the media is encouraged by the Party to engage in public opinion supervision through internal or critical reporting (Zhao and Sun 2007). In this regard, public opinion supervision is a dynamic, interactive process involving the Party, the media and the public to define social problems and to frame pressing issues (Cheung 2007). Ultimately, the power of public opinion supervision by the media contributes to regime legitimacy. Guangzhou possesses the most liberal environment in China in terms of freedom of speech where the mass media thrive. However, though less heavy-handed, the control over the media by the state is still prominent. The reason the New Express was able to articulate opposing viewpoints in challenging the municipal authorities is that the news group is administered by the provincial propaganda department. Unlike other mainstream news groups, such as Guangzhou Daily, they are administered by the city propaganda department which largely limits their public opinion supervision ability.5 That is, the group possesses a higher bureaucratic ranking than the city government. This gives the group a degree of legitimacy to monitor the functioning of the city government but this legitimacy cannot be extended to criticising government matters at the provincial level. Public opinion supervision through the media is also considered more effective and influential for overseeing governments in relation to public policy issues. This is largely due to the fact that many local NGOs are still nascent and far from formalised. Also, delegates to National People’s Congress Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 (NPC) and members of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) are less com- mitted or amenable to oversight as they are just ‘part-time’ bureaucrats. In this case, the news media has become an effective conduit for these individuals to channel their pro-conservation thoughts to the municipal authorities. Since the project was announced in 2007, the New Express has used the case as a reference to highlight in an in-depth new story the major flaws in the city’s approach to urban redevelopment: ‘interest-driven, subject to the will of political leaders, and absence of channel for citizens to voice their opinions’ (e.g. Chen, Gao, and Wang 2007). It further stated, in critical vein, that a ‘lack of public participation mechanism is a critical factor in leading to a loss of heritage’ (Chen, Gao, and Wang 2007). With access to privilege information, the New Express exposed the numerous discrepancies over demolition arrangements and a lack of government accountability and transparency by publishing a series of exclusive reports in mid-December 2009 (Chen and He 2009a, 2009b, 2009c). The news group was forthright in accusing the municipal authorities of withholding information and openly flouting International Journal of Heritage Studies 13

the residents’ right to know about housing demolition and relocation arrangements. The news group also highlighted the fact that developed countries have already recognised through their legislation the public’s right to know and public participation in the planning process; these are essential for mit- igating social conflict and, enhancing economic development and city competitiveness. The impact of public opinion supervision on the municipal authorities was instantaneous: the district government was propelled into releasing the redevelopment plan which revealed the scale of conservation and demolition on the site and, moreover, the public was invited to provide comments and suggestions for the plan (Wu, Chen, and He 2009). Nevertheless, the media’s supervision function was not immune to intervention from the municipal bureaucrats. Bureaucrats devised myriad ways to discourage the news group from pursuing or publishing their news stories. These include private visits, telephone calls to the news group’s editor-in-chief, refusal to be interviewed, or asking the provincial propaganda department to issue publication bans. When faced with this kind of interferences, the news group stood firm in its refusal to abandon the reporting or to suppress any part of the reports’ contents. They would, instead, put the reports on hold until the right time had come for their release.6 The director of the in-depth news section of the New Express was the important agenda-setter for the Enning Road redevelopment issue. Under the leadership of this director, the news group produced a large collection of news articles related to the case – 27,700 news stories in total – over the course of four years from 2007 to 2011 (Zheng 2011). Not only did the readers and viewers acquire factual information about the redevelopment progress, they also learnt how much importance had been attached to the topic on the basis of the emphasis placed on it in the news. Netizens helped whip up public opinion further on microblogs, either by posting their own views on the issue or reposting relevant news reports. The New Express journalists also framed the redevelopment debate as an issue of conservation, which later formed the core belief system of the UCC members. The case was presented through a conflict frame in which the notion of the ‘social value of built heritage facing redevelopment threat’ dominated the flow of the news reports. Partly motivated by personal interests in conservation and partly out of respect for local culture, the director consciously set the heritage conservation theme as the media’s agenda.7 The director felt obliged to protect local heritage after the municipal authorities had recklessly destroyed so much of the unique heritage located in old districts and old villages – this all in the name of urban development in the 1990s. The influence of the mass media and activists in Hong Kong over a conservation debate is another factor. The director was very impressed by how they had defended the Star Ferry Pier and Queen’s Pier from demolition, albeit unsuccessfully, in 2006 and 2007. These movements actually coincided with the massive demolition of an 800-year-old urban village in Guangzhou, Liede. As a result, this prompted the New Express to publish a total of 13 news reports under the theme of ‘urban redevelopment and heritage’ (Zheng 2011). These reports, written from a reflective perspective and focused on the conflicts between redevelopment and heritage conservation, helped construct the contextual background for framing the Enning Road case.

Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 To shape public opinion and to coherently articulate the belief system, the New Express journalists assumed the role as specialists and used in-depth investigative reports and commentaries to define clearly the problem as one of ‘the redevelopment programmes compromising the integrity of an old urban district.’ In addition, the New Express attached new solutions to old problems such as asking the municipal authorities to release a comprehensive list of historic buildings to be conserved and to establish a public participation mechanism, which were all justified and supported by academics and experts. By seeking advice from academics and experts, mutual respect between the news group and the professionals was forged. The New Express became a ‘platform’ for these individuals – and on some occasions for individual delegates to the city’s NPC or members of CPPCC of Guangzhou – to express their pro-conservation views and analyses on the redevelopment project. The New Express published their write-in columns (e.g. Li 2007, 2011). Viewpoints and insights of renowned local architects and urban planners frequently appeared in the news coverage (Chen and He 2009d; He, Ren, and Chen 2010; Z. J. Li 2010). These helped facilitate public reflection on the current dire situations of built heritage in the city. 14 A. K.-Y. Lee

Figure 8. Half-demolished residential dwelling on the project site. Photo by Anna Lee.

The subsequent conservation phase: stalled project The ACF suggests the three-fold hierarchy of the policy systems shaping the behaviours of members among a coalition – deep core beliefs, policy core beliefs, and secondary beliefs. Deep core beliefs involve very general normative and ontological assumption about human nature. This study confirms that these highest-order beliefs have not been affected. Both policy core beliefs and secondary beliefs, which centre around practicalities and technical issues within the subsystem, are more susceptible to change than are deep core beliefs nonetheless. In the redevelopment project, the coordinated activities among journalists and scholars thus contributed to effective public opinion supervision and facilitated drastic changes in the shallow and volatile secondary aspects of the policy core belief system among key stakeholders stationed in the municipal authorities. These stakeholders gradually accumulated information transmitted by the news media. The amount of information and the issue salience presented by the New Express were so powerful that the municipal authorities had to respond by overhauling the Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 approach to formulating and implementing the Enning Road project plan so that it would fall into line with the belief system of the UCC. However, the policy core beliefs of the URC remained intact and the promise of change had revealed to be a tactical compromise adopted by the municipal authorities to nullify opposing public voices. The analysis of the Enning Road Redevelopment Project should not be taken at face value. A lack of follow-up actions and commitments on part of the municipal authorities suggest the UCC had not been able to alter the policy core belief system of URC in pushing for more radical changes in the overall conservation and redevelopment policy. Although the project contents changed and the site was designated as one of the historic districts in 2012, this was in fact a pyrrhic victory among the non-state stakeholders over the municipal authorities. It is ironic that the designation was granted only after most of the traditional landscapes and physical settings of the site had been ruined or destroyed (Figures 8 and 9). Even worse, the revised project plan was not even pursued by any of the implementing agencies (He 2014). The enthusiasm among the UCC members has waned considerably as the municipal authorities took over during the subsequent conservation International Journal of Heritage Studies 15

Figure 9. One of the abandoned construction sites. Photo by Anna Lee.

phase. The news group became frustrated by the sluggish progress of the redevelopment project. The Academic Group dissolved in 2013 and out of disillusionment, most of the residents have moved off the site, which was neglected by the government.8 The tensions between urban redevelopment and conservation were made even worse by the absence of any incentives for government officials to initiate more pro-conservation policies. The mismatch between responsibilities and benefits on the part of local government officials remains. In the case of the Enning Road redevelopment project, both the district and city governments pursued the conservation-led redevelopment project in a half-hearted manner (He 2014). Although the city government is responsible for directly financing the redevelopment project, it is not accountable for any delays in the redevelopment process as it is not the principal agent responsible for housing demolition and residential relocation. In addition, while the tasks of demolition and relocation are assumed by the district government, it is not accountable for any unsatisfactory project outcomes as no economic rewards have been attached to the project for the sake of motivating the district government.

Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 The creation of a high quality urban environment through the integration of heritage and development is still not possible. The advisor for the redevelopment project also added that both district and municipal authorities have varying degrees of interest and commitment toward heritage conservation.9 First, the tenure of the leadership is an important factor. Municipal leaders are usually appointed for a period of five years. Given this relatively short period, leaders are less motivated to commit themselves to tasks that require massive investment without there being any guarantee of short-term gains. This explains why the municipal authorities during the initial stage of the redevelopment plan preferred massive urban redevelopment since it would ensure lucrative profits from land leasing. Second, the redevelopment project was not trumpeted by a dedicated, well-resourced conservation authority that could implement a more inclusive conservation agenda. The current city mayor, Chen Jianhua,10 known for his pro-conservation sentiments, spent around RMB400 million (~USD 62 million) to build the Guangzhou Cantonese Opera Art Museum on the Enning Road redevelopment project site (Guangzhou Daily 2016). This museum, to be opened in mid-2016, was funded by the city government. Although the construction was conceived with the best of intentions toward countering 16 A. K.-Y. Lee

the spectre of blight and obsolescence surrounding the neighbourhood, this intention has actually frozen investments that are critical to improving the situation. More importantly, aspects of ‘rule by man’ still permeate the society in which ruling elites, known as the ‘first-hand men’ yibashou( ) have remained the dominant players in urban politics. Policies often result from the initiatives taken by top-level decision-makers; bureaucrats are often given personalised incentives when they are asked to accomplish tasks. Therefore, changes are granted as long as the reshaping of policy remains consistent with its overall goals. In this case study, the municipal authorities revamped the project’s priorities but this was seen as a tactical compromise. This compromise allowed them to continue with the redevelopment project. Any major changes in the overall urban development strategy of zhongtiao or urban conservation agenda put forward by the municipal decision-makers were virtually absent. Moreover, ruling elites determine the meaning and values of heritage based on their expertise and professional training. These interpretations are often imposed on heritage items and used to inform government-sanctioned conservation measures implemented at the city level. However, they would sometimes conflict with the public’s aspirations on heritage conservation if the bureaucrats in charge had little relevant or sufficient background knowledge.11 Therefore, although the influence of non-state stakeholders in the decision-making process has increased, they have yet to supplement, not to mention replace, the ruling elites as an agent of policy change.

Concluding remarks The provision of public goods continues to be conducted in an inconsistent manner, subject to the decisions of the city’s top-level policy-makers. The semi-authoritarian government regime continues to ban large-scale demonstrations that disturb the social and political status quo. Nonetheless, this study confirms the positive role played by civil society. The power struggle over heritage values has been brought into the arena of the news media, which is a legitimate agent of the Party to report on the (mis)conduct of the local governments via the approved instrument of public opinion supervision. The public have successfully prompted the city’s top-level decision-making officials to intervene in the struggle. This has led to changes in the urban redevelopment plan which, if not altogether particularly selective, nevertheless emphasises the social and contemporary values of the historic district. The case study has applied the ACF for analysis. As a generic policy-process model developed in the pluralistic and democratic society of the United States, one basic premise of this analytical framework is the collective action of coalitions – individuals being bound by a shared belief system, which forms the key driving force behind the policy process. However, this assumption raises questions regarding its applicability in non-pluralistic corporatist or authoritarian regimes. This paper has discussed the key dimensions of this framework. It argues that the ACF is useful in capturing the dynamics of the interactions between state and non-state stakeholders in policy-making in an authoritarian state as the latter group has become increasingly vocal in challenging government policy programmes.

Downloaded by [University of Technology Sydney] at 22:37 22 June 2016 At the same time, this paper highlights the fundamental differences between China and Western democracies in their respective approaches to political and administrative issues, and thereby can help researchers better understand China’s policy-making processes through the ACF lens. In a semi-authoritarian regime, the presence and the activities of multiple non-state stakeholders and groups are largely controlled by the state; they only constitute weaker forms of coalitions. Many interest groups are relatively nascent and they have not had the luxury of working together for a decade or more (Mertha 2008). Their activities have to be fairly low-key because any confrontational acts would lead to the demise of the groups. This case study further identifies the difficulty in disentangling significant differences between self-interest and beliefs in the enactment of government policy. Municipal authorities dedicate a great deal of effort to heritage conservation only if it can also generate economic and political gains for them personally. Therefore, the UCC has just gained little more than a pyrrhic victory in fighting against city-wide property-led redevelopment. Finally, this study contends that as the ‘first-hand men’ continue to shape urban politics, conservation can only be taken seriously as long as the right kind of ‘first-hand man’ is put in that office International Journal of Heritage Studies 17

and eventually uses their charisma and influence to foster stronger cooperation among the various areas of municipal governance. Nonetheless, positive outcomes cannot always be guaranteed following leadership change which often disrupts decision-making and management continuity. Therefore, before non-state stakeholders can truly influence in the heritage conservation process, fundamental nation-wide changes in the political system and the institution for conserving and managing cultural heritage are strongly warranted.

Notes 1. Interview with an architecture professor at Sun Yat Sen University, Guangzhou, in November 2011. 2. Interview with the deputy director of the Planning Bureau of Liwan District, Guangzhou, in November 2011. 3. Interview with the director of in-depth news section of New Express, Guangzhou, in December 2011. 4. Interviews with two academics (conducted in October and November 2011 respectively in Guangzhou); interview with the deputy director of the Planning Bureau of Liwan District, Guangzhou, in November 2011. 5. Interview with the director of in-depth news section of New Express, Guangzhou in December 2011. 6. See, footnote 5. 7. See, footnote 5. 8. Interview with an advisor of the redevelopment project in Guangzhou in April 2015. 9. Chen Jianhua has been elected as the city mayor since January 2012. 10. Interview with an advisor of the redevelopment project in Guangzhou in April 2015. 11. See, footnote 10.

Acknowledgement The author would like to thank Dr Yok-shiu F. Lee and Mr Bill Moriarty for their valuable comments on an earlier draft of this manuscript.

Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes on contributor Anna Ka-yin Lee obtained her PhD in Geography in 2014 from the University of Hong Kong. She is currently an Assistant Professor at the Centennial College, an independent college established by the University of Hong Kong. Her early publication works focused on major aspects of contemporary environmental problems and policies in China. Her research revolves around the core themes of urban governance, urban development, sustainable development, and cultural heritage conservation.

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