Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction After the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001

・Article・ Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction after the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001

Miwa Kanetani

1. Introduction

The purpose of this article is to examinewhat happened to communities in Bhuj, the district capital of Kachchh, when people in the stricken areas were relocated after the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001. On the morning of 26 January 2001-Republic Day-a massiveearthquake measuring magnitude 6.9 on the Richter scale struck Kachchh in the western part of Gujarat. Final reports counted 16,500 dead (around 14,000 in Kachchh). Hundreds of thousands of people lost their homes. I had carried out fieldworkon textile and Muslim artisans for a period of more than one year in Bhuj. I had left the town thirteen months earlier, after I finished gathering data for my doctoral thesis. I was shocked to find out that there were 2,370 fatalities in Bhuj, and that another 3,187 people were critically injured. Inspectors assessedthat 11,036 houses had completelycollapsed, and another 27,617were listed as partially collapsed [BHADA 2003: 4]. In May 2001, I managed to return to Kachchh for ten days to see how my "family" and friends were faring. Flattened Bhuj was hardly recognizable.I was unable to return to Kachchh until October 2003, which marked the beginning of a seriesof visitsin 2004 and 20051 to study the reconstructionprocess. Kachchh has long been susceptible to drought, cyclones and other types of natural calamity, and its nomadic people have found ways of adjusting to the seasonal cycle.

金谷美和 Miwa Kanetani Author: JSPS Research Fellow,National Museum of Ethnology Subject: Cultural anthropology Articles: "Veils-Creating Boundaries between Hindus and Muslims in India: A Case Study in Kachchh, Gujarat in Cultural Anthropology, 70(1):77-98,2005.(in Japanse) "Tie-Dyed Cloth production as " Handicraft": Dyer's Adaptation to Change in Demand for Indian Textiles" in Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology, 29(3): 429-466.(in Japanese) 52 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 18, 2006

Although Kachchh had previously been struck by great earthquakes in 1819 and 1957, the earthquake of 2001 was different because news of the calamity was broadcast all over the world, and national and international aid for reconstruction was forthcoming. Recovery from disaster is usually slow and it is easy to imagine how the wrong types of remediesare applieddue to political expediency.Oliver-Smith has suggestedthat relief and reconstruction can be seen as being far more destructive to the social, moral, economic, and environmental fabric of an area than the physical damage wrought by an earthquake. After large-scale devastation,the rehabilitation and reconstruction process may continue for generationsbeyond those who sufferedthe original disaster.Development "programs", bringing with them a tribe of experts working on "projects",may become durable fixtures in the social landscape[Oliver-Smith 1996: 313-314]. Fiveyears have alreadypassed since the earthquake in Kachchh, and each time I go there I feel that the place is changing in both material and social terms. There are three types of studies of post-disaster processes in general. First, there are studiesof post-disaster social change.2 In such studies,hazards and catastrophesare regarded as instruments of change in the structure and organization of societies. Ethnographic fieldwork clearlyreveals that disaster affects religion and ritual, economics and politics, and kinship and association.Oliver-Smith describeshow the politico-economicstructure of Yungai city in the Andes totally changed during reconstruction [Oliver-Smith 1992]. Some historical studieshave traced the aftermath of disaster and shown that the changes set off by the social responseto calamity can take decadesto unfold.3 Secondly,there are studies that look at the details of the rehabilitation processwith the purpose of evaluatingthe rehabilitation ofvictims. Recent disasterprevention studies4 have given new emphasis on the importance of considering how to mitigate risk and disaster damage, and taking into account social factorsin the disasterhazard area. Contribution of anthropologicalstudies to disastermanagement is discussed[Oliver-Smith 1996] and there is a possibility that these studies may be useful for disaster management.' Ethnography is advocated as an important method for analyzing disaster process in disaster prevention studies [Tanaka et al. 2000; Shigekawa2005]. Thirdly, there are studies about what the experienceof disasterbrings to those affected by it. For example, in a study based in the Philippines, Shimizu gives an account of how a minority group developed an identity, gained recognition, and negotiated with developmentagencies concerning what kind of reconstructionthey wanted after a disaster [Shimizu 2003]. Simpson's study presents a victim's narrative and identifies resurgence and subsequent diminishing of regionalism in Kachchh after the earthquake [Simpson 2005]. Other interesting studies deal with collectivememories of disaster [Terada 2004] and representationsof disaster [Hoffman 1999]. Disasters have been subject to little anthropological study.6Many disaster studies, however, have made it clear that the effects of disaster are as deeply embedded in the social structure of a societyas they are in the environment [Hayashi 2005: 2]. According Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction after the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001 53 to Hayashi, disaster can be understood as human experience,and anthropologicalmethod such as writing ethnography (including interviews, collection of life-histories and life- stories) is suitable for understanding individual experiences of disaster [Hayashi 2005: 5]. In this article, I considerthe processof reconstructionafter the disasterin Bhuj, focusing in particular on the ways in which each of the residents rebuilt their lives by employingthe resources availableto them. I also point out the fact that Bhuj town is gradually losing its atmosphere of community harmony as a result of choices made by individualswho want to reconstruct better lives.The fact that the government and NGOs have made caste a channel for resources greatly influences individual choices. In the case of Bhuj, even though neighborhood groups and caste associations both play important roles in local life, the government and NGOs have neglectedliaison with the neighborhood groups and relied only on caste associations to carry out relocation from the damaged walled town to the suburbs of Bhuj. The way this relocation from the walled town was carried out led to uni-caste-exclusivehousing colonies scattered around the suburbs. Relocation has concentrated residence in areas based on caste and religion. This socio-spatial rearrangement has torn apart the former cross-religiousneighborhood relationships. I employedthe following methods in this article to argue what I have mentioned above. I referred to the library of local newspapersin order to get an overall picture of the process of rehabilitation. I carefully read through the articles regarding town planning of Bhuj with help of my assistant.At the same time, I conducted long interviewswith individuals. Among these I particularlyspent a long time with 5 persons.I distributed questionnairesto 46 people livingin slums.' I also asked about the experiencesof some other people through informal conversationswhich I have included in my discussion. It isdifficult even to graspwhat is happening in situations of disasterand reconstruction since many events are occurring simultaneously.However, I have made a constant and consciouseffort not only to describe the process as a whole but also to retrace the people's personal experiences and narratives. Individual experiences and choices are greatly influenced by the whole process of reconstruction. I have also tried to place individual choices in the context of the reconstruction process. In the following,I will give an account of Bhuj in Section 2. Section 3 gives an overview of reconstruction policies, relocation programs and town planning. Section 4 discusses individuals' experiencesof and choices in the disaster and rehabilitation. In Section 5, I argue that religion plays an important part in the people'sconsciousness.

2. Background of Bhuj

Kachchhdistrict is located in thewestern corner of the state of Gujarat. It isan isolated pieceof landsurrounded by seaand swampland. The north has a borderwith Pakistan 54 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 18, 2006

Table1

* Source:Gujarat State Gazetteers,Kutch District 1971, People of Gujarat2002. Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction after the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001 55 with swampland (rann) in between, and the west faces the Arabian Sea. Since the old times, Gujarati merchants went to the Arabian Peninsula and East Africa for trade. The population is 1,262,507 (1991 census) of which 80% are Hindu, less than 20% Muslim, and the rest Jain and others. Caste composition is shown in Table 1. Bhuj was established as the capital of the kingdom of Kachchh in 1548 by a Hindu king, originally a Jadeja Rajput from Sind. Figure 1 showsthe walled town of Bhuj with an

Figure 1 56 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 18, 2006

explanationof someof the localnames found on the map.The town was surroundedby a thickwall (gadh) with 5 gates(naku). Small houses and shopslined both sidesof the narrow curvilinearstreets (seri), which were connected by junctions(chok) of varyingproportion and scale.Besides seri and chok,the placenames faliya, deli (or delo),and matamwere commonin the town.Faliya means street and deli (delo) refers to the gateon a streetor ofa housewith an openspace in frontsurrounded by a wall.Many faliya, seri, deli, and delowere namedafter castes and occupations. Those who worked for theking wereclustered around thepalace, and this led to the long-lastingdivisions in thewalled town ofBhuj. The Hindus had caste groups,and the Muslimshad groupsthat weresimilar. Before independence, theylived near the palace and worked for the king.Each caste association had a community hall-commonlyreferred to as vali,jamaat khana, and otherterms-which wasavailable for weddingceremonies and communityfeasts. Matam originallymeans mourningin Arabic,and was a placewhere portable palanquins called taziyas were enshrined during Muharramin Bhuj. Accordingto the dictionary,faliya means street. In Bhuj, the word refersalso to neighborhoods,which were the hubsof communityactivities in the town,and involveda networkthat extendedbeyond caste and religion.People had what theycalled "our own neighborhood(asanlyo faliyo)" in which they participated.However, this faliya did not usuallyhave such clearborderlines and affiliations.In the evenings,many people were seenchatting here and therein the chokand smallopen spaces in frontof houses.Human relationshipsin thefaliya were about people meeting each other and chattingin everyday life.They also had to do with knowingabout what was happening to eachothers' families and relativesand caringabout each other. Faliya manifested in concreteways during times of festivals. For example,faliya members came together for the Navratrifestival and Muharram in the smallopen spacescalled chok. Navratri is heldfor ninenights in the monthof Aso (Septemberto October)in honorof a femaledeity. The people worship both Ashapuraas the guardiandeity of entire Kachchh,and kuldevisas guardiansof specificcaste groups. Everynight duringNavratri, people sing hymns and dancearound a statueor pictureof the goddesson an occasioncalled garba. The openspaces where this takesplace are called garbichok. Muharram was originallyobserved to mournthe ShiiteImam Husseinwho wasmartyred in Karbala.In Kachchh,Sunni Muslims and someShiites carry a palanquin in his honor.On the map, matamis a name referringto those, oftenfamilies, who are responsiblefor taziyas. This portable shrine was installed in the chok.Muslims of the same faliya participatedin Hindu festivals,and in turn Hindus of the samefaliya participated in Muslimfestivals. In this way,faliya was a placewhere social relations beyond religious differenceswere fostered in both everydaylife and in occasionsof festivals. Kachchhbecame a districtof Gujaratstate after the partitionin 1948.Bhuj town spilled overfrom the confinesof the walledtown. Parts of the wallswere destroyed and the town hall, districtpolice office and otherpublic facilities were built outsidethe walls.Several Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction after the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001 57 middle class housing colonies were constructed in the south. Meanwhile, the site of the former army camp at the foot of Bhuja Hill in eastern outer Bhuj was illegally occupied by poor people.

3. Process of Rehabilitation

3-1. Damage and compensation Economic losses surpassed INR15,000 crores (JPY 375 billion) [GSDMA 2004: 1]. But a huge amount of money was made availableboth by the Gujarat State Government (180 crorerupees) and overseasagencies, the World Bank (1,712crore rupees) and the Asia DevelopmentBank (339crore rupees) [KNNA 2003: 122]. The government organization responsiblefor reconstruction,GSDMA (Gujarat State Disaster Management Authority), controls sectors for rebuilding houses, infrastructure, long term disaster management etc. Rehabilitation has been undertaken by both the government and NGOs. Because NGO participation in development is long established in Gujarat, these organizations have coordinated their activities and complementeach other. Since the 1980s the Indian government has recognized NGOs as agenciesthat promote developmentand have given them grants [Saito 2003: 37]. There is a local NGO called Kutch Nav Nirman Abhiyan8 that supports and coordinates the projects of 220 domestic and international NGOs, the government,and the UNDP (United Nations DevelopmentProgramme) [KNNA 2003: 123-194]. Compensation for victims, availablefrom the state government, was announced on 26 January 2001. The death compensation is INR 100,000 for elders, INR 60,000 for minors, INR 150,000 for government employers,and INR 110,000 for school children9, while aid for housing damage is allocated according to a damage rating from G-1 to G- 5.10The maximum levelis G-5, where the amount payableis calculatedaccording to a rate applied to the existing built up area multiplied by INR 3,000, with a ceiling set at INR 150,000.11It is difficult to decide what constitutes sufficientcompensation. Nevertheless, the compensationsprovided by the state government seem to be sufficient.It takes INR 250,000 to INR 350,000 to construct 2 or 3 rooms of earthquake-proof residence with kitchen, bathroom and toilet in Bhuj. INR 150,000 of compensationwill cover 40 to 50% of construction expenditure. It is a much more caring social security than Japan, since the Japanese government refused the victims of the Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake in 1995 compensation for rebuilding private residences,which were regarded as private property. There is a restrictionregarding compensationfor reconstructinghomes, namelythat the money must be returned if the reconstruction does not begin before the prescribed date. It is clear, nonetheless,that the compensationsprovided a starting point for the earthquake victims. 58 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 18, 2006

3-2. Town planning and relocation Four towns—Bhuj, Anjar, Bachau, and Rapal-suffered large-scale devastation and the Government of Gujarat announced five reconstruction packages with provisions for cities, relocation,onsite reconstruction, town planning and infrastructure. In Bhuj, before the earthquake, 200,000 people lived in 35,000 households. Of these, 25,000 households occupied the old walled town called gamtal. Damage in the walled town was much more severethan in the suburbsbecause of its much denser population. In particular, residents of older houses dating back to the period of royalrule suffered.Newer houses, while not so susceptible,were also damaged. Relativelyrecently built structures, including concrete buildings with and without reinforcement, fell sideways or fell in on to the lower floors. GSDMA decided that Bhuj should re-emerge as an earthquake- proof town, well prepared for the future with modern facilitates.BHADA (Bhuj Area Development Authority) came into force from 9 May 2001 to promote and regulate developmentwithin its area of jurisdiction. After the earthquake, with the intention of building a disaster proof city, BHADA implemented town planning, or TP as it is familiarly referred to. To lessen population densityin the walled town, BHADA encouragedpeople to relocateand built two 3.6-meter wide ring roads inside the walled town. In this road-widening project, BHADA had to take over private residentialland and open spaces.People, whose houseshad sufferedeither G-5 category destruction or whose property was to be completelyor partially acquired for TP, were offered a 100-square-meter plot at any designated relocation site in return for surrendering land up to 100 square meters. Moreover, new housing constructions were required to be earthquake resistant. The government designated four relocation sitesfor people who were affected by TP. Three sites, Rawalwadi, Mundra, and R.T.O. were actually equipped with infrastructure such as housing plots, road from Bhuj old town, water supply,and drainage. Together these resettlement areas, containing 2,824 housing plots, cover about 1,200 square kilometers. House building started at these relocation sites on 28 October 2002. By June 2003, 815 plots were allotted, and 200 houses completed at the three relocation sites, and people started to be relocated.12In January 2004, the Municipality of Bhuj started to collectwater supplytariffs from the residents of relocation sites.13All roads at the three relocation sites were completedby July 2004.14 Town planning did not progress smoothly. As the District Collector, a central government appointeewith ultimate authority in a district, was changed fivetimes after the earthquake, TP underwent five revisions.According to the well regarded local newspaper Kachchhmitra, TP was announced at least five times (February2001 , May 2001, August 2001, September2001, December 2001).15Town planning started in May 2002, but only really took off after District Collector Sharma, the fifth appointee after the earthquake, took charge on 31 May 2003. The people of Bhuj had to struggle with the vagaries of the TP situation as they tried to piece their lives back together. Some people simplyleft their Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction after the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001 59 original residencebecause they could not wait for the implementationof TP. Jains, Khoja and Bhora Shiite Muslims, and some other groups who had resided in the walled town, receiveddonation from overseasreligious associations,and were able to build colonies in outer Bhuj. In the next section, let us look at how the people employed the aid provided by the government and NGOs for their rehabilitation in the context of development of two programs for the reconstruction of Bhuj-relocation plans to relocation sites and town planning-discussed above.

4. People's Choices in Reconstructing Their Lives

4-1. People who depended on caste associations Applications for relocation sites constructed by the government were open to all the victims of the disasterwho lived in the old town. However, as it turned out, most of the people who moved to the relocationsites were Hindus, and moreoverHindus of particular castes. Table 2 shows that the families planned to gain plots in the relocation sites in units of caste association [BHADA 2003: 19]. Among the groups to which those families belonged, the followinggroups were obviouslycaste associationscalled samaj, such as Darji samaj,Rajgor samaj,Jethi samaj,Bhanusali group, Soni group, Kansara, and Mali group. The other two relocation siteshave the same feature. In Rawalwadi site, Lohana caste was allotted 215 plots among the 1025 plots [BHADA 2003: 23]. The plots in relocation siteswere allocated accordingto a drawing that was presented on 23 June 200216,and the resultswere announced on 11July 2002. Participants requested that BHADA allocate the plots in blocks according to caste association, and BHADA

Table 2 Groups in RTO site

It is maderefered to [GSDMA2003] 60 Journalof the JapaneseAssociation for SouthAsian Studies, 18, 2006 acceptedthe argument that such allocationwas sociallyimportant. In addition, it iswritten in the report that since Hindus, Muslims and Jains also have samaj, caste organization was chosen as the unit for aid in accordancewith the social conditions of the local society [BHADA 2003: 19]. NGO reports are predominantly concerned with caste association [KNNA 2002]. Similar tendencies can be seen in reconstruction projects aided by NGOs in villages. In places, NGO giving aid to single caste groups has led villages to fragment into two or three villages.According to an article in the local magazine Kalas, 17 villages have been split up through the activitiesof NGOs [Kalas2002: 10].17In short, the government and NGOs considered only caste associationsas representativesof the residents.This indeed took into consideration the realities of the local society and was in accordancewith the residents'wishes, but it led to the exclusionfrom aid of people who were not part of caste organizations. Let me give one example. Bharat's plot was sanctioned in Mundra relocation site 6 kilometers from the walled town of Bhuj. New neighborhood networks were being set up in relocation siteswhen I visited there in October 2005. But Muslims were excluded from the sites. He invited me to his house to witness a garba dance on the eighth night of Navratri in October 2005. His new residenceis in a tract of detached houseswith gardens facingwide roadswhere cars and motorcyclescan park on either side.The scene is completelydifferent from that in the old walled town, where houses were pressed up against each other along narrow streets. Bharat told me, "I can't say I am happy that the earthquake happened. It causedme a lot of suffering.But, becauseof the earthquake, I could move to this good living environment."In 2005, about 1,000 families had already moved in and felt settled enough to organize the first garba dance in the relocationsite. I wondered if the garba dance marked the establishmentof a newfaliya. Bharat answered, "We are proud of our newfaliya. We live all together here. We get on with each other beyond differencesin caste."I asked him whether any Muslim families had settled in the colony.He said, "None of us have excluded Muslims, we welcome them. But there are no Muslim families in this colony." Another important point isthat, although many Hindu caste groups made applications, no Muslim group equivalentto a caste association,and onlyfew Muslim families, applied for plots in the relocation sites. I will come back to this point later.

4-2. People who wanted to sustain the neighborhood While the walled town of Bhuj had both neighborhood groups and caste associations, the government and NGOs considered only caste associations as representatives of the residents.Neighborhood groups were onlyvaguely recognized. Some residents wanted to relocate en bloc as a neighborhood group. Nalin, who was vice president of a civil organization,Bhuj DevelopmentCouncil, felt that BHADA had to considerafaliya centered reconstruction of Bhuj town. To apply for a plot in a relocationsite, Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction after the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001 61 one group formed afaliya committee on February 2002. Fifty residencesof Soniwarfaliya gathered together with him and collecteda membership fee of INR 5,000 per household. Theyutilized the fees to hire an engineer to draw up their blueprint. They made a request to BHADA for relocationthat could maintain the neighborhood network in the new colony. The committee had a meeting with BHADA in April 2003, and members represented thirty questions to BHADA. The committee was disbanded in February 2004, however, after BHADA did not reply to their request for almost a year, and sanctioned plots only for some members of the committee.18Nalin expressedhis opinion in the Kachchhmitra that BHADA should be concerned aboutfaliya, but no other neighborhood group was created after that incident. One of the members of this committee was disillusioned by the failure of his relocation as afaliya member and said that he did not want to talk about it very much. He decided to reconstruct his house in the same place as it had stood before, and built a small but comfortable house using the reconstruction aid and his own funds. He was proud of the fact that he did not receive any aid from NGOs and told me, "You see, this makes me happy in certain way." Why did BHADA sanction plots only for part of the faliya committee members and try to prevent the neighborhood movement?Members whom I interviewed did not talk much about it and said to me that the onlyreason was political.In my view,which of course is hypothetical, the reason why BHADA obstructed the Soniwarfaliya committee was becausethey dislikedNalin who was the representativeof the committee. He was one of the main activists of the civil organization, Bhuj Development Council, which criticized the reconstructionwork carried out by BHADA. He led the demonstration against BHADA, after BHADA cut down the roadsidetrees accordingto the town planning. He was a fa- mous critic against BHADA, and often wrote criticisms about them in Kachchhmitra.He criticized that BHADA tried to executethe town planning of Bhuj ignoring the citizens' wishes. This might have led BHADA to go against the neighborhood movement organized by Nalin. Compared tofaliya committees, some caste organizations seemed to be sanctioned many plots in the relocation sites, because they had political power by having personal and kinship networks with government officers.As relocationand reconstruction progressed,the oldfaliya neighborhoodswere cleared away with the rubble.

4-3. People who depended on religious sect Those who were without aid and unable to reconstruct their houses in relocation sites could apply to NGOs. The biggest grant was given by BAPS (BochasanwasiAkshar Pu- rushottam Sanstha), an Ahmedabad based NGO of the Hindu Swaminarayansect.' At the Mundra relocation site, BAPS undertook construction of houses for Swaminarayan followers on 290 housing plots out of the total of 1097 on the site [BHADA 2003: 21]. In one case, Swaminarayan devotee Suraj lost his small, INR 1,000 per month house in the walled town. After the earthquake, he and his old mother were accommodated in a Swaminarayantemple for two months, and then lived for two years in a house provided 62 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 18, 2006

by BAPS. They then moved to the colonymade by the BAPS where, after receivingINR 120,000 as tenant compensationfrom the Gujarat government, bought land and a house for INR 200,000. While Suraj is anxious because he still has no steady income and has to pay the remaining 80,000 rupees, his mother is happy that her good neighbors are all Swaminarayan followers.This example shows that some residents are satisfied with caste and religiouswise relocation. Suraj'shouse before the earthquake was located in the cen- ter of the old town and he had many Muslim neighbors. However, there are no Muslim neighbors living near his new house.

4-4. Muslim people's choices As alreadymentioned, Hindus were the main applicantsfor relocation sites. Muslims did not apply for plots in the relocation sitesorganized by BHADA. Where then did the Muslim people move? Many of them moved to north Bhuj and the western suburbs.There are slums in western Bhuj and 80% of the population there are said to be Muslim. Haroon, who lost his dyeingworkshop and whose house was rated G2, surrenderedhis property in the old walled town to TP. He asserted that did not want to apply for a plot in the relocation site,because he would not be happy there. For him, an unhappy life meant an isolatedlife in the relocationsite. It is difficult to lead a community life away from relatives and other Khatris. However, he says it is unlikely that the Khatris will apply together for a relocation site as a caste organization. Muslim Khatri is a traditional craft group of dyers. In Bhuj in 1998, there were 393 householdswith a population comprisingaround 2,500, the third largest Muslim population in Kachchh. They formerly occupiedthe Khatri Chakla neighborhood in the walled town, and had a well organized caste association calledjamaat and a community house. After the earthquake, however,people in the Khatri community tended to go their own way rather than get together to apply for reconstruction aid.' Although some families did gain some land in outer Bhuj, named the Khatri colony,only 10 households moved there. In fact, Haroon cannot, as a dyer,live without the Khatri association,which is necessary for match making and business networking.There is tension, however,in the caste group, which is both a vehicle of cooperative action and intense competition [Kanetani 2005]. Haroon told me that he would prefer, if possible,to live without any Khatris neighbors. He hesitated to apply for a relocation site because filling in all the documents required for an application is time consuming, and for self-employedpeople like himself, going to the office everyday and queuing half the day to get signatures from administrators meant that he could not work during that time and hence lose income. It shouldalso be borne in mind that life is far from easy for people like him who has not receivedcomplete schooling.' At last, he bought some land and built a new house and workshop in a colony500 meters north-west of the walled town. Most of the population of this colonyand neighboring slum area are Muslims. The colonydates back to a farm owned by a member of the Muslim Bakari caste (bakaromeans vegetableand bakarimeans grower).Development of a housing Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction after the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001 63

colonybegan about 20 years ago, after the farm was washed awayin a flood from Hamirsar Lake. Land in the north and northwest of outer Bhuj is mainly owned by Muslim Bakaris, who originallyreceived it as a grant from the royalfamily. Abdul, a 65-year-oldBakari said, "When the groundwaterfell becauseof the 1956earthquake , my land dried up. That's why I sold part of my land for a housing colony."Numerous Muslims have relocated to such colonies in the north and west of outer Bhuj. Haroon built a larger house and workshopby using housing reconstruction aid, and aid for handicraft developmentfrom the central government and NGO.22 This led to other Khatris becomingjealous of him and their insults hurt Haroon. After Haroon relocated,he was continuouslyharassed by other Khatris. One incident involvedme and helped me to better understand what was going on amongst them. When I returned to Bhuj after two and half years,many Khatri families invited me to lunch. Soon afterwards I suffered a seriousstomach ache. Haroon's wife clearlyexpressed her opinion that I had been struck by bhakio,a species of najar, the evil eye. The evil eye phenom- enon—the beliefthat someonecan project harm by looking at another'sproperty or person [Maloney 1972]—is known in many societies.She asserted that someone "looked" at the food that I was going to eat, and that gave me a stomach ache. Pocock suggests that the evil eye is apprehended more from those with whom one is, in most other respects,equal, or has reason to expect to be. It is most to be feared when those with whom one should be equal are, in fact, not so. At the social level, evil eye has the fiercest effect in large castes, where a man in one lineage can live in contentmentwhile another kinsman may spend his life closeto starvation [Pocock 1973: 24-39]. Haroon'swife and daughterpostulated that the sourceof bhakio,was a Khatri who, after Haroon had built a house in a colony,had been gossipingthat Haroon had resorted to fraud to finance the construction. Haroon broke off their relationshipwhich had existed before the earthquake. I was probably regarded as a member of Haroon's household and thus a target for attack by anyone who was jealous of Haroon. This kind of fissionoften occurs when outside aid comes, and segmentaryopposition is likely to become evident in disaster zones. Simpsonmentions that accessto the government'scoffers is highly competitiveand becomes a source of jealousy,rivalry and suspicion,leading to the fragmentation of social networks [Simpson 2005: 238]. In this way,we can understand why many Muslims did not apply for relocation sites and moved to north Bhuj, residential areas in the western suburbs and slums. Not all Muslims, however,want to live in north and west outer Bhuj. A middle class Muslim, Mohamad, bought land and a house in a colonyin east outer Bhuj after his former house was totally destroyed and his land was acquired for town planning. He neither wanted to apply for a relocation site, which was too distant from the walled town to allow his father to meet his oldfaliya friends, nor did he want to live in a "Muslim area" in north or west outer Bhuj, where he considered the educationalenvironment to be inadequate for his children. He felt that he had initially been excludedfrom one housing colonywhere 64 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 18, 2006 most of dwellerswere Hindu middle class, becausehe was Muslim. Then he bought land of the Gujarat Housing Board in a colonynear a well-known English middle school. He is now satisfiedwith his new place of residence,a colonyof both Muslims and Hindus who have middle class backgrounds. However, he had to make a lot of effort to get substitute land for the one seized by the town planning. This was becausehis former neighbor who sharedthe land registration with him had given awaythe land on which his house was built without his permission.He filed a suitwith the court against his neighbor. Hence the reconstruction of his house could not proceed on time and he had to return the compensation funds for housing reconstruction. Due to such problemswith an oldfaliya neighbor,he does not think he wants to live where he used to live.

4-5. People who did not have access to aid In the preceding section, exampleswere given of people for whom reconstruction was relativelypainless, and who benefiteddue to accessto resourcessuch as aid from the government and non-governmental organizations. Now, I would like to considerpeople who did not have any reliableagencies like caste associationsduring the reconstruction.Community self-helprelies on the ability to mobilize resources,and those resourcesusually depend on long-standing social institutions, such as caste associations.Some people had no access to these associations, which were interposed between the government and NGOs and the people needing help. Much research in recent years has focused on how, after disasters,certain populations are, or become, more vulnerable than others, and on how various segments of societyre- coverdifferently in the aftermath of calamity.Variability factors can includerace, ethnicity, class,poverty, gender and age. Sociologicalstudies of disaster have been givingpriority to investigatingvulnerability in disaster [Zaman 1999]. Another section of the population who were unable to utilize the aid was those who dwelledin slum areas. According to DMI, a local NGO that works in slum areas, a slum is defined as illegal occupation. In Bhuj, there are 15 slums, occupied by 25,800 people who live in 6,055 households. Slums attract people from different castes and religious backgrounds. Consequently, while mosque and temple associations may exist, caste as- sociationsare not present. Generally, low-income earners who cannot afford safe housing are at greatest risk in disasters [Oliver-Smith 1996].My own interviews in the slums, however,do not bear this out. Not many houses in the slums that I visited had collapsed or were partly destroyed. Even when their houseswere damaged, the tenants showed no evidencethat this was source of seriousinconvenience. But my evidencedoes not corroboratethat slum dwellerswere not marginalized after the earthquake. They remain uninvestigatedand uncompensatedmainly because they are not the registered holders of property rights, even though some have, to all intents and purposes,bought the property they occupy.I have heard non-slum dwellers Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction after the Gujarat Earthquake of2001 65 assert that people from the slums receivedhuge amounts of aid. All I can say is that none of my slum informants showed any evidence of profiting from aid. Sanjognagar is a slum in northwest of the walled town at the confluenceof drainage from the walled town. Around 40 years ago, one man built a house in what was wasteland belonging to the government. This first squatter then started selling land and houses to newcomers.As the number of housesincreased, it became a de facto housing colony.It now comprises more than 1,000 houses in one contiguous area. About 80% of the population are reckoned to be Muslims. The slum receives no municipal water supply,sewerage, or garbage collection. After his house and workplace in the walled town collapsed and part of his land was acquired by the town planning, Ahmad bought land and a house in the slum area for INR 165,000.Dyeing isa local industry and the workshopsare often the artisans' houses.Hence the people could not restart their work without reconstructing their houses. Many people tried to do the reconstruction by themselves as they could not wait for the town planning which was dragging on with nothing at all being decided.He came here becausemany of his relativeswere living nearby. Some Muslims are living temporarily in the slum, until they rebuild housesin the walled town. Mariyam and his son lost their land to town planning and have bought a house in the slum area. They have not yet decided where to build a permanent house. I noticed that, as in the official relocation sites, new neighborhoodswere being established in the slumsafter the influx of earthquake victims. In 2004, two taziyaspalanquins were brought from the walled town and carried by the neighborhood group in a slum near Sanjoganagar.I think it can be said that taziya processions mark the establishment of a neighborhood network, in a way similar to the practice of garba in relocation sites. The taziyas that were brought by refugees from the walled town have been managed by residents there since the days of royal rule. The taziyas were originally gifts from the king to those who worked for the king and lived around the palace.A processionof taziyaswas annually patronized by the king. Taziyasbrought from the walled town were referredto as " our neighborhood taziya (asaniyofaliyojo taziyo)" [Kanetani 2006]. People well understand, however,that residence in a slum is not secure. When town planning got underway after 2003, construction of an airport road began in outer Bhuj. BHADA removed some houses that had been built in a slum after the earthquake, and did not honor a promise to allow those who had been dispossessedto move to a relocationsite, because the sitewas suspended.' The slum dwellersexpress anxiety about being relocated in the future. One day I visited some informants in a slum house, and found the people strangely excitedby the NGO visitingthat area. Staff from an NGO had come to carry out a survey of each household in the slum area. Peoplewere not informed of the objectsof the research. As a result,it made the people misunderstandwhy the NGO came,and made them excited. One person expressed with joy that she had, at last, received aid to repair her damaged 66 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 18, 2006

house, and another expressed anxiety that she might be relocated. The NGO, however, had not come with the purpose of providing aid or relocating anyone.They were measuring buildings for the Geographical Information System, which is intended to be useful in mitigating the risk of disastervulnerable people in slumsif disasters such an as earthquake or cyclone should strike. The anxieties raised by the survey show how people in slumslive in insecurity and are prone to anxiety.

4-6. People who were not affected by the disaster but sought better lives There were areas in Kachchh which were not so affected by the earthquake, and some people sufferedcomparatively less even in the affectedareas. But even amongst such people, some consideredthe rehabilitation programs as opportunities for receivingaid and left their original place of residencein search for better lives. The largest population left from Banni area in northern Kachchh. In Banni, close to the Pakistan border, many Harijans left their ancestral villages and occupied land on the northern outskirts of Bhuj. In Banni, Muslims comprise a dominant 70% to 80% of the population, far beyond the 19% averagefor the whole of Kachchh. In Banni, the Muslims regard Harijans as cobblerswho are dependent on Muslim cattle breeders, and so far below themselvesthat they would never receivewater from them. Harijan people took advantage of the disaster aid to leave their original villages. Even though a NGO built houses in occupied land near Bhuj for them, the District Collector did not allow them to register the land that they occupied or facilitate the provisionof electricity and water utilities.The District Police Superintendenthas expressedconcern that the exodusof Harijans will make the border area predominantlyMuslim and threaten the security of Kachchh as a national border district [Kachchhmitra2002: 59]. Newcomers to the slum in Bhuj simply moved here after the earthquake. After the disaster,jobs involvedin construction sitessuch as carpentry and masonry increased due to the reconstruction programs.People came from villages seekingjob opportunities. Famida left her village in western Kachchh even though her former home was unaffected by the earthquake. She liveswith her husband and five-year-oldson in a house in a slum area that they rent for INR 500 a month. She said, "I am very happy here. My husband cannot find work in the village. Here in Bhuj, he has work and I can work at home as an artisan."24 As I have discussed above, when people rebuild their houses after a disaster and reconstruct their lives, their choices are determined by what kind of funds and aid are available,and what kind of social relations,groups and resourcesthey can rely on. Only then can they choose what kind of life they think is ideal and comfortable. In the next section, I will discussthe way in which religion comes to influence the process of reconstruction and relocation. Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction after the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001 67

Figure 2

5. Expanding Religion

Divisions according to religion have become more visible in the process of relocation from the walled town to the suburbsof Bhuj. Geographically,the colonies in the southern suburbsare Hindu, while the coloniesare Muslim in the north. Figure 2 showsthe division of suburb of Bhuj after town planning and relocation.At the same time, religiouspractices are gradually playing an increasinglysignificant role in daily life in Bhuj. The most influential Islamic intellectual in Kachchh speaks to devoteeswhenever the occasion arises, as follows:"The earthquake was sent by God to punish impious persons and Muslims who do not practice properly and observe the commandments to do good deeds and conduct themselves as good Muslims should." After hearing this intellectual's preaching, one of my informants, who formerly attended prayers at the mosque only on Fridays, started going to the mosque more frequently.Greater attendance at the mosque both promotes the Islamic reformist movement and helps to spreadbelief in the saint (pir) in Kachchh by acquiring more followers.New mosques and madrasashave been built with aid granted by the Islamic NGO. One of my Hindu informants has indirectly indicated anxiety about the growing number of women wearing burga in the streets. At the same time, the number of pilgrims visiting the main temple of the goddess Ashapura, the main deity of Kachchh, has increased after the earthquake.25 Every Navratri, some pilgrims go on foot to the temple,located 100 kilometersfrom Bhuj. When 68 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 18, 2006

I visited there in 2005, the temple building could not accommodate all the pilgrims, and the overflowhad to be accommodatedin camps outside the temple compound. One of the trustees of the temple informed that whereas 15 years ago only 30,000 pilgrims came in a year, 700,000 meals were prepared in 2005. As already mentioned, BAPS, a NGO organ of the Hindu Swaminarayansect, was able to offer temporary and permanent houses for the sect followers.This practical demonstration of the benefits of membership, and the building of temples in villages,has reinforced the presenceof the sect. As town planning progresses and people are permanently relocated outside the walled town, the divisionsin Bhuj become increasinglyprominent. In the north and west suburbs there are colonies of Muslim Shiites and other Muslim castes such as Memon, Khatri, and there are slums. Relocated Hindus are attracted to relocation sites constructed in the south and east of the walled town, including one site that has a substantial colony of Hindu Swaminarayan devotees.Jains have their own colony in south outer Bhuj. As already mentioned, the old walled town of Bhuj did have divisions according to religion and caste, dating back to the royalrule. But the divisionsin the old walled town and those in the reconstructed Bhuj are different. There is a qualitative change from the smallness and intimacy that used to be the salient features of old Bhuj. In a town contained within a four-kilometercircumference of walls, itwas possibleto walk anywhere inside the walls. In the choks(small open spaces),Hindus attended Muharram and Muslims attended Navratri garba dances, because they were neighborhood events organized by neighbors practicing different religions.The new patterns of residencesince the earthquake providepeople with less opportunity to meet people from different backgrounds. Bhuj has spread to outer Bhuj.The distancebetween the north colonyand south colony is 12 kilometers: too far for a casualwalk. As suburban developmentproceeds, there will no longer be any need to come to the fort town at all. There are plans for shoppingcenters, schools,and dispensariesat each relocationsite. In 2004, the Shiite Khoja held a Muharram in their own colonyseparately from the Sunni Muslims for the first time. In 2005, Hindus in the relocation sitescelebrated Navratri without the participation of Muslim neighbors, simplybecause there were no longer any Muslim neighbors.The new patterns of residence decrease the likelihood of casual relationships developingbetween Hindus and Muslims in daily life and during festive occasions. This fragmentation of the town and villages was not brought about by any coercion of a dominant political party or specificreligious sect. It was rather caused by individuals following options that they felt were most suitable for them. After getting through the initial chaos and disruption of the disaster, as reconstruction and rehabilitation projects started, they had to make consciousdecisions about how to reconstruct their own lives. Their choices were influenced by the kind of resources that were available.Questions the people asked themselves were: How much aid and compensation could they get? Could they get direct financial assistancefrom relativesor a caste association?How much could they afford to spend or borrow? What kind of living environment did they prefer to live Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction after the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001 69 in?What kind of neighborsdid theywant? How well did the placeof residencefit in with theirwork needs? The disintegrationof old Bhujwas causedby the perceivedmulti-faceted needs of its residentsand influenced by howthey understood the potentialof the newresidential areas to providea comfortableliving environment. Some people expressed anxiety about living in homogeneousresidential areas. One Musliminformant said, "An all-Muslim colony is not good forsecurity. If somebodywants to attackone of the communities,it's easy." In Kachchh,communalism has less influenceon people'ssocial behavior than in otherparts of Gujarat.26But changesare becomingapparent in the youngergeneration. This becamevery apparentto me in 2005. One evening,as I was walkingto a Hindu informant'shouse for dinner, some boys throw stones at me nearhis house.The daughter of the house,a collegestudent, commented assertively, "They must be Muslimboys." Her familywas as disconcertedas I wasby thesewords. She has no recollectionof Muslimsas wellknown neighbors, and now they are unknown people who pose a threat.My informant commented,

"My daughterdoesn't have even a singleMuslim friend in her college. It is very sad. Previously,wiser older people taught the younggeneration how to livewith neighbors.We areHindu but, before the earthquake,we hadseveral Muslim neighbors behind our house. We invitedeach other to havewater and tea. Our familieshad knowneach other since our great-grandfather'sgeneration. We arevegetarian, and theyare non-vegetarian.As ourMuslim neighbors understand that we don'tlike the smellof meat,they would never leavemeat and fishwaste in publicspaces. But afterthe earthquake,our neighborsleft the faliya.Unknown Muslims bought the landto buildtheir houses nearby. We areconcerned abouthow well we willget on with them.The younger generation is losingknowledge of howto livewith the differentcommunities."

This episodeillustrates how informaldaily interactionsin thefaliya usedto function to maintainsocial relationships beyond religious differences but are graduallybecoming lostdue to reconstruction.

6. Conclusion

Just afterthe earthquake,there was increasedcommunal harmony and integration. Peoplehelped each other and shared what foodand water they had. Communitykitchens wereset up and theydistributed food to peoplewithout distinction of religion.This kind of socialsolidarity and cooperationafter disasters has been called the "post-disasterutopia" [Raphael1989: 466]. Butthe post-disasterreconstruction that cameto Kachchhdid morelong-term damage to socialharmony than the physicaldestruction wrought by the earthquake.Agencies 70 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 18, 2006 came and made availablemassive funds for disaster rescue and reconstruction.Many of the victims of disasterreceived inadequate redressfor the sufferingthat they endured,but many were able to use the earthquake as an opportunity to find a better living environment. The influx of aid money supported the relocation of not only people who were left homeless, but also those who were less affected.27 In Bhuj, relocation from the old walled town to outer Bhuj was seen as an urgent priority after the earthquake. To expedite this, both government and non-governmental organizationsvirtually ignoredneighborhood groups and made caste associationsthe main channel of accessfor grants and applications.This decisiongave shapeto the form of options that became availableto individuals. It also meant that the community form of old was unlikelyto be recreated in any of the new settlements. The flowof funds along bureaucratic channels made the disintegrationof former neighborhoodsmore likely.Even though there has been a trend toward more exclusivereligious cohabitation, and even strong single- sect concentration, the impetus has not come from religious fundamentalists. In effect, however,public spaces where people of different religionshad mingled for generationshave disappearedalong with the neighborhoodsthat sustainedthem. Town planning has ushered greater religious differentiation as people have moved out and created neighborhoods in relocation projects. One result of this may be the spread of communal conflict to this part of Kachchh in the future. I do not want to present an idealized view of Bhuj before the earthquake. Different urban groups did not alwayscoexist cordially. Friction and tension are part of any community.Even beforethe earthquake, religiousdivisions in some colonieswere apparent. However, the point is that people found ways to absorb or dissipate such friction. In the future, a boiling point is more likely to be reached. The growth of the middle class and bourgeoisierelated to the rise of the lower castes [Panini 1996] provides a background of expansionof Hindu nationalism,and givespowerful impetus to the developmentof a single Hindu "community"ideal, that is, a community united in opposition to the non-Hindu minorities [Fuller 2002: 496]. Social upheavals such as disaster and growth of the Hindu middle classin relocation sitesare likely to acceleratechanges that were already underway. It is a fact that a mixed population who once lived in the small and intimate walled town of Bhuj has been sorted into new communities that are scattered acrossthe town. Familiarity at the personal level, which was probably a factor in preventing communalism, has been lost. There is already evidence that the younger generation is growing up in more homogeneous colonies in which the casual opportunity to mix with friends or neighbors from different religious backgrounds is no longer there. The ignorance caused by this absence is likely to make it difficult to enter into and sustain good relations with others who practice different religions. In conclusion, the administration of post-earthquake reconstruction has encouraged the tearing apart of the delicate social fabric that existed before the disaster struck. We cannot say whether or not more enlightened attitudes could Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction after the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001 71 have helped to recreate enduring communities in which tolerance could flourish. People who receivedaid made choicesbased on what they understood to be their own self-interest. It still remains important to know what kind of changes occurred and how these are likely to affect the future. To understand the dynamic of these changes, the necessitycannot be overemphasizedof studying the experience of disaster and its aftermath, on the ground from the perspectivesof the victims or, indeed, the beneficiaries.

Acknowledgements

The researchon whichthis articleis basedwas fundedby a Grant-in-Aidfor ScientificRe- searchin 2003-2005("Ethnological Studies on SocialResponses to the NaturalDisasters in Asia-Pacific",coordinated by ProfessorHayashi) and the ToyotaFoundation Research Grant in 2003.1thank the participantsof the 2005 SouthAsia StudyMeeting at Shizuoka,discussants at the ResearchGroup of NationalMuseum of Ethnologyon Anthropologyand Disaster,coor- dinatedby ProfessorHayashi, for helpingme to form my ideasand refinemy presentation.

Notes 1) Researchwas conductedin Kachchh from 19 October to 10 Novemberin 2003, from 4 Februaryto 7 March in 2004, from 13 May to 25 May in 2004, from 21 Decemberin 2004 to 8 January in 2005, from 15 Februaryto 20 March in 2005, and from 25 Septem- ber to 17 October in 2005. 2) Oliver-Smith[1992] etc. 3) Somestudies, e.g. Sorokin[1998], have focusedon post-disastersocial change from a historicalviewpoint. 4) For example,Shaw [2005],Tanaka et al. [2000]. 5) Shaw studiespost disaster rehabilitation in underdevelopedcountries, and saysthat it is necessaryto considerprojects participated by the localpeople for effectiverehabilitation [Shaw2005]. 6) For example,Oliver-Smith & Hoffman(eds.) [1999],[2001]. 7) The 46 householdsare those of artisansworking in a dye factory.There are 2 Hindu householdsand 44 Muslim households.Out of the 44 Muslimhouseholds, 38 households are Khatris. 8) 22 NGO formed one networkinggroup during the 1998 cycloneand workedcollectively for rehabilitationof victimsin Abhiyan. 9) http://www.gsdma.org/reliefright.htm,26 January 2004 10) The presenceof half-inchwide cracksis consideredas G-1; up to 10%damage is G-2; up to 25%is G-3, above25% is G-4; and total collapseor necessityfor demolitionis G-5 [BHADA 2003: 8]. 11) The G-4 ceilingis INR 45,000;G-3, INR 30,000; G-2, INR 15,000;and G-1, INR 72 Journal of the Japanese Association for South Asian Studies, 18, 2006

8,000 [BHADA 2003: 8]. 12) Kachchhmitra11 June 2003. 13) Kachchhmitra 1 January 2004. 14) Kachchhmitra 13 June 2004. 15) Kachchhmitra 27 February 2001, 10 May 2001, 5 August 2001, 13 September 2001, 10 December 2001. 16) Kachchhmitra24 June 2002. 17) Some fraudsters have cleverly used the NGOs' confidence in caste associations by sub- mitting documents that have been prepared to appear like convincing applications from a bona fide caste group, when, in fact, a single recipient received all the aid funds. Some corruptible staff of NGOs are known to request bribes to turn a blind eye when such applications are made. 18) Kachchhmitra27 February 2004. 19) Swaminarayan sect was established by Sahajanand Swami in the late eighteenth century in Gujarat, and now has 5 million devotees. It is the most successful of the neo-Hindu reform groups, and has became a transnational form of Hinduism among the overseas Gu- jarati in East Africa, Britain, Europe, and North America [Williams 2001: 1-5]. BAPS was founded as a "new school" of Swaminarayan movement in the early twentieth century [Williams 2001: 1-5, 54]. 20) One exception is the Khatris in Dhamadka village, who united to receive relocation aid . 21) Simpson says that the most important discussions about post-earthquake reconstruction were conducted in. English and most official reports were written in English, so it very vis- ibly excluded most local people from the process of decision-making in the reconstruction [Simpson 2005: 229]. 22) Development Commissioner for Handicrafts of Ministry of Textile has been providing grants for development of traditional handicraft since the 1970s. Development Commis- sioner declared that aid of INR 150,000 would be distributed for each workshop. 23) Kachchhmitra29 June 2004. 24) She is a tying artisan for tie-dye textile. A skilled artisan can earn INR 1,000 per month. 25) The king was obliged to worship Ashapura every year. See Fuller [Fuller 1992] on the relationship between king and goddess in Hindu kingdom. Descendant of the king at- tends rituals at the temple till today. 26) The people of Kachchh are proud that there were no communal massacres there during the partition in spite of the close proximity to the Pakistan border. Kachchh was one of the districts unaffected by violence when communal rioting spread over most of Gujarat, triggered by the Ghodra incident in 2002 [Valadarajan 2002] . 27) I do not intend to criticize people who used whatever aid was provided in order to lead a comfortable and dignified life. No one can blame them for wanting a better living environment than the one they had before the disaster. Communities Fragmented in Reconstruction after the Gujarat Earthquake of 2001 73

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