1

WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN and the Limits of Aid-Driven Empowerment 1 3

Team

Author Gabriella Nassif Programme Officer Mia BouKhaled Programmes Associate Julia Wysocka El Haddad Deputy Director, Publications Léa Yammine Director Marie-Noëlle AbiYaghi Copy-editing Muriel N. Kahwagi Design & Layout Nayla Yehia Introduction 02 1Methodology 04 Empowered Women, 07 Empowered2 Citizens 3WPE and WPP 15 Initiatives in Lebanon, 2009-20194 Analysis and 27 5Conclusion 02

Introduction

The question of women’s political participa- occupied by women.05,06 Similarly, though the tion in Lebanon could not be more timely. As appointment of four women to the ministerial of 17 October 2019, nation-wide protests cabinet in an accomplishment worth celebrat- have erupted in response to increasing ing, marking a first in the country’s history, austerity measures that culminated in a these women collectively make up less than tax on Voice over IP (VoIP) calls, commonly 10% of the cabinet.07 referred to as the “WhatsApp tax.”01 Calls for a non-sectarian and “non-political”02 The low rates of women’s political partici- revolution have drawn Lebanese represent- pation are attributable not only to women’s ing nearly every sect, every class, and every underrepresentation in formal political gender out into the streets, which led to the positions, but are equally a consequence resignation of Prime Minister on October 29, 2019.03 In a familiar scene witnessed during the Sudanese uprisings in 2018, and in Chile and Iraq in 2019, women were once again at the front line. At one point, a young – now memori- The low rates of women’s alised as the symbol of the uprisings – was videotaped kicking an armed bodyguard to political participation are prevent him from attacking protesters; at attributable not only to another point, an arm-in-arm link of more than 30 women separated protesters from women’s underrepresen- riot police in Riad Al-Solh. tation in formal political But the reality reflected in these images, and positions, but are equally in news agency accounts of women protesting, 1is not reflected in the current socio-political a consequence of women’s reality in Lebanon. In 2018, Lebanon ranked 147th out of a total of 149 countries according position in Lebanon as to the Global Gender Gap Index, with one of “second class citizens.” the lowest rates of women’s political partic- ipation in the region.04 Women in Lebanon have been unable to crack the “political glass ceiling,” and continue to make only piece- meal advancements. For example, though of women’s position in Lebanon as “second the 2018 Parliamentary election boasted the class citizens.”08 The many structural factors highest number of registered women candi- that sustain this reality – including the dates in the country’s history, less than 5% personal status codes, social perceptions of of the total 128 parliamentary seats are now women that tie them to the private realms of 03

the family and the household,09 the limited levels.16 Information that does exist is legal protections women have access to,10 usually produced by the donor agencies and and the processes of gendered citizenship their local partners in the form of program more broadly11 – have been well docu- evaluations and short programmatic mented. Research into the specific role of descriptions. These documents, generally, women in Lebanese , however, is less do not offer larger critiques of the socioeco- comprehensive.12,13 Extant literature focuses nomic landscape in Lebanon, and, therefore, primarily on the various structural factors cannot account for the underwhelming that prohibit women’s political participation, impact of these initiatives. Why have these such as sectarianism, political clientelism, programs been unsuccessful in advancing and political familism.14 As Zaiter and El large numbers of women into formal politi- Masry, a notable exception to this literature, cal positions? argue, a focus on structural factors, while important, cannot account for women’s This report seeks to answer this ques- individual experiences of, and within these tion, and to fill the gap in the literature systems. Micro-level analyses are critical to on women’s political participation and any discussion of women’s political partici- empowerment, by conducting a mapping of pation in Lebanon, and can broaden under- WPE and WPP initiatives in Lebanon from standings of women’s political participation 2009 to 2019, and analysing their collective outside of formal political structures.15 impact on the current status of women’s political participation. The report begins Another dearth in this literature on women’s with a general discussion of women’s politi- political participation in Lebanon is an anal- cal empowerment and political participation, ysis of the role of international development, and traces how the historical development and donor-funded initiatives focusing on of these two concepts globally affects the “empowerment.” Women’s political empow- ways that current WPE and WPP initiatives erment programming (WPE) and women’s are structured in Lebanon. Next, the report political participation (WPP) programming analyses how the assumptions underpinning in Lebanon are expansive. Though programs definitions of women’s political participation focus on a range of issues, they overwhelm- have produced poor WPE and WPP project ingly share the same goal: to increase results, using evidence from a selection of women’s formal political participation. To initiatives that occurred in Lebanon. Finally, date, there has been no systematic review this report presents a larger mapping of of donor interventions on WPP or WPE WPE and WPP initiatives in Lebanon from initiatives, at either the global or regional 2009 to 2019. 04

Methodology

This report attempts to answer current gaps participation” (WPP) developed, including in the literature analysing WPE and WPP how the terms are used today, both theo- donor-funded initiatives in Lebanon, and retically and in development practice; the asks the following question: what explains critiques facing these terms and their usage; the current gap between donor-funded as well as best practices associated with WPE and WPP initiatives, and the continued projects loosely grouped under the umbrella low rates of women’s political participation of WPE or WPP programming, implemented and overall low political empowerment in using ODA. This lays the foundation for the Lebanon? discussion to follow in Section IV, which reflects on WPP and WPE programming in To answer this question, this report starts Lebanon between 2009 and 2019. with a rigorous review of the terms “women’s political empowerment” and “women’s Section IV presents an overview of selected political participation,” and highlights their WPE and WPP programming in Lebanon relationship not only to each other, but to between 2009 and 2019. An initial search for the broader fields of international develop- WPE and WPP projects began with a focus ment and official donor assistance (ODA) on approximately 10 organisations that were and , specifically in relation known to have conducted such programming to development practice. This review begins, based on the past experience of Lebanon loosely, with the advent of the international Support, and the research consultant who in the wake of global supported in the data collection for the development meetings, such as the Third development of this report. This information and Fourth World Conferences on Women was supplemented by a review of organisa- in Nairobi and Beijing, respectively, and tion websites, followed by thorough analysis with the creation of the Convention on the of implementing partner websites, or the Elimination of All Forms of organisations cited as project partners, and 2Against Women (CEDAW). Special attention project beneficiaries, if and when possible. was given to academic journals dedicated to Given that the majority of information on issues related to women’s political partici- the projects discussed herein comes from pation and women’s equality and feminist the implementing organisation’s website, theory in international development. This an effort was made to substantiate this was complemented by a review of the grey information with third-party sources, such literature, specifically, research and other as news outlets (Annahar or The Daily materials produced by the United Nations Star), social media, blogposts, YouTube and other intergovernmental or global videos, and three informal interviews. After organisations. Part III of this report synthe- an initial search, WPE and WPP initia- sises this information, and presents an tives were then grouped according to four overview of how the terms “women’s political primary pillars, indicating the focus of these empowerment” (WPE) and “women’s political programs: increasing women’s descriptive 05

representation; ; programmatic activities and participant supporting civil society organisations and testimonials. It is important to reiterate that networks; and, finally, increasing the capac- the majority of this information was taken ity of women voters. Budgetary informa- from donor websites and the websites of tion for initiatives has been included, when their implementing partners, something that and if it was available, as were specific the analysis in Section V attends to. 06 3 07

Empowered Women, Empowered Citizens

Contextualizing Women’s Empowerment: Development Theory and Feminist Critiques

3The term empowerment has a long history. how normative development frameworks For some, the term originated with the were impacting poor women of colour in the scholar Paulo Friere (1973), who theorised global South, DAWN began using a much that “conscientisation,” or the “deep aware- more comprehensive definition of “women’s ness of one’s socio-political environment,” empowerment.” According to DAWN, finan- was the only thing that could “inspire” indi- cial and other material resources could not, viduals to challenge social inequality.17 For alone, guarantee empowerment; contrary others, the term originated among a network to normative development frameworks, the of global activists and scholars located solution for women’s empowerment was not primarily in the global South, known collec- the same across various contexts. Instead, tively as DAWN, or Development Alternatives true women’s empowerment requires an with Women for a New Era. Concerned with analysis of local power relations.18 08

Internationally, however, the concept critiques of , WAD also of “women’s empowerment” gained trac- foregrounded the importance of understand- tion during the United Nations Decade for ing gender inequality through a historical Women.19 It was at this time that devel- lens; gender inequalities, for example, look opment practitioners were facing strin- quite different in the aftermath of colonial- gent critiques concerning the gender-blind ism than they look in industrialised nations nature of development projects. Classical in the global North. development theory, which conceptual- ised the “problem” of poverty, among other It was at this point that DAWN began to social issues, as a problem to be solved by propose what would come to be known as “Northern expertise,” was continuing to fail an “empowerment approach” in relation across various contexts in the global South. to issues of gender and development.24 This was further compounded by the fact Women were not a “problem” to be solved that classical development theory continued by development theory; they were active to perpetuate normative gender roles.20 participants that could, if consulted, provide critical analyses of how development was But feminist critiques of classical devel- actually working on the ground. The ques- opment, and what could successfully empower women globally, were divided. Some feminists, later known as the Women in Development (WID) school of thought, argued that current development theories assumed that women could not be active This definition of agents in economic development, and thus completely removed women from develop- “women’s empowerment” ment projects. Employing a liberal feminist approach, WID argued that women were is individualistic, and does equal to men and, therefore, played an not pay attention to the equally important a role in economic devel- opment. To alleviate poverty, and to ulti- ways that women are actu- mately modernise the global South, women ally embedded in various had to be included in development projects.21 systems of oppression. For a second school of thought, known as Women and Development (WAD), simply adding women into development would not solve the underlying issues perpetuat- ing gender inequality, such as patriarchal tion of intent aside, international debates institutions and power hierarchies.22 Further, that began in the global North, such as WID WAD argued that gender, as a social cate- and WAD, could not speak to the everyday gory, operated differently in various contexts. experiences of women living in the global Therefore, any analysis of women’s inequal- South.25 Instead of assuming that all women ity must also analyse the broader sociopo- needed the same things to advance, DAWN litical structure within which certain women argued, development feminists needed to are situated. For many WAD adherents, this pay attention to what women themselves meant a specific focus on women’s historical needed and wanted. The “empowerment relationship to exploitation, and their role approach” was associated with women in the within the sexual division of labour, or the global South having the power to speak back labour responsibilities attributed to men and against top-down development initiatives. women based on normative gender roles.23 Embedded in this concept was the political Closely tied to dominant social feminist demand to challenge dominant structures. 09

The “empowerment approach” meant a it is assumed that women will have all the literal redistribution of power to marginalised necessary “components” to reach gender groups, who were ultimately better equipped equality in the current global system.37 to challenge intersectional oppressions in a way that development theory could not.26 The current conceptualisation of “women’s empowerment” as a development equa- By the mid-1990s, “women’s empower- tion – “add” economic, social, and political ment” became a powerful new buzzword, resources, and “stir” – is ultimately not and an “uncritically accepted goal” not only much different from earlier conceptions of among feminist development practitioners, but global organisations, such as the UN.27 Introduced more formally during the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, “women’s empowerment” quickly became development’s “latest magic bullet,” Current a definitional powerhouse that seemed to encompass all forms of discrimination conceptualization against women.28,29 Women’s empowerment of women’s could mean a variety of things, including access to material resources, women’s rights empowerment to education, and protecting women from gender-based violence.30 For others, such as Naila Kabeer (1994) and Srilatha Batliwala (1993), women’s empowerment also meant a ECONOMIC focus on women’s capacity to make choices for themselves, based on a broader under- RESOURCES standing of their own social contexts.31,32 Gita Sen (1997), drawing from Batliwala, similarly argued that women’s empowerment meant more than control over resources, but a “chang[e] [in] power relations in favour of SOCIAL those who previously exercised little power over their own lives.”33 Empowerment meant RESOURCES “having the capacity and the right to act and have influence.”34

Today, “women’s empowerment” remains a top priority of global development agendas. According to these agendas, such as the POLITICAL Sustainable Development Goals, “women’s RESOURCES empowerment” can be loosely defined as the “process[es] by which women attain auton- omy and self-determination.”35 “Women’s empowerment” is a measure of women’s agency, or their ability to make their own choices and to exercise their own will.36 In “STIR” practice, this has meant a focus on empow- ering women in their everyday lives by increasing their access to economic, social, and political resources. With these resources, 10

change the underlying systems that perpet- uate gender discrimination and other social inequalities. Where international organisa- Problematic tions picked up women’s empowerment as a critically important concept, they stra- assumption in tegically “dropped out” the more radical political demands that require a challenge to international dominant social structures.39 Consequently, organisations’ this definition of “women’s empowerment” is individualistic, and does not pay attention to definitions the ways that women are actually embed- ded in various systems of oppression beyond of women gender, such as race, class, and disability. This is problematic, first, because it assumes empowerment that women are a homogenous social group worldwide who can be “added” into a specific development equation to produce , no matter their attachments to other social categories. Second, this defini- tion of “women’s empowerment” assumes WOMEN that power is an “asset,” or something that can be, “acquired, bestowed, or wielded.”40 This is a simplistic definition of power that singlehandedly maintains current social hierarchies at both the local and global levels. It assumes that power can be “given” DEVELOPMENT by powerful development agencies located EQUATION in the global North to women primarily in the global South, who would otherwise remain “helpless” if not for the help.41,42

This “liberal empowerment” approach is different from a “liberated empowerment” GENDER approach.43 A “liberated empowerment” EQUALITY approach simultaneously challenges power relations both at the practical, or material, level, and at the societal level, a reflec- tion of the more radical political roots of “women’s empowerment,” as it was defined by activists and scholars primarily from the global South.44 It is both a means of achiev- ing social justice, by empowering women the role of gender in development theory economically, socially, and politically, and a and practice.38 The earlier feminist critiques goal in itself to end oppressive power struc- of Kabeer and Batliwala, among others, tures.45 “Liberated empowerment” re-cen- still stand: giving women access to certain tres original feminist critiques that aim resources, though it might alleviate imme- to “question, destabilise and, eventually, diate financial and social needs, will not transform the gender order of patriarchal domination.”46 11

Women’s Political Empowerment and Participation: Another Temporary Special Measure?

The larger debates surrounding “women’s of women in political positions, known as empowerment” are embedded in current descriptive representation, is in many cases definitions of women’s political empower- understood as the gatekeeper to “substan- ment and political participation. For devel- tive representation” – when elected women opment practitioners, women’s political officials begin to advocate for policy that is empowerment is a key indicator of gender gender-sensitive – and “symbolic represen- equality, alongside economic and social tation” – an increasing acceptance of gender empowerment.47 The concept of women’s equality among government officials and the political empowerment is often, however, general public.48 used interchangeably with women’s politi- cal participation, and specifically, women’s More broadly, this approach is reflected in formal political participation. The assumed the international development communi- interchangeability of these two concepts ty’s emphasis on gender mainstreaming as has resulted in a focus on women’s repre- a method for analysing, and ultimately, a sentation in formal political processes strategy for correcting, gender inequality. and positions as the primary indicator of Proponents of gender mainstreaming argue women’s political empowerment. The number that the “underrepresentation of women and the low visibility of women’s perspectives” in political structures is what is causing the continued absence of “women’s perspectives” in policy and law.49 This absence not only worsens gender discrimination, but ulti- The concept of women’s mately perpetuates the conception of poli- tics as a male-dominated arena. Logically, political empowerment therefore, the solution is to increase is often, however, used women’s descriptive representation as a way to fix this imbalance. interchangeably with At the global level, strategies of gender women’s political partic- mainstreaming in politics generally focus ipation, and specifically, on supporting the creation of a women’s quota in electoral bodies, and the creation women’s formal political of a national women’s machinery (NWM).50 The aim of both NWM – a “bureaucratic participation. body whose mandate includes […] increasing gender equality” – and women’s quotas is 12

primarily to institutionalise gender equality a binary between formal and informal poli- by ensuring that women have access to the tics that is continuously reproduced through state apparatus.51,52 These strategies place donor-funded WPP and WPE initiatives. As the primary importance on the state as a one study noted, this has had far-reaching leading actor in achieving gender equality, effects: many of their interviewees, who and assume that changes at the level of the were at one point participants of WPE and state will ultimately “trickle down” to other WPP donor-funded initiatives, believed areas of governance at the municipal and that “true” political participation specifically local levels.53

But the conflation of women’s political empowerment with women’s descrip- tive representation in political positions is problematic for a number of reasons. These The conflation of women’s measures are, again, individualistic and instrumentalist, and do not necessarily take political empowerment with into account the broader social landscape in women’s descriptive represen- which women access political positions and processes.54 Similar to “liberal empowerment” tation in political positions is approaches to women’s empowerment, women’s descriptive representation flattens problematic. These measures the heterogeneity of women as a social are individualistic and instru- category by assuming, first, that institution- alised spaces for women’s political partici- mentalist, and do not neces- pation, such as NWM and women’s quotas, will equally benefit all women. In other words, sarily take into account the they assume that the women elected to broader social landscape in these positions will accurately represent the demands of all women constituents. Second, which women access political they ignore questions concerning “which” women can actually access these positions, positions and processes. which ignores the material and ideological privileges certain women benefit from.55

Further, measuring women’s political empowerment based on the number of meant participating in electoral processes. women in political positions only addresses Their community activism, on the other hand, what Mariz Todros calls “political events” – was identified as non-political.58 such as election cycles, or political candidacy – as opposed to wider definitions of politi- The assumptions underpinning the existing cal participation.56 These specific political literature on women’s political empowerment events prevent a broader analysis of how and participation have direct implications and why women are interacting politically, for donor-funded WPE and WPP initiatives. if at all. A focus on “formal” political events Though the activist definitions of women’s ultimately means the erasure of women’s empowerment originally called for a redistri- political empowerment at times of protest bution of power to women and other margin- and upheaval, as discussed in the introduc- alised groups, current definitions used by tion of this report, and avoids an analysis of international development practitioners have the political events that women undertake in moved away from challenging societal power their daily lives.57 This effectively establishes structures. Instead, they have adopted what 13

Sardenberg calls a “liberal empowerment” of the broader socioeconomic landscape. approach that focuses on empowering Further, the conflation between women’s individual women by giving them access to political empowerment and women’s polit- social, economic, and political resources.59 ical participation has reinforced a focus on While this might alleviate immediate socio- women’s participation in formal politics only. economic concerns for women, it does This narrow definition of women’s political not challenge the underlying systems participation has limited broader conceptu- that maintain gender inequality. Similarly, alisations of women’s political empowerment international development definitions of which, as the next section will demonstrate, women’s political empowerment reflect a has implications for donor-funded WPE and focus on individual women’s empower- WPP initiatives. ment, and consequently lack an analysis 14 15

WPE and WPP Initiatives in Lebanon, 2009-2018

Over the last decade, initiatives targeting A. Increasing women’s descrip- women’s political empowerment and partici- tive representation in formal pation have become a primary area of funding in Lebanon. Yet, little information exists on the political institutions, effectiveness of these initiatives, and whether or not they have translated into tangible gains B. Supporting gender main- for women’s political empowerment. The little streaming in government, research that does exist focuses on women’s descriptive representation in electoral bodies C. Supporting civil society as a primary indicator of the success of these initiatives, specifically the proportion of seats networks and organisations, and held by women in national parliaments.60 In 4some instances, donor publications, such as D. Supporting women voters. program evaluations or reports, can provide important information on WPE and WPP initia- tives; however, it should be acknowledged that A review of WPE and WPP initiatives in these materials often contain implicit biases Lebanon reveals a number of overarching toward the donor and therefore, do not adopt a patterns. Though all four categories are critical analysis toward WPE or WPP initiatives. important for advancing women’s political empowerment and participation, the results In Lebanon, WPE and WPP initiatives can of the mapping exercise conducted in this be loosely organised around several key report show that the overwhelming majority themes that align with current international of funding goes to WPE and WPP initiatives best practices for women’s political empow- that focus on increasing women’s descrip- erment programming:61 tive representation in formal politics. Of the 16

WPE and WPP programming focused on part of the landscape of social justice in supporting women leaders and candidates, various countries, including Lebanon, they all 13 projects discussed in this report were have also been criticised for their role in dedicated to increasing women’s descriptive perpetuating existing socioeconomic hier- representation at the municipal and national archies.64 As formal organisations, NGOs levels. Under the category of “Supporting must participate within the extant social Women,” projects overwhelmingly focused, circumstances; for instance, across the Arab again, on increasing women’s access to region, NGOs must be formally registered political positions (four out of seven projects). These initiatives focus on a range of topics including national- and municipal-level women’s quotas; supporting women lead- ers and political candidates; encouraging women’s participation in political parties; Over the last decade, and focusing on women’s inclusion in munici- initiatives targeting WPE pal government. As discussed in the previous section of this report, the majority of these and WPP have become a initiatives targeting women’s descriptive representation, and beyond, are individual- primary area of funding in istic in nature, and seem to apply a “liberal Lebanon.Yet, little infor- empowerment” approach.62 They focus only on women’s formal political participation, mation exists on the effec- preventing an analysis of broader political processes in which women play a role, and tiveness of these initiatives, assume that an increase in the number of and whether or not they women in political positions will automati- cally result in gender-sensitive policies and a have translated into tangi- wider acceptance of gender equality. ble gains for women’s polit- These initiatives have created what Carmen ical empowerment. Geha calls a “mismatch” between program- matic outcomes and the “real institutional challenges [facing women] in politics” in Lebanon.63 Focusing on individual statistics, such as the number of women in political with the government in order to function. positions and individual women, specifically This registration has undeniably made women leaders and political candidates, many NGOs subject to government surveil- does not actually challenge the underlying lance, which has contributed to the dilution systems of gender inequality that make it so of more radical social justice demands.65 hard for women to enter the political sphere This is part of a larger process known as in the first place. “professionalisation,” in which NGOs orga- nise themselves internally to reflect those Moreover, these initiatives are often imple- bureaucratic qualities that international mented by local non-government organ- donors and governments require in order isations (NGO). This assumes that, first, to be acknowledged as a successful and women more often than not depend on well-functioning organisation.66 This is most NGOs to voice their concerns, and second, clearly seen in relation to the grant-fund- that NGOs are the best modality for imple- ing process, and the overall competition menting WPE and WPP initiatives. Though between various NGOs to secure such NGOs are, in many ways, an important funding. NGOs must be “qualified” to 17

receive these grants, something that is determines the internal structures of NGOs, determined entirely by the donor organ- but also contributes to the ways that NGOs isation. For many donors, this means choose which issues to focus on, and how having the “right” staff, in other words, to articulate them in their work.69 highly educated staff who have special- ised in certain issues or topics.67 In some Finally, many of the initiatives highlighted instances, donors will continue to work below focus on “political events,” such as specifically with certain NGOs which, as the 2016 municipal elections and the 2018 some research shows, are often “the most parliamentary elections. The short duration institutionalised, [or] headed by well-known of these political events often means short- figures.”68 NGOs are also often required to term WPE and WPP initiatives, which are have on-staff budgetary expertise, to have incapable of producing sustainable, long- access to a bank, and to be able to produce term change.70 Donors should ensure that financial records, things that activists and they can effectively engage in local contexts social movements, especially, and even for a significant amount of time, and that smaller NGOs, are usually unable to provide, they have the resources to maintain a flexi- effectively blocking them from receiving ble programmatic approach so that they can such funding. This “project logic” not only make changes as the project demands.71

Though demands for a women’s quota have been rejected in Lebanon since 2009, inter- A. Increasing national donors continued to fund WPE and WPP initiatives on the issue. According to Women’s a 2016 review of the work conducted by 65 NGOs working on issues related to women’s Descriptive political empowerment, the National Commission of Lebanese Women (NCLW) noted that approximately 21 continued to Representation make demands for women’s quotas not only at the parliamentary level, but also at the municipal level and in the judiciary.73 Women’s Quotas In 2017, the United Nations Development Increasing women’s descriptive representa- Programme (UNDP) Lebanese Elections tion in Lebanon has taken shape through a Assistance Project (LEAP), in collaboration continued push to institutionalise a women’s with Women in Front (WIF) and funded by parliamentary quota. A women’s quota in the IE Med, conducted an awareness campaign national parliament in Lebanon would, ideally, on the gender imbalances and inequality reserve seats for women in parliament and, in Lebanese politics, and emphasised the as a byproduct, force political parties to importance of institutionalizing a women’s allocate seats on party lists to women.72 quota.74 The project created two animated 18

clips that highlighted some of the contro- targeted support to elected women officials versies surrounding women’s quotas, and in Lebanon, alongside Jordan and Palestine, presented arguments in favour of the quota as part of its program “Strengthening as a “temporary measure to get us back on Women in Decision-Making in the Middle track.”75 That same year, the UNDP, as part East” (LEAD) since 2015 as part of its regional of its “Technical Support to the Lebanese Special Initiative for Stabilisation in North Parliament” project, in collaboration with the Africa and the . While no approx- Women in Parliament coalition, established imate budget was listed on GIZ’s website, a the “National Coalition to Promote Women’s German government report verified that Political Representation.”76,77 Collectively, this in 2016, a “3.3 million EUR top-up” was coalition developed a set of demands relative awarded for programming in all three project to a women’s quota that was later reviewed sites.80 The program established a Regional and approved by the NCLW. These recom- Mentoring Project, which brought together 12 mendations were later presented in the form established women council members with 12 of a draft law proposal to include “gender” in mentees, or “women having more experience new electoral laws, and were submitted to in politics or local administration.”81 These the Office of the Minister of State for Women meetings centered around an agenda driven Affairs (OMSWA) for adoption.78 by the mentee, which might include “tech- nical and administrative matters,” or, as a Similarly, a US Agency for International council member from Algahzya municipality Development (USAID) project entitled noted, discussing how issues such as gender Women’s Leadership as a Route to Greater and sex, and age, often negatively impact Empowerment, known as “Women in Power,” women council members’ abilities to work in also worked to support the adoption of a local government.82 The project also included gender quota in Lebanon. With support from a regional meeting between the members of the National Democratic Institute (NDI), each mentoring network in Lebanon, Jordan, the project, according to a review docu- and Palestine, where many of the participants ment, “assisted a major civil society coalition vouched for the usefulness of the program. with strategic planning for a gender quota As Ghada Ghanim, a municipal council campaign that engaged with high-ranking member in Sagben claimed, “I have always government and municipal officials.”79 [wished] that there was someone to provide some guidance [on municipal work] based on a prior knowledge and experience.”83 Women Leaders and GIZ’s LEAD program also included targeted Political Candidates support to its partner organisations in Funding to support women leaders and polit- Lebanon, the Ministry of Social Affairs ical candidates in Lebanon has also become (MoSA), the NCLW, and the Lebanese an important focus for international donors. Organisation for Studies and Training (LOST). In light of the new electoral law (2018) and This support included activities to, according ahead of the 2018 parliamentary elections, to GIZ’s website, “implement[t] gender audits donors emphasised the continued need in municipalities” and to operationalise audit not only for capacity-building, but for the results in local ministries and government production of toolkits and other resources offices.84 GIZ conducted trainings to approxi- for women candidates to access in prepa- mately 5-7 participants in Lebanon, certifying ration for the elections. The German devel- them to conduct formal Participatory Gender opment organisation Deutsche Gesellschaft Audits (PGAs). As of late 2018, these trained für Internationale Zusammenarbeit GmbH facilitators were “in the process of conducting (GIZ), with funding from the German Federal PGAs in three major political parties,” along- Ministry for Economic Cooperation and side PGAs in primary line ministries.85 Development (BMZ), has been providing 19

In 2017, WIF, with funding from the Embassy Network 2017” and the “Candidates of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Network 2018.” In partnership with WIF, the Lebanon, established the Counselling Office Candidates Network 2017 conducted train- for Women in Politics (COWP) to provide ings in eight different regions (Akkar, Tripoli, “continuous support and guidance” to women Beirut, Nabatieh, Baalbak, Zahle, Zouk candidates ahead of the 2018 parliamen- Mikael, and Aley) to build women’s capacity tary elections in the form of an advisory to participate as political candidates in the council of experts and political coaches, and 2018 parliamentary elections.88 The trainings additional resources on electoral laws and focused on the following issues: the women’s procedures. The project’s objectives included, quota and temporary special measures according to the Women in Front webpage, (TSMs); information required to run for a increasing women candidates’ “knowledge parliamentary election; how to develop a [of] political life and elections” through successful electoral campaign; and how to six days of training sessions; six days of build alliances and successfully network. one-on-one support, provided by the Approximately 340 women took part in the project’s advisory council; and through the trainings. In partnership with UN Women creation of the counselling office.86 and WIF, the Candidates Network 2018 conducted additional eight informational sessions in eight different regions, including Rayfoun, Sin El Fil, Chtaura, Tripoli, Saida, Zgharta, Baakline, and Beirut. As the UNDP LEAP Annual Report 2018 notes, of the 302 Focusing on individual participants in the Candidates Network 2018, statistics, such as the 23 ran for the 2018 parliamentary elections, number of women in politi- a major success for the project.89 Similarly, the NDI, in partnership with the cal positions and individual Westminster Foundation for Democracy women, does not actually (WFD), organised a “political boot camp” for potential first-time women candidates for challenge the underlying the parliamentary elections. systems of gender inequal- In parallel, between 2016 and 2017, WIF, with ity that make it so hard for funding from the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), developed the “Women women to enter the politi- Decision Makers” initiative. A two-part proj- ect, the overall objective focused on develop- cal sphere in the first place. ing the political skillsets of both independent and politically-affiliated women to ultimately encourage them to run for political office. According to WIF’s website, the project was The UNDP’s LEAP project continues to be organised into two phases: the first phase one of the primary donors for women’s included selecting 120 Lebanese women to political empowerment programming in undergo a three-day training to “strengthen” Lebanon. LEAP is funded by the European their capacity to “hold public and deci- Union (EU), the USAID, the United Kingdom, sion making positions.” During the second and the UNDP. The project, which ended on phase, 25 participants, “selected based on December 31, 2019, had an approved budget their political program to address specific of 11,576,019.30 USD.87 In 2017 and 2018, national issues” would then continue with a UNDP LEAP established the “Candidates six-day training, in addition to the first round 20

of training on topics such as policymaking, promoted women’s participation across geopolitical knowledge, communication skills, a variety of media platforms, specifically and conflict resolution.90 political news segments, as a way of increas- ing public awareness of women’s political A large focus has also been on increas- capacities.93 “Women do Politics – Part 2” ing women’s visibility as potential political expanded the scope of Part 1 through 16 leaders and candidates. This body of work various activities, including capacity-build- aims to deconstruct current stereotypes that ing for potential candidates in the 2018 conceive of women as less capable than their parliamentary elections; the creation of an male counterparts to participate in Lebanese online platform containing the information politics. In particular, these initiatives tend to of all women parliamentary candidates; focus on increasing women’s visibility across and the production of multiple political talk various media platforms, such as televi- shows featuring these women candidates sion advertisements and news segments, on Lebanese prime-time television stations, and social media. In 2017-2018, the Search such as LBCI, OTV, and MTV.94 for Common Ground launched its “Gender Sensitive Public Communications Project” in Similarly, USAID’s “Women in Power” partnership with ABAAD-Resource Centre for supported elected women with specific Gender Equality. The project aimed to raise capacity-building trainings. According to awareness of women’s political capabilities an annual report, these trainings includ- through a number of media products (drama ing “communication and media relations; and short films) designed for television.91 community outreach and mobilisation; The project included a number of activities, administrative and budget procedures; and such as two workshops dedicated to the management and leadership,” with the use of drama and media for social change (a aim to make these women legislators more three-day and one-day workshop, respec- effective.95 tively); a competition for university students In 2015, ABAAD-Resource Centre for Gender to submit scripts for short films to be aired Equality, in collaboration with the National on the Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation Committee for the Follow up of Women’s International network (LBCI), following their Issues (CFUWI) and Oxfam, and with fund- completion of a training on gender and public ing from the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign communications; the production of two Affairs, developed the “LANA HAQ” project. mini-series – “3a Ras El-Ley7a” (On top of the This project aimed to challenge Lebanese List) and “W Iza Ken Mara” (So what if it was perceptions of women’s political participa- a Woman) – that were aired on Al-Jadeed; tion through a number of social experiments, and, finally, the creation of the website “Qalb such as the “Parking for Men Only” experi- El Soura,” launched on International Women’s ment, and by mobilizing “change-makers” to Day, to promote the media materials devel- advocate for women’s political participation oped during the project. The two miniseries in Lebanon.96 both portrayed women protagonists who are pushed to run for the parliamentary elections: Also in 2015, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung the first woman, a social worker; and the (KAS) funded a project, with support from second, a paediatrician. While both miniseries the Governor of Baalbek-Hermel, and the did attract viewers, Al-Jadeed reported that Lebanese Organisation of Studies and both series faired “medium” in comparison to Trainings (LOST), titled “Promoting Women’s other miniseries on the channel.92 Role in Political Participation in Baalbek.”97 The project’s aims included “empowering” In 2016 and 2017, with the support of the women to become “proactively involved in British Embassy, WIF launched the initiative the local decision-making processes” by “Women do Politics – Part 1.” The program training approximately 80 women over 21

the course of two months. An article on LOST’s website noted that “by expanding Women in Political [women’s] knowledge and acquiring useful Parties skills through trainings, the local partici- WPE and WPP initiatives targeting women’s pation of women in the municipal elections descriptive representation have also focused will increase.”98 on increasing women’s presence in politi- cal parties, and their political candidacies. In 2013, WIF launched the program “Media In 2017, the Hivos Women Empowered for Supporting Women Leaders: Woman Towards Leadership Program (WE4L),102 funded by the Parliament.” The project, in collaboration Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands with the Ministry of Information and the Funding Leadership and Opportunities for SMART Centre, included a two-part aware- Women (FLOW) Programme, developed the ness campaign: the first included a media Participatory Gender Audit (PGA) initiative strategy that highlighted the current women that targeted political parties.103 Implemented leaders and experts in Lebanon, and the by the Lebanese Association for Democratic second component developed a “directory” Elections (LADE), the PGA analysed politi- of women experts for distribution to news cal parties’ sensitivity to gender through an and media outlets. The media strategy, analysis of party regulations and practices. which featured a number of these women By the end of 2017, both the Free Patriotic leaders and experts, encouraged women to Movement and the run for political positions.99 committed to the PGA.104 As WE4L’s annual report for 2017 notes, however, political Earlier in 2009, a USAID project as parties were hard to mobilise in favour of the part of the Consortium for elections PGA; as a result, WE4L altered its strategy to and Political Process Strengthening work more closely with women political party (CEPPS) implemented a program titled members, who are better able to mobilise “Strengthening Citizen Participation in from the inside.105 Municipal Elections.”100 Implemented by the International Foundation for With support from UNDP LEAP, UN Women, Electoral Services (IFES) and the National and the EU, the OMSWA supported a work- Democratic Institute (NDI), the project shop discussion between six political parties ran for nearly two years, from December (Future Movement, , 2009 to December 2011, with an approved , Progressive Socialist budget of 2.3 million USD. Though a focus Party, , and ) on on “women’s empowerment” was listed how to support women’s candidacies for the as second in program reports, the project 2018 parliamentary elections.106 Each of the focused heavily on building the capacities political parties was given the opportunity of potential female candidates ahead of to address women’s roles therein, and their the municipal elections. According to one plans for supporting women candidates project report, 14 of 30 women who worked ahead of the election. This discussion was with the program won seats on munici- part of a larger program supporting the pal councils. Further, the project taught OMSWA to develop a strategy to increase approximately 120 women councillors women’s political participation and empow- about “communication, media, community erment in Lebanon. outreach and mobilisation, municipality administrative and budget procedures, and Similarly, in 2018, the WE4L program local development strategy.”101 The project supported one of its local partners, LADE, also established a new website, Shariky, who hosted a pre-parliamentary election that served as a networking platform for roundtable discussion with women from women leaders and candidates. various political parties (Ahrar, Free Patriotic 22

Movement, Future Movement, Kataeb, training for approximately 31 women from Lebanese Forces, Progressive Party, Syrian various political parties, and focused on Socialist National Party).107 issues such as the current electoral system, women’s quotas, and women’s political In 2016, UNDP LEAP organised the Gender representation more broadly.108 and Elections BRIDGE (Building Resources in Democracy, Governance, and Elections)

project, which provided technical support to NCLW, its primary beneficiary, over a two-year B. Gender period (2015-2017). The project budget of 800,000 EUR contributed to activities Mainstreaming supporting NCLW’s capacity to strengthen its network of government stakeholders, specif- in the ically Gender Focal Points (GFPs) across line ministries, and to develop its ability to advo- cate for a women’s parliamentary quota. The Government project resulted in a number of important outcomes. First, NCLW conducted a gender audit at the Ministry of Culture and at the Supporting National Civil Service Board, and identified the need for additional training for GFPs, which was Women’s Machineries provided with project funds. Second, NCLW Support to Lebanon’s national women’s brought together a coalition of 150 Civil machinery, the National Commission for Society Organisations (CSOs) that is known as Lebanese Women (NCLW), has also increased the “Women for Politics” coalition.110,111 with the aim of supporting women’s political empowerment and participation. Funding to NCLW usually takes the form of capac- Supporting the Office of ity-building and technical support, given NCLW’s mandate to direct and ultimately the Minister of State for lead state actions toward gender equality. In Women Affairs 2016-2017, NCLW received technical support Gender mainstreaming in the government from a number of UN agencies, including UN goes beyond formal support to national Women, UNDP, the UN Economic and Social women’s machineries. Established in 2016, Commission of Western Asia (ESCWA), and the OMSWA became the focus of donor- the UN Interim Force in Lebanon.109 funded, capacity-building initiatives. In 2017, the UNDP signed into agreement a new The EU, under its Promoting Social Justice in partnership with the OMSWA as part of a Lebanon program, funded the “Gender Equity project entitled “Technical Support to the and Empowerment of Women in Lebanon” 23

Office of the Minister of State for Women The video ran with the catch phrase, ,or, “half of society ”نص المجتمع، نص البرلمان“ Affairs.”112 The aim of the project was to develop “concrete steps and performance half of the parliament,” and noted that “for indicators” for the OMSWA to measure your voice to make a change, you should be its performance toward increasing gender in the parliament.”115 equality and “mainstreaming the role of women in national processes.”113 As part With support from the EU’s Social Justice of UNDP LEAP programming, OMSWA Programme in Lebanon under the project received support to draft and implement a DAWRIC: Direct Action for Women: Reform, roadmap with the aim to increase the role of Inclusion and Confidence, 25 representatives Lebanese women in the 2018 parliamentary from the OMSWA, the Ministry of Social elections.114 Over two years (2017-2018), Affairs (MoSA), the NCLW, and the national with funding from the EU and UN Women coalition “Women for Politics,” participated Lebanon, UNDP LEAP supported OMSWA, in a three-day training called “Effective as part of this roadmap, to develop a set of Communication with the Media,” led by political alternatives to a women’s quota to Maharat Foundation. This training aimed increase women’s political participation. As to provide these organisations with a better part of this roadmap, UNDP LEAP supported understanding of gender issues and women’s the OMSWA to develop a public awareness rights, and “provided them with the necessary campaign that was divided into three phases principles, tips, and tools to improve their skills reflecting three key messages, all promoting to effectively communicate with the media.”116 women’s increased political participation.

these networks to mobilise for change across various sectors in Lebanon. The “Women in C. Supporting Parliament” coalition is one such example. Launched in 2012 by Victoria Zwein and a Civil Society few Lebanese activists and CSOs, some of which had been working closely with the Networks and National Democratic Institute (NDI), the coalition continues to lobby for a women’s quota at the national level. As part of its Organisations work to increase women’s access to political positions, the committee receives techni- Support to CSOs and networks has also cal support and training from international been an important area of focus for inter- donors such as the National Democratic national donors dedicated to promoting Institute.117 In 2015, the coalition partici- women’s political empowerment and partic- pated in a high-level meeting with Lebanese ipation. Specifically, funding has focused parliamentarians to discuss drafting a new on encouraging collaboration between law enforcing a women’s quota, and, in 2016, Lebanese CSOs, and building the capacity of launched a campaign that advocated for a 24

30% women’s quota in the newly elected project name DAWRIC. This programming cabinet.118,119 In 2017, the coalition pledged focused on developing women’s organisations’ to support another campaign for a women’s abilities to produce evidence-based data, parliamentary quota, this time led by WIF, and conduct projects and activities directly in partnership with the European Women’s based on these research findings. DAWRIC Lobby and with funding from the EU.120 provided capacity building sessions to 200 participants, 75% of which were women, on In 2016, the British Council funded such research-based activities and, as a and supported the development of the result, received 16 different action projects, “50-50 Coalition: Women Participation in with budgets ranging between 7,500 and Municipal Elections” campaign, in collabo- 10,000 USD. These projects, according to ration with numerous women’s rights NGOs the British Council’s website, focus primarily in Lebanon, who collectively lobbied for on vocational training (sewing, culinary arts, women’s equal representation in municipal secretarial and computer skills, and English elections and positions.121 language training) and, according to a partic- ipant in the social action project implemented Ahead of the 2018 parliamentary elections, by the non-profit organisation Voix de la the British Council launched its Social Action Femme Libanaise in Chiyah, “give [women] grants, which are funded by the EU’s Social strength, will, and show us [that] women have Justice Programme in Lebanon under the a role in [public] life.”122

project, which was active from September 2016 to September 2018, was implemented in D. Supporting 22 towns across four different governorates in Lebanon, and recruited 21 municipalities Women Voters to participate in the project.124 With a budget of 989,786.03 EUR, the project was funded under the EU’s Social Justice Programme Supporting women voters can take various in Lebanon. The project was expansive, and forms but almost always focuses on capac- included a wide range of activities, including ity-building and training for women. These 160 gender sensitisation sessions, with the trainings can range from training on the new aim to reach approximately 4,500 women electoral law, to training on engaging in local and men in the 22 identified villages; entre- policy-making processes. In collaboration preneurship trainings for an initial group of with the Committee for the Follow-up on 21 women; the establishment of a “Change Women Issues and the Maharat Foundation, Makers” network, which consists of gender with funding from the EU, the British Council activists, who are considered active partici- implemented the DAWRIC program. DAWRIC pants in their local communities; and, finally, focuses on empowering women within their DAWRIC pledged to fund 21 different Social own communities, and specifically targets Action projects, and to create women’s poverty and gender inequality in political committees in each of the participating life and decision-making processes.123 The 25

municipalities.125,126 Hened Haddad, repre- project-related costs, excluding overhead, senting the municipality of Chekka, noted in Lebanon amounted to approximately that DAWRIC trainings “gave [her] the confi- 1,081,306 EUR. The aim of WE4L’s program- dence” to establish a women’s committee. ming works along two simultaneous tracks, Similarly, Nina Roustom, representing the the first seeks to “ensure women have equal municipality of Mejdleya, reported that the opportunities and the capacity to fully partic- “experience had been an awakening [and] that ipate in political life and decision-making those who took part in those sessions are processes,” while the second aims to “create indeed ready for change.”127 more public recognition and support for women in leadership positions.”131 According Ahead of the 2018 Parliamentary elections, to WE4L’s Theory of Change, it is only by UNDP LEAP created and circulated a number addressing the issue of women’s limited polit- of videos across various social media plat- ical participation through both a top-down forms, local news websites, and television and bottom-up approach that WE4L can be with the “aim to enhance the meaningful the most effective in Lebanon.132 participation of women – as voters [and] candidates – in the upcoming elections.”128 In a 2013-2014 initiative entitled “Sure, She the National Democratic ,(اكيد فيا) ”The four videos, all produced in Arabic with Can English subtitles, focused on the following Institute (NDI), in collaboration with the Arab topics, respectively: “Introduction to the new Centre for Development, MARCH, and WIF, electoral law 44/2017”; “Who is eligible to organised a year-long program to enhance vote?”; “How to Run?”; and “Official ballot women’s ability to participate in “policy papers,” which contained information on advocacy and strategic thinking.”133 pre-printed ballot papers, how to fill them out, and how to identify invalid ballots.129 Funding also increased ahead of the 2016 municipal elections. In 2016, UNDP LEAP, In 2018, the International Foundation for with funding from the EU and in partner- Electoral Systems (IFES), in collaboration ship with the National Democratic Institute with ABAAD-Resource Centre for Gender (NDI) and WIF, conducted capacity-building Equality and the Lebanese Union for People trainings and information sessions for local with Physical Disabilities, launched its Lebanese women as part of its program “Identify, Interpret and Respond” project to entitled “Lebanese Women in Municipalities.” encourage gender equitable political partici- These trainings focused on encouraging pation and to prevent voter discrimination.130 local women to run as candidates in the upcoming municipal elections, and reached Hivos’s WE4L program, which began in 2016 approximately 600 women across Jounieh, and will end in 2020, continues to provide Aley, Beirut, Chtaura, Tyr, Tripoli, and Halba, support to women voters and leaders across where the sessions were conducted.134 As various sectors, including politics, profes- one participant is quoted saying in UNDP sional trade unions, and CSOs. Funded by Lebanon’s publication “365 days of a Gender the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Journey: Stories from UNDP Lebanon,” these and operating with a budget of approxi- sessions helped her to “regain [her] enthu- mately 15 million EUR, the project spans five siasm and courage…[and] motivated [her] countries (Jordan, Lebanon, Malawi, Zambia, to run for elections again, especially after and Zimbabwe), and in Lebanon, includes listening to the testimonials of women who five implementing partners: LADE, Maharat, won the local elections in 2010.”135 Lebanon Support, the Arab Foundation for Freedoms and Equality (AFE), and the NCLW. Also in 2016, UNDP LEAP conducted an While no figures exist for project expendi- awareness media campaign entitled “Women tures in Lebanon during year three (2018), in Municipalities 2016.” Through multiple 26

billboard advertisements, posters and flyers, WIF also conducted earlier work with and LED spread across Greater Beirut and women in preparation for the 2016 munic- beyond, the campaign encouraged women to ipal elections, as part of its “Women in run as candidates in the upcoming munici- Municipalities” project funded by MEPI. In pal elections and equally encouraged voters 2014, this 12-month project worked closely to support women candidates.136,137 Under with 300 women in Lebanon, of which 70 the broader EU-funded framework “Gender were provided “extensive professional train- Equity and Empowerment of Women in ing” on issues such as municipal and national Lebanon,” the NCLW also participated in law, budgeting, leadership skills, electoral this awareness media campaign, and led campaigning, media visibility, and public the development of a short documentary speaking.139 As Sarah Abdallah, a candi- film called “Women in Municipalities,” which date in the 2016 municipal elections, noted interviewed not only government officials, about the trainings while she was a guest but also Lebanese citizens, inquiring about on the talk show Baynetna, “because [our women’s roles in municipal government trainers] had such an extensive background affairs. As one interviewee noted, “women working in municipalities… we were able to are beneficial and can surely work just as learn to [reclaim] our legitimate [positions] in well as any man” in municipal government.138 Lebanese public space.”140 27

Analysis and Conclusion

The selection of WPE and WPP initiatives in order to encourage women’s political discussed above, though not an exhaustive participation. Because of the overwhelm- list, provides a solid foundation from which ing focus on the formal political arena, and to analyse current trends within WPE and consequently, women’s access to positions WPP funding and interventions in Lebanon. with political decision-making power, current Most importantly, WPE and WPP inter- programming has continued to perpetuate ventions in Lebanon have perpetuated a programming that focuses not only on the classical definition of what can be consid- same skillsets, but the same information, in ered “political.” The focus of these projects order to successfully participate in politics. on women leaders, women voters, women Projects, thus, seem to repeat themselves candidates and officials, and women working in terms of content and focus. In Lebanon, closely with government offices and person- this was arguably the case in the two-year nel collectively reinforces the idea that there period leading up to the 2018 parliamen- is a specific site, or place, where “politics” tary elections. UNDP LEAP, in partnership takes place. This counters a more nuanced with OMSWA, the United Nations Entity for conceptualisation of politics as constituted Gender Equality and the Empowerment of by both formal and informal political actions, Women, and the EU, organised a six-day and restricts the definition of what is consid- training in February 2018 where women, ered as political to the electoral moment. whether affiliated with political parties Further, it assumes that actions can only be or with civil society, were trained on “the classified as political once they are identi- electoral system and actors in the electoral 5fied as such. Doubtless, a woman running process… the components of a successful for a position in a municipal government is a electoral campaign… and were provided with political act, but as Mariz Tadros has written, practical tools” for forming their electoral such a narrow definition of what “counts” campaign teams.142 Trainings on the new as political prevents an analysis of women electoral law, and managing a successful as political agents over time and instead, political campaign, were also administered foregrounds women’s political trajectory as to participants in the Candidates Network merely a set of sporadic “events” instead of 2017 and 2018, supported by UNDP LEAP and an iterative social process.141 WIF.143 Ahead of the 2016 municipal elec- tions, both UNDP LEAP and WIF, with funding A narrow definition of what counts as a polit- from MEPI, implemented training programs ical event or action also prevents an analysis whose aim was to encourage women to run of what types of support are actually needed as candidates. Though the testimonials from 28

project participants, as they were recorded assumptions, including questions of who, or on donor and partner websites, positively what, “defines” women’s issues, and how regarded these trainings, the popularity of descriptive representation implies that all such capacity-building trainings speaks to women share the same concerns and, more Carmen Geha’s claim that WPE and WPP importantly, put their identities as women projects assume that Lebanese women, ahead of their identities within political, given the right information, might be able social, and religious groups, to name a few. to effectively run for municipal and national government-level positions.144 For example, the continued focus on training women about how to run a successful political campaign seems to take for granted that even with this knowledge, there exist sociocultural barriers By focusing on traditional that effectively bar women from even enter- ing the formal political arena, let alone pursu- conceptualisations of what ing political candidacy. Instead of challenging counts as political partic- these structural barriers, such programming depends on a “learn more” approach, or a ipation, current WPE and focus on each individual woman’s capacity WPP programming risks as a reflection of her own knowledge of the electoral landscape in Lebanon.145 minimizing the role that

This individualistic focus is reflected in other women are actually playing facets of WPE and WPP programs, as well. in politics in the country. Specifically, the interventions that claimed to raise awareness about the current socio- cultural barriers preventing women’s political participation seemed to only focus on these barriers within the formal political arena. For Similar to mainstream development under- example, in the short videos produced by standings of women’s empowerment, WPE UNDP LEAP as part of their “Half of Society, and WPP programs in Lebanon seem to Half of Parliament,” campaign, there is no employ a liberal conception of equality. They mention of the structural, cultural, and mate- argue that the political arena is available to rial barriers preventing women from partic- women: they just need the right resources ipating in politics more broadly, let alone and the right support in order to reach running a successful parliamentary campaign. formal political positions and processes. It is, therefore, simply a matter of getting women Increasing women’s descriptive represen- into these positions. From this perspective, tation, or the number of women who hold capacity building workshops and trainings, political positions, or participate in formal high-level conference, and media campaigns politics, seemed to be the driving focus of promoting women’s political participation all many of the WPE and WPP initiatives anal- make sense. The more women are trained on ysed in this report. But this, in and of itself, the current electoral law, the more women will cannot guarantee women’s substantive be empowered to run for political office. The representation. That is, simply increasing more women voters are made aware of voter the number of women in formal political regulations and restrictions, the more women positions cannot guarantee that “women’s will turn up at local polling stations. And issues,” more broadly, will be taken more finally, the more the Lebanese public is inun- seriously by the Lebanese government, dated with images of women participating in specifically.146 As Krook (2012) notes, this politics, the sooner they will come to accept logic presents a number of problematic women as equally-capable political actors. 29

What is striking is that within this logic, risks minimizing the role that women are there is no room for the radical definition actually playing in politics in the country. of “empowerment” that seeks to challenge The increasing visibility of women as leaders reigning power hierarchies that are at the across the current revolutionary protests foundation of gender and social inequali- in Lebanon challenges the notion that ties. This perspective fails to engage with women’s political empowerment can only women’s limited political empowerment be measured by women’s participation in and its ties and interlinkages with women’s the formal political arena. It is these women, economic and social empowerment, and specifically, who are working to break down to address the contextual factors linked to the current status quo in real time, and women’s political empowerment and that articulating how women’s political partici- vary not only between municipalities, but pation can help to move Lebanon toward a between towns. And finally, this approach radically just future. Without attention to includes little discussion on the current these political processes outside the realm system of power relations and women’s own of formal politics, WPE and WPP interven- implications in it, which might give an advan- tions contribute to widen the gap between tage to women affiliated with one political a more institutionalised approach of “doing group over another. politics” and broader social movements, hence they remain locked in an inflexible Finally, by focusing on traditional conceptu- model of women’s political participation alisations of what counts as political partic- that does not accurately portray women’s ipation, current WPE and WPP programming political empowerment. 30 Endnotes

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© Lebanon Support. Beirut, January 2020.

This report is published in partnership with HIVOS through the Women Empowered for Leadership (WE4L) programme, funded by the Netherlands Foreign Ministry FLOW fund.

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