Volume 48, Issue 1, 2019 ISSN:1179-7924 Parental talk and younger children’s empathy

New Zealand Journal of Psychology

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Parental talk and younger children’s empathy

Editor’s Introduction

Today, the day of first publication of this issue of the New Zealand Journal of Psychology, marks the one-month anniversary of the terror attack on Al Noor and Linwood Islamic Centre in . While this issue is a response to this atrocity, and the broader context in which it occurred, it is important to be explicit - this is not a ‘special issue’, because ‘special issues’ are often celebratory, something ‘special’. Instead, this can be considered a rapid response to the tragedy in Christchurch. Psychology, as both a research enterprise and applied practice, has a long history of attempting to understand and remediate the foundations and impacts of prejudice and discrimination. This issue is not a celebration of that heritage because, in an ideal world, we would be able to celebrate using our knowledge and tools to end these phenomena. The events in Christchurch show that the most extreme forms of hatred are no longer things we observe only on the international news. Instead, the intent here is to contribute to the discussion that has exploded into our lives, in which we (and others) ask questions like “Why did this happen?”, “How could it happen to us?”, and “Will Aotearoa ever be the same?”, among others. These questions will be with us for years to come. We believe that psychology has something to say about these, and other pressing questions. In the immediate aftermath we have seen the rapid development of at least two competing narratives. The first narrative is that this is “not us”, that New Zealand is not fertile ground for extremism. This has subsequently been pitted against arguments that this is simply an extreme manifestation of something that is always with us, an extension of everyday prejudices and plausibly deniable, and not so deniable, discriminatory acts. These are not mutually exclusive. The commentaries, reviews, and empirical pieces contained in this issue speak to this potential contradiction, providing not just food for thought but also suggestions for where to go next. To this end, we are tremendously grateful to those people who responded to our invitation to consider preparing their work and commentary for this issue, particularly given the absurd timeframe of two weeks from invitation to submission. We are grateful to our intellectual whānau in other countries who have responded to this invitation, and taken the time to help us understand. These include Stephen Reicher and colleagues, and the British Psychological Society, for permission to reprint their commentary published in the BPS’ Psychologist, illustrating some of the international response to our painful experience. Michael Platow, himself formerly of the University of and now in Australia, describes The Prejudice Census in collaboration with his international colleagues, shedding some perspective on the nature of everyday –isms. The New Zealand Muslim community is, as we have come to know, a small one, so we are grateful to Sunnya and Nigar Khawaja from QUT for providing us with ‘an Islamic perspective on grief and loss’. Indeed, we’re pleased that they are ‘just’ two of the Muslim voices contributing to this endeavour – including people whose own lives have been devastated by this atrocity. As well as these commentaries, this issue includes at least one practical piece – Martin Dorahy and Neville Blampied’s suggestions for screening those affected by this latest tragedy, itself tragically informed by their experience following the 2011 Christchurch earthquake. And, of course, more traditional empirical contributions – mainly from the University of (home of the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study) and the , including both survey- and laboratory-based studies. These contributions speak to the context in which terror has occurred, including what it means to be a New Zealander or pākehā, and how these relate to diversity, multiculturalism, and immigration attitudes. These contributions reflect on civic engagement and resilience, how trust relates to discrimination, as well as the bread-and-butter of social psychology – intergroup attitudes at the broadest levels. Given that we (collectively) have devoted ourselves to studying these phenomena, publishing our research in international journals, it seems now is the time to consider what these mean for our understanding of our own backyard.

There is no more visceral reminder that the things that we study and practice are not a spectator sport, or a thought experiment, than the tragedy in Christchurch. We add our voices, and sadness, and hope, to that of the people whose lives have been directly or indirectly, and forever, marked.

Marc Wilson 15th April, 2019

Parental talk and younger children’s empathy

New Zealand Journal of Psychology

Volume 48, Number 1, 2019

CONTENTS

Understanding the terror attack: Some initial Margaret Wetherell 6 Steps

Coping with loss and bereavement: An Islamic Sunnya Khawaja and Nigar G. Khawaja 10 perspective

The road to Christchurch: A tale of two Stephen Reicher, Alex Haslam and Jay Van 13 leaderships Bavel

Prejudice is about Collective Values, not a Biased Michael J. Platow, Dirk Van Rooy, Martha 16 Psychological System Augoustinos, Russell Spears, Daniel Bar-Tal and Diana M. Grace

A screening instrument for assessing Martin J. Dorahy and Neville M. Blampied 23 psychological distress following disasters: Adaptation for the March 15th, 2019 mass shootings in Christchurch, New Zealand.

Exploring New Zealand National Identity and Its Kumar Yogeeswaran, M. Usman Afzali, Nadia P. 29 Importance for Attitudes toward and Andrews, Elizabeth A. Chivers, Meng-Jie Wang, Diversity Thierry Devos, and Chris G. Sibley

A Critical Narrative Review of Research about the Colleen Ward, Jaimee Stuart & Zeenah M. Adam 36 Experiences of being Muslim in New Zealand

Beyond tokenistic solidarity in the wake of the Zahra Mirnajafi and Fiona Kate Barlow 47 Christchurch terrorist attacks: Insights from psychology, and practical suggestions for action

News headlines or ideological beliefs: What Anita A. Azeem, John A. Hunter and Ted 56 affects readers’ interpretations of news stories Ruffman about immigration, killing in the name of religion and other topical issues? A cross-cultural analysis

White Nationalism and Multiculturalism Support: Danny Osborne, Nicole Satherley, Kumar 62 Investigating the Interactive Effects of White Yogeeswaran, Diala Hawi & Chris G. Sibley Identity and National Attachment on Support for Multiculturalism

Encouraging flourishing following tragedy: Jill G. Hayhurst, John A. Hunter and Ted Ruffman 71 The role of civic engagement in well-being and resilience

Terrorism Anxiety and Attitudes toward Muslims Diala Hawi, Danny Osborne, Joseph Bulbulia, 80 and Chris G. Sibley

Ingroup Favouring Evaluations in Response to Kathryn H. Fahey, John A. Hunter, Damian 90 Belonging Threats in Public and Private Contexts Scarfe and Ted Ruffman

They Are Us? The mediating effects of Mariska Kappmeier, Bushra Guenoun and 97 compatibility-based trust on the relationship Remaya Campbell between discrimination and overall trust

Parent talk about the wellbeing of others in Kangning Du, Mary Buchanan, Jill Hayhurst, and 106 disciplinary situations relates to younger Ted Ruffman children’s empathy

Parental talk and younger children’s empathy

Representing Islam: Experiences of women Eileen Ash, Keith Tuffin and Ella Kahu 114 wearing hijab in New Zealand

Attitudes to Religion Predict Warmth for Muslims Benjamin R. Highland, Geoffrey Troughton, John 122 in New Zealand Shaver, Justin L. Barrett, Chris G. Sibley and Joseph Bulbulia

A community-based test of the Dual Process Marc Stewart Wilson 133 Model of Intergroup Relations: Predicting attitudes towards Christians, Muslims, Hindus, Jews, and Atheists

“This is not us”: But it is. Talking about the right Waikaremoana Waitoki 140 time to raise the issue of colonisation

© This material is copyright to the New Zealand Psychological Society. Publication does not necessarily reflect the views of the Society

Understanding the terror attacks

Understanding the Terror Attack: Some Initial Steps Margaret Wetherell University of Auckland, New Zealand

As I write this in early April I am what do these challenges mean for terror. But again this does not get us very incoherent as I think we all are, still Aotearoa New Zealand? How does far. The more urgent questions are reeling from the terror attack on the Islamophobia intertwine with older always – why this, why now, what does Muslim community in Christchurch. forms of racism, and with ethnic it mean, and what to do next? Once again Muslims are the victims, relations formed through the deep In their 2012 edited collection Beyond coerced witnesses to the twisted historical violence of Empire? What are Prejudice, John Dixon and Mark Levine narratives, fantasies, and hate of white the intersections between extremist pull together a collection of critical ethno-nationalism. As a Pākehā person I violence and certain forms of articles describing social psychology’s ruminate over our complicity, our masculinity? For years we have studied reliance on the concept of prejudice as a silences, failures and histories of racism and that work continues to be general catch all explanation for racism, entitlement, the things we haven’t done. relevant. But there is a danger with new sexism, homophobia, and so on. The Nightmares of the physical horror of the atrocities if social psychologists assume authors argue that this approach has run shootings intersperse with images of the familiar theory and research offer a its course, and explore what can be put faces of those who died, Ardern’s grave template that can be simply layered over in its place. Applied to the terror attack dignity and serious purpose, Farid a new event. in Christchurch, a classic prejudice Ahmed’s extraordinary act of I know something about the 20th argument might be that categorising and forgiveness, the banks of flowers, the century ideologies Pākehā people used distinguishing between groups is part of arms of protection that too late try to to justify colonialism and Māori our biological inheritance. Once the circle New Zealand’s . disadvantage (Wetherell and Potter, world is categorised in terms of groups, What can we say as psychologists that 1992). I think I have some handle on human irrationality and cognitive might help us understand? Perhaps very identity dynamics, but I don’t know limitations lead to stereotypes and over- little on our own. No doubt the most enough about the new international generalisation. In this account, we are all useful expertise will be in ways of best communities of hate, I don’t know how vulnerable to being prejudiced, and in supporting those in trauma. In the longer Islamophobia works, and the ways in this sense ‘normal’ prejudice is on a term, this event will require a broad which these movements intertwine with continuum with the extreme prejudice inter-disciplinary trajectory of what happens here, affecting all seen as shown by the Christchurch killer. For explanation, laying down a path with ‘other’. What I can offer is simply four emotionally disturbed individuals, Muslim colleagues and scholars, step by suggestions about possible starting ‘everyday’ prejudice will fuel active step, that might contribute to productive points. hatred and violent aggression. The routes forward. This is not a true crime Let’s not evoke lone wolves and/or solution recommended by prejudice series. We know who did it and roughly the universality of prejudice: It is so theorists, from the Enlightenment why. It is now all about trying to tempting as a psychologist to follow onwards, has been education, or the understand the context, and the situation. some familiar strategies when faced with assumption that ‘learning to tolerate’ Colleagues have started this process in the need to explain such as searching for will avoid the ‘mischief of irrationality’. the UK. Stephen Reicher, Alex Haslam a universal law of behaviour or a As Michael Billig (1988) points out, and Jay Van Bavel have written a deeply compelling account of individual however, my rationality is often your insightful piece in the British pathology. These can lead in such irrationality. Enlightenment rationalism, Psychological Society in-house journal contradictory directions- ‘unfortunately too, has been used to justify acts of The Psychologist thinking through the group-based violence is just part of barbaric violence. After all, many toxic identity and group dynamics that human nature and to be expected’ and/or Enlightenment philosophers owned produced the killer as an ‘engaged ‘he was a just a lone wolf, one evil slaves or participated in the slave trade. follower’. They analyse bits of his individual’ – neither direction takes us Tolerance as a kind of ‘largesse of the manifesto to demonstrate the way his very far. Of course, the killer was evil powerful’ is no solution either. To poisonous ideology defined ‘us’ and and he was exceptional, but this is a understand the terror attack in ‘them’, dehumanising ‘them’ as a partial truth that obscures. Why was evil Christchurch we need to get specific. warrant for the attack, following the kind expressed in this way? How did this Why is it normative for some groups in of murderous logic characteristic also of specific kind of evil become thinkable? some contexts to turn to violence while Nazi Germany. How does ‘exceptional evil’ become other groups do not see that as For obvious reasons I am not going to banal, normative and routine as it did in legitimate? What is the social history of analyse the killer’s words here and in Nazi Germany, for instance? The our current group categorisations? What fact we don’t need to do more of that. rhetoric of human nature, meanwhile, is kinds of differences between people Why was white ethno-nationalism often combined with the view that both become noticeable and who benefits persuasive in the first place, and what ‘sides’ are blameworthy – Islamic from that? How do some groups become tools can democratic social justice fundamentalists and far right white empowered to act out? And, if most movements use in response? Crucially – supremacists – both have engaged in people in a society insist on their

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 6 Understanding the terror attacks rationality, and that they are not intensify? The post war period in the imagining of a future to come where a prejudiced, why are those ‘tolerant’ global North saw an unprecedented New Zealander will sit on a broken arch societies still racist and unequal? banishment of violence from the public of London Bridge to sketch the ruins of Prejudice explanations are too sphere, now it is slowly creeping back. St Pauls. (In 1840, when Babbington individualistic; we need to hear from Maybe there is a slow radicalisation Macauley was writing, ‘New Zealander’ social historians, sociologists, going on of not just a pathological few meant Māori.) Te Punga Somerville anthropologists and economists to build but whole cultures, and it is this level of brilliantly unpicks Dore’s image and a depth picture of why them, why now. cultural change that produces the uses it as a device to reflect on the Focus on ideological flows and extremist few? This relates to Penny’s potential gaze back from indigenous identity dynamics: The other day I heard second point. She didn’t use this people in the former colony to the ruined some fascinating commentary on Radio terminology but it is one I find useful for empire. New Zealand about the terror attack thinking about cultural shifts – Raymond The point in gazing back is to reverse from UK based journalist and social Williams’ (1977) notion of a ‘structure and disrupt the normal direction of activist, Laurie Penny. There were two of feeling’. Williams argued that a analytic traffic, from the white British or points that struck me in particular. First, community, a culture, a generation are Pākehā researcher to the migrant and Penny argues that our image of fascism distinguished by what he described as a indigenous subject, and to understand is out of date – we imagine a political kind of practical consciousness, a differently. Ann Phoenix (1991) has party, soldiers marching in massive common sense of values, notions of how argued that too often black British public spaces, uniforms and insignia, the world works, dominant feelings, people, for example, are ‘a pathologised and the iconography of Hitler salutes – debates and forms of experience. For presence and a normalised absence’ in in other words a highly visible political Aotearoa New Zealand, we could psychological research, and the same phenomenon with a figurehead and contrast the structure of feeling of could be said of Muslim and Māori, and ideologue, one-party government and Pākehā New Zealand in the 1950s, for other ethnic minority groups in dictatorship. Instead, she suggests that instance, with the structure of feeling of Aotearoa. The support needed, therefore, the fascism and white ethno-nationalism the 2000s. The ‘characters’ of each is about finding the spaces, funds and mushrooming globally on the internet period are different, what is taken for jobs for Muslim and Māori researchers are relatively invisible, and almost granted, the hopes, ambitions and to keep on going with their work, mainstream in new ways which are hard horizon of expectations. There are no discovering ways of healing, to combat. Many of the classic features clear boundaries in structures of feeling, understanding trauma, and registering of fascism can be found – some themes continue, others disappear, what it is like to live in hostile authoritarianism, ultra-nationalism, change is gradual and often difficult to environments typified by micro- attempts to forcibly silence critics, articulate. aggressions, the impacts and life-long misogyny, advocacy for violence Penny is interested in exploring how consequences. This entails difficult towards those outside the core group - the window of public discourse and research by Māori and Muslim but dispersed in thousands of places public emotion has shifted in recent researchers on Pākehā racism and across the global internet. years to a greater acceptability for hate Islamophobia – difficult because, as Leaders such as Trump aid and abet, and white ethno-nationalism. Maybe the Belinda Borell (2017) describes, the through their dog whistles, their attack in Christchurch will bring some emotional labour involved in recording unwillingness to call out white reflexivity and some transparency to this and listening to privilege when that supremacist movements, their shift in what is seen as acceptable privilege is not yours is enormous. demonizing of Muslims and through discourse. But, in terms of explanation, Borell’s thesis is an important starting their hostile environments for migrants it seems to me that it is this territory of point. She used kaupapa Māori methods but the ideological flow is dispersed, new ideological flows, and the identities to explore Pākehā privilege and the kinds everywhere and nowhere, there in the these offer, that we have to grasp. These of justifications offered for white millions of views of YouTube rants that new settlements are key to colonial entitlement, analysing the do not seem to add up to much understanding the radicalisation process uncomfortable hesitations, the everyday individually, in the connections between and the ways in which emotions, discourses, and the distancing and torrents of abuse directed at women, the subjectivities, group norms, and systems defensive rationales. links between movements such as Incel, of justification can begin to intertwine in Understanding the fine lines of Islamophobia, Identitarianism, and so hugely harmful ways. leadership: has received on. Penny goes on to argue that most of Supporting Muslim and Māori global admiration for her leadership in us like to think that we would have scholars in gazing back: The notion of this crisis and rightly so. But I also want known what to do in the 1940s, we ‘gazing back’ I want to highlight here to understand what she did and why it would have known to fight back, and comes from Alice Te Punga was so effective, and that’s important for whose side to be on, but that is much less Somerville’s blog post on Brexit (see the future. Many accounts pick up on the clear when fascism is hidden in plain also Te Punga Somerville, 2012 and ways in which Ardern focused on sight. How does this new hate construct Borell, 2017). She describes obsessively spreading aroha, trying to mitigate hate its recipients? And, a question from watching the UK Brexit referendum through love, empathy and compassion. further back in the process - how did the results on television - a Māori woman This was key, but as the Australian social affective practice of aggressive, violent, and her Fijian partner engrossed by the theorist, Ghassen Hage (2019), has ‘righteous’ indignation become so unfolding drama. She is thinking about commented, love alone is never enough. normalised? How do affect and an illustration by Gustav Dore that It is the way love is mobilised and, I particular discourses combine and depicts Thomas Babbington Macauley’s would add, how positive emotion is

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 7 Understanding the terror attacks organised with the making of meaning their doors for all of us to grieve with Political leaders often try to do this and identity. them.’ She described their stories of kind of discursive work, supplying Not long after the event, I saw a tweet seeking refuge and arrival, and for some energising national narratives, but they from the UK that said: ‘why are we these are stories of long establishment in are persuasive and effective only to the making so much fuss about a white Aotearoa, noting that: ‘these stories, they extent they mobilise existing identity woman just doing her job?’ The tweeter now form part of our collective trajectories, and if they act skilfully. It is was making the point that we need to memories.” She also said, ‘we can be the important to be clear here. I am not change the conversation from Ardern’s nation that discovers the cure’ for hate arguing that the nation’s dominant noble acts, and focus on the lives of those and racism and, of course, with these response of shock and aroha was who were killed. This was before we did words offered the people from this place inevitable, and I am not buying into New find out more about those who died, and a particular kind of national identity to Zealand’s sense of exceptionalism, but indeed they must be centre-stage, not the take up and use to define who we are in suggesting that, fortunately, this was one homogeneous attacked, but people with this moment, in addition to shame and of the emergent ways of being that histories, with lives, and with reasons to misery. happened to be possible right here, right live. As many have noted, this should not Effective leaders work with events now. Structures of feeling are complex, be about making white people feel and the material conditions determining dynamic and contradictory. It would better. people’s lives, and they supply have been easy, perhaps, for Ardern to But there are ways and ways of doing narratives that make sense of these. But, pull on other threads in our national one’s job. Understanding the fine lines crucially, to be persuasive, these common sense and set up narratives for of leadership in this case, and the narratives must contain logics and lines exclusion, tit for tat, violent expulsion, political choices, involves grasping that that are already present, tacit and marginalising and minimising the the identity Ardern chose to speak from sometimes explicit, in the nation’s victims. Those logics were waiting also was not ‘white woman’ but New communal structure of feeling. Ardern, in the wings. Zealander, defined as a person from this then, drew on a New Zealand Ardern’s political work and place. She spoke from an inclusive exceptionalist discourse of ‘best little constructive choices don’t change national identity, and as the nation in the world’, where best here overnight a hostile climate, a colonial representative of a country with, as she came to mean welcome, warmth, history, or make white ethno-nationalists described in an interview with Waleed openness and caring. In an odd way, think again, but they are likely to Aly (New Zealand Herald, 2019), 200 after the attack, I was reminded of the reinforce and bolster some positive paths ethnicities and 160 languages (more time when New Zealand hosted the and may have significant material ethnicities than there are countries in the Rugby World Cup. I was newly returned effects, worked through everyday world). What was compelling was the to New Zealand, and it was so striking actions. I think that what she achieved way Ardern drew identity boundaries in after the anomie of London and the UK was an intervention in the flow of the hours after the attack – ‘they are us, the ways in which people cared about ideology/identity/affect, the flow which he is not us’. Aroha was not being good hosts in very immediate and authorises and legitimates feelings and indiscriminate, it would flow from the personal ways, rushing to the airport to actions, and which formulates common collective to those so deeply wounded, greet arriving teams, making sure sense. If the world is drifting to fascism and white supremacists were placed tourists were properly fed, housing them and hate, self-consciously she tried to outside this collective. in their own homes when beds ran short, remind us of other imaginings and other In her speech at the memorial event exemplifying and modelling the configurations of identity, emotion and two weeks after the killings, Ardern welcoming and collective generosity so sense making. I hope that what she might described the open-heartedness of the pervasive in Māori and Pacifica cultures, have accomplished is a decisive Muslim community who ‘had every and flying the flags of all the rugby resetting. right to express anger but instead opened nations from their cars.

Acknowledgement

A number of colleagues read an earlier draft and I am grateful for their time. I want to particularly acknowledge help received from Sam Wetherell, Alison Jones and Pete Williams.

REFERENCES 50b74252582994/1523336567381/Final emulated-not-by-white-australian- +thesis.pdf culture-loving-itself Billig, M. (1988) The notion of Dixon, J. & Levine, M. (eds.) (2012) New Zealand Herald (2019) Christchurch ‘prejudice’: Some rhetorical and Beyond Prejudice: Extending the Social mosque shootings: Jacinda Ardern’s ideological aspects. Text, 8, 91-111. Psychology of Conflict, Inequality and emotional conversation with Waleed Borell, B. (2017) The Nature of the Gaze: Social Change. Cambridge: Cambridge Aly of The Project Australia. A Conceptual Discussion of Societal University Press. https://www.nzherald.co.nz/entertainme Privilege from an Indigenous Hage, G. (2019) You can’t copy love: nt/news/article.cfm?c_id=1501119&obj Perspective. PhD Thesis, Massey Why other politicians fall short of ectid=12216203 University. Jacinda Ardern. The Guardian. Penny, L. (2019) Today’s fascism hides in https://static1.squarespace.com/static/59 https://www.theguardian.com/commenti plain sight. 152c88b8a79bdb0e644f2a/t/5acc453ff9 sfree/2019/mar/26/the-difficult-love-of- https://www.radionz.co.nz/national/prog jacinda-ardern-cannot-be-easily- rammes/afternoons/audio/2018688456/l

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 8 Understanding the terror attacks

aurie-penny-today-s-facism-hides-in- Te Punga Somerville, A. (2012) Once Wetherell, M. & Potter, J. (1992). plain-sight Were Pacific: Maori Connections to Mapping the Language of Racism. New Phoenix, A. (1991) Young Mothers. Oceania. Minneapolis: University of York: Columbia University Press. Cambridge: Polity. Minnesota Press. Williams, R. (1977) Marxism and Reicher, S., Haslam, A. & Van Bavel, J. Te Punga Somerville, A. (2016) A view of Literature. Oxford: Oxford University (2019) The road to Christchurch: A tale Brexit from elsewhere. Press. of two leaderships. The Psychologist, http://oncewerepacific.blogspot.com/20 st 21 March. 16/06/

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 9 Coping with loss and bereavement

Coping with loss and bereavement: An Islamic perspective Sunnya Khawaja and Nigar G. Khawaja Queensland University of Technology

The aim of the present commentary is to inform mental and allied health professionals about Islamic perspectives on life and death in the context of recent events. Further, religious and cultural factors that may help bereaved Muslims cope with their grief and make meaning of their loss are discussed. The tragic deaths of 50 Muslim worshippers at the Al Noor Mosque and Linwood Islamic Centre, Christchurch has not only shaken the World, it has triggered immense debate and reflection at an international level. New Zealand is a multicultural society. Muslims from all over the world call New Zealand home and live amongst other ethnic communities. At this difficult time New Zealand mental and allied health professionals, experienced in dealing with emotional responses of people, are keen to support the families of the deceased. However, these health professionals may have varying levels of information about Islamic perspectives associated with death and coping, therefore, it is expected that this commentary would assist the professional in their endeavors to assist Muslims in a culturally appropriate and safe manner.

Key Words: Coping; Death; Grief; Healing; Islam; Life; Loss; Muslims.

The terror attack on 15 March, 2019, diversity is expected to rise in the future members of a family and extended on Al Noor Mosque and Linwood due to an increasing indigenous community interact regularly with each Islamic Centre at Christchurch, has population and increased uptake of other. Families and communities are shaken this peaceful nation and shocked people from refugee and migrant intertwined and act as each other’s the international community. On this day backgrounds across the globe (Berry & support network and system. Holistic the Muslim community of Christchurch Sam, 2014; Ward & Masgoret, 2008). approaches, which may involve multiple gathered to offer their Friday (Jummah) Many of these relocated individuals and family and community members are prayers. However, 50 innocent Muslim families are Muslims. Islam, which often adopted to resolve psycho-social, people lost their lives at the hands of a originated in Arabia in 570 AD, rapidly financial and personal matters (Gregg, terrorist gunman with right wing spread to all neighbouring regions. The 2007). extremist views (BBC, 2019). This mass movement of people, across The term Muslims is used for those islamophobic attack, the horrific centuries, has taken Muslims to all who follow the religion of Islam. Islam, massacre of innocent Muslims, in a place corners of the globe including New the second largest religion in the World of worship, has left Christchurch and the Zealand. shares beliefs with Judaism and international community distraught and The number of Muslim people in New Christianity. It is based on Abraham’s mourning the loss of their Muslim Zealand has increased significantly over beliefs of one God (Esposito, 2009). Its brothers and sisters. The general the last three decades (Victoria followers respect and believe in all population and the Muslim community University of Wellington, 2011). prophets and regard Mohammad (peace in Christchurch is trying to come to Muslim people make up approximately be upon him) as the last of the prophets terms with this event. Though all one percent of the total population. Most send by the God. In order to understand stakeholders are in the midst of trying to Muslims living in New Zealand were the Islamic perspective on death, it is understand and make sense the cause of born overseas (Victoria University of important to first understand the this tragedy in order to prevent such Wellington, 2011). New Zealand importance of life, followed by death events, mental and allied health Muslims come from a range of ethnic and then the afterlife. Muslims believe professionals are trying to assist the backgrounds. The most prominent that all people and all living organisms grieving individuals and families. Thus, ethnicities are Indian and Middle Eastern originate from God, belong to God and it is paramount to understand Muslims’ including Arab, Iranian and Iraqi will return to God at the time of death religious and cultural beliefs about (Victoria University of Wellington, (Rubin & Yasien-Esmael, 2004). A bereavement and healing. 2011). It is important to note that person’s life is considered to be sacred. New Zealand is a diverse country with although Muslims have different ethnic The birth and death of a person is people from various ethnic and religious origins, they are connected through one considered very precious in Islam as God backgrounds. Although New Zealand common thread that is their Islamic faith. bestowed life and only God has the has a population of 4.3 million people, it Despite subtle differences among their ability to take it away (Rubin & Yasien- is estimated that one in four individuals cultures, most of the Muslim Esmael, 2004). Islam encourages identify as culturally and linguistically communities share collectivistic Muslim people to lead a decent and diverse (CALD) (Victoria University of features. Members of the collectivistic fulfilling life undertaking good deeds. Wellington, 2011). With a substantial cultures lead interdependent lives, where A Muslim can live a decent life and amount of the population born overseas, group membership is prioritised over accomplish good deeds throughout there is an increase of multiculturalism one’s self (Triandis, Bhawuk, & his/her life by following the foundations and religious diversity. Further, this Gelfand, 1995). In collectivistic cultures, of Islam known as the ‘five pillars of

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 10 Coping with loss and bereavement

Islam’ (Hitchcock, 2005). These basic including an act of suicide). Therefore, loved ones (Mohamed Hussin, Guàrdia- beliefs are the building blocks of Islam: believers accept the actions of God and Olmos, & Liisa Aho, 2018). The belief faith, prayer, charity, fasting and believe that God has his reasons for that Muslims return to God after death pilgrimage (Hitchcock, 2005). Faith taking the life of a person. Further, can bring comfort to grieving family refers to Muslims’ belief in one God and Muslims believe in life after death members or friends. The thought that his messenger the Prophet Mohammad (Hedayat, 2006; Sarhill et al., 2001). It is death is God’s will, may help them (peace be upon him). Prayer refers to the believed that the spirit of a deceased externalise the painful loss (Rubin & act of praying five times in a day. Charity individual leaves the physical body at Yasien-Esmael, 2004). They may refers to the act of making a contribution death. Although an individual may be interpret it as a sign that their deceased to the underprivileged and physically deceased, their spirit lives on. family member is in a safe place impoverished. Fasting refers to the act of Additionally, another important Islamic (Yasien-Esmael, & Rubin, 2005). In the fasting during the month of Ramadan, belief is associated with the concept of same way it is possible that the idea that one of the holiest months in the Islamic heaven and hell (Khalil, 2013). What the spirit of the deceased lives on; beliefs calendar. Pilgrimage refers to the act of happens to a person after death depends in an afterlife may be reassuring for the going to Mecca for hajj. Mecca is the on how they have lived their life (Rubin family members (Chapple et al., 2011; holiest city as it is the origin of Islam. & Yasien-Esmael, 2004). The Islamic Hedayat, 2006). In the case of the Being a good Muslim and living a life faith promotes individuals to take Christchurch mosque attack, the belief fulfilled with good deeds is considered to responsibility for their actions that death occurred on a Friday in the bring an individual closer to God throughout their lives (Rubin & Yasien- midst of prayers can bring some relief to (Yasien-Esmael, Eshel, & Rubin, 2018). Esmael, 2004). It is believed this the families. Families may interpret the Prayer is considered one of the most decision will is made by God on the day tragedy as a sign that their loved ones important pillars of Islam as Muslims are of Judgement (Hedayat, 2006; Sarhill et may become close to God as they lost encouraged to pray five times a day. al., 2001). their life while worshipping (Yucel, Engaging in prayers is considered It is believed that the Muslims’ actions 2010). They may also feel some comfort sacred; it is a way of connecting and will be assessed by God after death on in the idea that their loved one may be getting closer to God on a spiritual level the Day of Judgement. This evaluation granted a place in heaven. Cultural (Yucel, 2010). It becomes even more by God will determine whether a Muslim values and rituals also play an important significant if prayer is offered in a will go to heaven or hell (Hedayat, 2006; role at the time of grief. Generally, grief mosque, the house of God. A prayer Sarhill et al., 2001). It is believed that and loss can become a communal affair. offered at the mosque is considered more Muslims, who have undertaken more Driven by collectivism the wider important and rewarding (Gilliat-Ray, good deeds than bad, will be rewarded community takes the responsibility of 2005). Further, prayers offered on a by God by acquiring a place in heaven. offering emotional, social and Friday, the Sabbath day in Islam, are the While those individuals, who have lived instrumental support to the grieving most rewarding as this day is considered an immoral or evil life, would be individuals and families (Suhail, Jamil, the holiest day of the week. It is a day to required to face the negative Oyebode, & Ajmal, 2011). Prayers are be celebrated as God took rest after consequences after death, being placed offered and is recited to comfort creating the Universe. It is an important in hell by God. The religious beliefs the soul of the departed. These events custom and blessing to pray at the promote that notion of engaging in good provide an opportunity to further mosque on a Friday (Haeri, 2013; deeds as these actions will please God reiterate and reinforce the religious Möller, 2005). Friday midday prayer is and translate into a place in heaven after beliefs. Further they also provide a an important occasion for communities death. closure and a chance to move on with to gather at the mosque and pray Coming to terms with the death of a one’s life, a notion strongly supported by together. As women may often be busy family member or friend is a very painful Islamic principles (Esposito, 2009). with domestic duties, it is a common and emotional process for a grieving Compared to any other loss, death tradition for men to attend this prayer individual (Mayers-Elder, 2008; provokes the most significant emotional with their sons to teach them this Romaniuk, 2014 ). Further, there is a response. Further, traumatic deaths, like important ritual (Sayeed, 2001). This bulk of literature that indicates the those witnessed in Christchurch, are no was a feature observed at the massacre at importance of meaning making doubt intense and complex. However, Christchurch. (Pritchard & Buckle, 2018). Meaning we hope that the religious beliefs may In Islam, death is considered an making has emerged as a very important assist the bereaved in their meaning inevitable part of life. In order words, way of processing and dealing with grief making process. Further, we hope that death is a normal part of an individual’s (Neimeyer, Klass, & Dennis, 2014). It is this commentary assists mental and life (Rubin & Yasien-Esmael, 2004; particularly critical after a traumatic allied health professionals, who may like Yasien-Esmael & Rubin, 2005). death. It is possible that at the time of to enhance their capacity to understand Muslims believe that death is a result of hardship, bereaved individuals may turn and assist traumatised individuals form God’s will (Rubin & Yasien-Esmael, to their religious and cultural views as a different faiths. Finally, we hope that 2004; Sarhill, LeGrand, Islambouli, support system and a way of making irrespective of our religious backgrounds Davis, & Walsh, 2001). The time and sense of the ordeal. we can all reflect and learn about the manner of an individual’s death has Bereaved Muslims may use religious beliefs that help human beings in making already been determined by God (not principles to help cope with the loss of sense of the grief and loss.

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Corresponding Author: Associate Hitchcock, J. (2005). The 5 pillars of (2001). The terminally ill Muslim: Professor Nigar G. Khawaja, School of Islam. Verbum, 2(2), 43–50. death and dying from the Muslim Psychology & Counselling, Hussein, H., & Oyebode, J. R. (2009). perspective. The American Journal Queensland University of Technology, Influences of religion and culture on of Hospice & Palliative Care, 18(4), Australia. Email: continuing bonds in a sample of 251–255. [email protected] British Muslims of Pakistani origin. Sayeed, A. (2001). Early Sunni Death Studies, 33(10), 890–912. Discourse on Women’s Mosque References Khalil, M. H. (2013). Between Heaven Attendance. ISIM Newsletter, 7, 1. BBC. (2019). Christchurch shootings: and Hell: Islam, Salvation, and the Suhail, K., Jamil, N., Oyebode, J., & How the attacks unfolded. Retrieved Fate of Others. OUP USA. Ajmal, M.A. (2011). Continuing from Mohamed Hussin, N., Guàrdia-Olmos, bonds in bereaved Pakistani https://www.bbc.com/news/world- J., & Liisa Aho, A. (2018). The use Muslims: effects of culture and asia-47582183 of religion in coping with grief religion. Death Studies, 35, 22–41. Berry, J. W., & Sam, D. L. (2014). among bereaved Malay Muslim Triandis, H. C., Bhawuk, D. P. S., & Multicultural societies. The Oxford parents. Mental Health, Religion & Gelfand, M. J. (1995). Horizontal Handbook of Multicultural Identity, Culture, 21(4), 395–407. and vertical dimensions of 4, 97. Mayers-Elder, C. (2008). On Grief and individualism and collectivism: A Chapple, A., Swift, C., & Ziebland, S. Grieving: Finding the meaning of theoretical and measurement (2011). The role of spirituality and grief through the five stages of loss. refinement. Cross-Cultural religion for those bereaved due to a Journal of the National Medical Research. 29 (3): 240- 275. traumatic death. Mortality, 16(1), 1– Association, 100(7), 865–866. Victoria University of Wellington. 19. Möller, A. (2005). Islam and traweh (2011). Muslims in New Zealand. Esposito, J.L. (2009). Islam. prayers in Java: Unity, diversity, and https://www.victoria.ac.nz/cacr/rese Overview. Oxford Encyclopedia of cultural smoothness. Indonesia and arch/identity/muslims-in-new- the Islamic World. Oxford: Oxford the Malay World, 33(95), 37–52. zealand University Press. Neimeyer, R. A., Klass, D., & Dennis, Ward, C., & Masgoret, A.-M. (2008). Gilliat-Ray, S. (2005). “Sacralising” M. A. (2014). A social Attitudes toward immigrants, sacred space in public institutions: A constructionist account of grief: Loss immigration, and multiculturalism in case study of the prayer space at the and the narration of meaning. Death New Zealand: A social Millennium Dome. Journal of Studies, 38, 485–498. psychological analysis 1. The Contemporary Religion, 20(3), 357– Pritchard, T., & Buckle, J. (2018). International Migration Review, 372. Meaning-making after partner 42(1), 227–248. Gregg, G. S. (2007). Series in culture, suicide: A narrative exploration Yasien-Esmael, H., Eshel, Y., & cognition, and behavior. Culture and using the meaning of loss codebook. Rubin, S. S. (2018). Bereavement of identity in a Muslim society. New Death Studies, 42(1), 35–44. Israeli Arab Muslim widows: York, NY, US: Oxford University Romaniuk, E. (2014). Losing Staff: Determinants of adjustment and Press. The Seven Stages of Loss and supporting attributes. Death Studies, Haeri, N. (2013). The Private Recovery. The Serials Librarian, 42(1), 52–62. Performance of“ Salat” Prayers: 66(1-4), 241–247. Yasien-Esmael, H., & Rubin, S. S. Repetition, Time, and Meaning. Rubin, S. S., & Yasien-Esmael, H. (2005). The meaning structures of Anthropological Quarterly, 5–34. (2004). Loss and Bereavement Muslim bereavements in Israel: Hedayat, K. (2006). When the spirit among Israel’s Muslims: Acceptance religious traditions, mourning leaves: Childhood death, grieving, of God's Will, Grief, and the practices, and human experience. and bereavement in Islam. Journal of Relationship to the Deceased. Death Studies, 29(6), 495–518. Palliative Medicine, 9(6), 1282– Omega, 49(2), 149–162. Yucel, S. (2010). Prayer And Healing 1291. Sarhill, N., LeGrand, S., Islambouli, In Islam. Tughra Books. R., Davis, M. P., & Walsh, D.

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 12 The road to Christchurch: A tale of two leaderships

The road to Christchurch: A tale of two leaderships

Stephen Reicher1, Alex Haslam2 and Jay Van Bavel3 1 University of St Andrews, United Kingdom, 2 University of Queensland, Australia, 3 New York University, USA

In the aftermath of a slaughter like ‘The people’, then, are a racialised bring other dimension of identity Christchurch, we are forced, once again, group. Christchurch was an act rooted in leadership into the spotlight. to confront that old question: how can a world view which divides people into A murderous logic people be marked for murder, not for antagonistic racial blocs in which the Before addressing who the leaders are anything they have done but simply for very presence of the one is at odds with in the case of Christchurch, let us first who they are? It is a question the killer the survival of the other. consider what such toxic leadership asks himself in his so-called manifesto. In this world, the killer positions consists of. How, that is, can acts of A word of warning before we himself as just an ordinary individual atrocity possibly be justified as being proceed. Readers will note that we are who has chosen to act on behalf of his noble or good? Elsewhere, we have not using the name of the killer in this group. He is no-one special. In another analysed the process as involving five piece. In this, we follow the argument of of the questions he poses to himself, ‘do steps (Reicher, Haslam & Rath, 2008). New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda you consider yourself a leader’, he The first two steps involve defining an Ardern, who said 'he sought many things quickly dismisses the thought. ‘No’, he ingroup and then setting exclusive from his act of terror, but one was responds ‘just a partisan’. In the terms boundaries such that particular notoriety – and that is why you will we have used to explain the psychology minorities are excluded from the never hear me mention his name'. On the of atrocity, the Christchurch killer is an embrace of ‘us’ and become ‘them’. A other hand, after considerable ‘engaged follower’ (Haslam, Reicher & classic example of this is to define deliberation, we have decided to quote Van Bavel, 2019). That is, he is someone nationhood in ethnic terms such that from his manifesto. We recognise that who knowingly and willingly inflicts ethnic minorities are excluded. As a the content is vile and will be upsetting harm in the belief that he is furthering a result, these minorities are denied all the to many. We do not encourage people to valued ingroup cause. Unlike traditional forms of solidarity, trust, respect, access and read the manifesto without approaches which suggest that such cooperation and influence which strong reasons to do so (which is why we people act through ‘thoughtlessness’ normally derive from being accepted as do not reference the document with and even unawareness of what they are ‘one of us’ (Reicher & Haslam, 2009). details of how it can be accessed). doing (see Reicher, Haslam & Miller, This denial of the positives of ingroup However we do provide a minimum of 2014), we argue that such people act inclusion can be painful, marginalising material which we consider essential in deliberately in the belief that what they and disempowering. What is more, once order to understand the actions of the are doing is right. ‘Do you feel any people become ‘them’, we become killer, to demonstrate the relevance of remorse for the attack?’ asks the killer. indifferent to their fate and disinclined to wider Islamophobic discourses to the ‘No, I only wish I could have killed more intervene when they suffer (e.g. Levine, Christchurch massacre, and therefore to invaders’. Prosser, Evans & Reicher, 2005) But, help prevent the reoccurrence of such But engaged followership is only one serious though they are, such things are atrocities in the future. half of the psychology of atrocity. For if still a long way from perpetrating Back to the killer's words. ‘Why did people follow, who is it who guides and slaughter. This takes us to the next two you target those people’, he asks, leads them? If the killer is a partisan, an steps. providing his own answer: ‘They were ordinary foot soldier of racial These involve, on the one hand, an obvious, visible and large group of annihilation, who are the generals? To representing the ingroup a noble and invaders, from a culture with higher be more precise, who created the virtuous and the outgroup as a threat to fertility rates, higher social trust and worldview in which it could be the ingroup. These can both take more or strong, robust traditions that seek to acceptable or even noble to commit less extreme forms. At its strongest, the occupy my peoples [sic] lands and mass murder? argument goes that we live in a ethnically replace my own people’. We characterise this destructive act of Manichean world, where the ingroup So the victims were killed for being creation as ‘toxic identity leadership’ represents the sum of all good and the Muslims in New Zealand and the (Haslam et al., 2019). Where identity outgroup (which itself is the sum of all gunman acted on behalf of what he saw leadership in general is about defining evil) threatens to destroy the ingroup. as his ‘own people’. Who his own the group and how ‘we’ should act to This extreme form characterises Nazi people are is not clear from this passage. advance the group cause (Haslam, ideology which portrayed Germany as But it is made explicit elsewhere, when Reicher & Platow, 2011), toxic identity representative of cleanliness and purity the killer explains who he is: ‘I am just leadership specifically is a matter of (see Koonz, 2005) under deadly threat of a regular White man, from a regular defining harm to others as essential to destruction by dirty polluting Jews (see family. Who decided to take a stand to the advancement of this cause. We can Herf, 2008). ensure a future for my people’. And he only understand Christchurch – and Once one has reached this point, then further defines ‘white’ as ‘those that are prevent further such events – if we everything is in place to take the final ethnically and culturally European’. widen our focus from the perpetrator and

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 13

The road to Christchurch: A tale of two leaderships step whereby the destruction of the other is entitled ‘The great Replacement’ – a post-massacre leadership of New becomes permissible – indeed becomes clear reference to ‘replacement theory’, Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern. an obligation – in order to preserve associated with Renaud Camus, which From exclusive to inclusive virtue. This is the logic which suggests that mass migration leads to the leadership Robespierre used in an infamous speech replacement of Europeans by Arabs and In the immediate aftermath of the of 5th February 1794 justifying the terror African, many of them Muslim (Froio, mosque shootings, Jacinda Ardern as a means of subduing the enemies of 2018). The symbols on the guns reflect called a press conference to condemn progress: ‘the springs of popular tropes that are common in supremacist what she called ‘an extraordinary and government in revolution are at once far right circles. But some of the unprecedented act of violence’ and ‘one virtue and terror; virtue, without which influences go wider. The notion of of New Zealand’s darkest days’. There terror is fatal; terror, without which immigrants, particularly Muslim was nothing distinctive about this way of virtue is powerless’ (Robespierre, 2007, immigrants, as ‘invaders’ (with the talking about the event. It is expected for p.115). It is also the logic used by implicit connotations of otherness and leaders to use strong terms in describing Himmler, speaking to Auschwitz threat) have been used by leaders such as and condemning such atrocities – and, in Guards in Poznan, praising them for Orban and Trump. The widespread this, the NZ leaders’ words were echoed having the strength to do the nasty but discourse of immigration based on the by leaders in other countries across the necessary labour of mass murder: ‘To need for ‘strong borders’ in order to world. have stuck it out and at the same time ... keep out criminals, rapists, drug dealers What made Ardern’s comment to have remained decent fellows. This is presupposes ‘our’ vulnerability and different was what came next when she a page of glory in our history’ (cited by ‘their’ dangers (Kelly, 2019). The more came to characterising the victims. Here Rees, 2005, p.226). general political and media discourse she didn’t seek to gloss over the fact that about Muslims does much to emphasise Warranting Islamophobia the victims were largely immigrants or their strangeness, their otherness and the In some 20,000 words, the that they were Muslim. However, she dangers ‘they’ pose in ‘our’ society. Christchurch ‘manifesto’ contains a stressed: ‘they have chosen to make Thus, an analysis of five Australian mish-mash of right-wing islamophobic New Zealand their home, and it is their newspapers in 2017 found 2971 articles tropes that include all five of the steps home. They are us. The person who has (some eight a day) referring to outlined above. The author constitutes a perpetrated this violence against us in Islam/Muslims alongside words racialised ingroup to which Muslims are not’. Unlike others, then, Ardern took suggesting danger (violence, extreme, positioned as other in terms of ethnicity, time to stress that the victims were terror, radical) (One Path, 2018). Closer religion and values. He constitutes members of the ingroup (‘they are us’). to home, many will remember the article Muslims as a dangerous group of rapists Hence the attack was an attack on the in which the prominent Conservative and drugs dealers who constitute an ingroup (the violence was ‘against us’). politician, Boris Johnson, referred to existential threat to ‘white’ Europeans. The significance of this should be women wearing the burqa/niqab as He castigates those who are too weak to clear. If the starting point for outgroup looking like ‘letter-boxes’ or ‘bank stand up to this ‘threat’ and insists that hatred is defining the ingroup robbers’. all must be eliminated, including exclusively so as to bar certain Our point here is not that the likes of children: ‘It will be distasteful, it will be minorities from the wider community, Johnson and the relentless negative damaging to the soul, but know that it is so the key step in contesting such hatred portrayals of Muslims in the media are necessary and any invader you spare, no is to define the ingroup inclusively so equivalent to the far-right ideas of matter the age, will one day be an enemy that these minorities are reincorporated Camus or directly lead to massacres. But your people must face.’ in the ingroup. nor are they irrelevant. On the one hand, In more condensed form, the killer’s Additionally, if the positive embrace simply by portraying Islam as ‘other’ guns stand as symbols to his beliefs. of the ingroup and their concern at any they impede the ability of Muslims to be They are scrawled with slogans. These harm done depends upon ingroup accepted and play a full part in society. include the names of leaders who, inclusion, then the insistence that the Moreover, it is as if they unlock the path supposedly saved from Muslim victims are us not only makes people to Christchurch and usher people in to a hordes (Charles Martel, Georgia’s care, it heightens their resolve to ensure place where more toxic voices lurk. It is David IV, Sebastiano Venier) the names that no more harm is done. In this regard, impossible to massacre people who are of recent terrorists who have slaughtered it is worth invoking the debate about ‘us’. Once it has become respectable to Muslims and African immigrants Poles and Jews in the Holocaust. In a view Muslims as ‘them’, and moreover (Alexandre Bissonnette, Luca Traini) powerful essay, Blonski (1978/1990) as a potential threat, then it becomes and the names of those who are victims argues that, while there were some easier to develop these ideas in a of the supposed Muslim invasion (Ebba heroes who saved Jews and some genocidal direction. Akerlund). ‘For Rotherham’ reads one perpetrators who betrayed or killed On the other hand, those who ‘other’ of the slogans. And the link between them, the major issue was one of Muslims can play no part in resolving ideas and murderous actions is made indifference which derived from the conflict and in responding clear in that is written on the view that Jews were not really Poles. As constructively in the aftermath of a ammunition clip of a semi-automatic Rafael Scarf (cited in Polonsky, 1990, p. Christchurch. That much becomes clear rifle. 194) puts it: ‘if it had been known then when we turn away from those toxic The killer makes clear that his ideas that it was not Jews who were burning, leadership voices who provided a cause come from a number of sources, but native Polish husbands, mothers, the killer could serve and towards the particularly from the internet. Some of wives and children, the nation’s the sources are obvious. The manifesto outburst of wrath and fury would have

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 14

The road to Christchurch: A tale of two leaderships been uncontrollable, even if they had to If there is just one thing we can learn our-pm-is-telling-fairytales-while- tear up the rails [to the death from Christchurch, it is that leadership ardern-does-something-radical- camps] with their teeth’. matters and that the form of leadership 20190316-p514rg.html What Ardern achieved in her initial that is exercised is critical to what Koonz, C. (2005). The Nazi conscience. statements was precisely to orchestrate a happened. Moreover, the question of Cambridge, Ma: Harvard University transformation from anti-Muslim scares leadership turns on what sorts of Press. to pro-Muslim care. And she didn’t stop identities are mobilised. Is it a matter of Levine, M., Prosser, A., Evans, D., & there. Ardern’s inclusive identity excluding minorities from the ‘us’ and Reicher, S.D. (2005). Identity and emergency intervention: How social leadership took on a performative demonising them to the extent that we group membership and inclusiveness of dimension when, the day after the are given a choice between ‘them’ and group boundaries shape helping massacre, she visited Christchurch. ‘us’? Or is it rather a matter of including behavior. Personality and Social Dressed in black, wearing a hijab and minorities within the ‘us’ and making Psychology Bulletin, 31, 443-453. visibly moved, she physically embraced their fate our own? One Path (2018). Islam in the media, 2017. members of the Muslim community. As if to exemplify that contrast, Retrieved on 19th March 2019 In this simple human gesture, much is Jacinda Ardern was asked if she agreed from https://www.onepathnetwork.com/ accomplished. Through her dress, with Donald Trump’s denial that white islam-in-the-media-2017/ Ardern (as representative of the nation) supremacism and right-wing terrorism Polonsky, A. (1990). My brother’s keeper: signals that Muslims, as Muslims (and were problems, she replied with a simple Recent Polish debates on the without any need to assimilate), are of undiplomatic ‘no’. Pushed to say how Holocaust. London: Routledge the nation. Through her sorrow, she the US could help in the fight against Rees, L. (2005). Auschwitz: The Nazis and indicates that the sorrow of the Muslim atrocities like Christchurch, she said the ‘Final Solution’. London, UK: BBC community is the sorrow of the nation. ‘Sympathy and love for all Muslim Books. Through her embrace, she demonstrates communities’. And that won’t happen as Reicher, S.D. & Haslam, S.A. (2009). that the entire nation – Muslim and non- long as these communities are portrayed Beyond help: a social psychology of Muslim – is (as she put it) ‘united in as unwanted invaders from the outside collective solidarity and social cohesion. grief’. The words, though, are rather than valued constituents of the In M. Snyder & S. Sturmer (Eds.) The psychology of prosocial behaviour (pp. superfluous. The silent performance of inside. 289-310). Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. an inclusive community of solidarity is Reicher, S.D., Haslam, S. A., & Rath, R. sufficient. REFERENCES (2008). Making a virtue of evil: A five‐ What is more, Ardern’s acts of step social identity model of the Blonski, J. (1978/1990). The poor Poles solidarity and inclusion have not just development of collective hate. Social look at the ghetto. In A. Polonsky. My been symbolic. She has acted to enshrine and Personality Psychology brother’s keeper: Recent Polish debates her arguments in policy and practice. Compass, 2, 1313-1344. on the Holocaust. London: Routledge She has pledged to pay funeral costs, Reicher, S. D., Haslam, S. A., & Miller, A. Haslam, S.A., Reicher, S.D. & Van Bavel, provide assistance to bereaved families G. (2014). What makes a person a J. (2019). Rethinking the nature of and to reform gun laws. To use the terms perpetrator? The intellectual, moral, and cruelty: The role of identity leadership in we use to analyse effective identity methodological arguments for revisiting the Stanford Prison Milgram's research on the influence of leadership (Haslam et al., 2011), Ardern Experiment. American Psychologist. In authority. Journal of Social Issues, 70, has not only been a skilled entrepreneur press. 393-408. of identity (building and mobilising a Haslam, S.A., Reicher, S.D. & Platow, M. Robespierre, M. (2007). Virtue and sense of ‘us’) but also an impresario of (2011). The new psychology of Terror. London, UK: Verso. identity (translating collective norms leadership. London: Psychology Press. and values into material lived realities). Ewing, I. (2018). What are the ‘New Acknowledgement – First published She has made a great start in healing the Zealand values NZ First wants to test at http://thepsychologist.bps.org.uk and divisions and the hurt. But the greatest migrants on? 1stOctober 2018. reprinted with the permission of the British challenges still lie ahead – most notably Retrieved on 19th Match 2019 Psychological Society and Stephen from https://www.newshub.co.nz/home/ how Ardern now deals with her coalition Reicher. partners, , who politics/2018/10/what-are-the-new- believe that migrants should have to zealand-values-nz-first-wants-to-test- submit to test of ‘Christian-based’ New migrants-on.html Zealand values (Ewing, 2018). Froio, C. (2018). Race, religion, or culture? Framing Islam between racism and neo-racism in the online network of CONCLUSION the French far right". Perspectives on Intergroup hatred and massacres like Politics, 16, 696–709. Christchurch don’t just happen all on Herf, J. (2008). The Jewish enemy. their own. They cannot be explained by Cambridge, Ma: Harvard University focusing on the perpetrator alone. For Press. when someone decides to kill for a cause Kelly, S. (2019) Our PM is telling fairy one must ask who created that cause and tales while Ardern does something how they built up the notion that it could radical. The Sydney Morning Herald be a noble act, a heroic sacrifice for March 18th 2019. Retrieved on one’s people, to inflict pain, suffering 19th March 2019 from https://www.smh.com.au/national/ and even death upon others.

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 15

Prejudice is about collective values

Prejudice is about Collective Values, not a Biased Psychological System Michael J. Platow1, Dirk Van Rooy1, Martha Augoustinos2, Russell Spears3, Daniel Bar-Tal4 and Diana M. Grace5 1 The Australian National University, 2 The University of Adelaide, 3 University of Groningen, 4 Tel Aviv University, 5 The Australian National University

The study of prejudice has a long and understand how specific intergroup group membership. By recognizing this proud history within social psychology. attitudes and behaviours develop and situated usage and understanding of the But despite the hundreds if not become legitimated within specific concept of prejudice, our social- thousands of empirical papers, we still groups in specific intergroup and psychological efforts to combat have not seemed to “crack” the problem. historical contexts. prejudice can, thus, move away from Daily expressions of both subtle and A further recent example demonstrates banal (and faulty) claims of “pre- hostile prejudice still occur and, more what we mean. Following the murders judging” and near tautological claims of tragically, violence too, as we have seen of journalists in January faulty or biased cognitive processing. in New Zealand (and elsewhere). In the 2015, many Australians, like others Instead, they refocus our attention to the aftermath of the horrific mosque attacks around the world, proclaimed “Je suis study of the dynamic processes in Christchurch, it is perhaps time to take Charlie” as they showed their solidarity underlying what precisely it is that we stock and re-evaluate the collective with the journalists. In Australia, are trying to combat in the first place: wisdom our profession has produced in however, this was followed by the that which we understand today as understanding prejudice. In this paper realization that the Australian Anti- prejudice may well have been seen as an we argue that psychologists’ efforts Discrimination Act would censor the accurate description of reality only just toward this end have unfortunately led to journalists’ work by identifying it as yesterday. A prime example within an excessive focus on the psychological hate speech, thereby making the work social psychology itself is, of course, the failings on the part of individuals. illegal. This posed an intractable concept of modern racism, which Instead, we believe that a more dilemma, as aspects of Australian law explicitly recognizes the historical productive approach is to focus on were now recognized as being dependence of the expression and collective values in the form of social consonant with at least one of the meaning of prejudice. norms, and how these can be used in the murderers’ goals. In response to this We see this analysis to be of value as service of fighting prejudice. problem, efforts were renewed to people who believe their own attitudes Indeed, in the aftermath of the change the Act. Ironically, Australians are not prejudiced are likely to remain Christchurch murders we witnessed the had only recently rejected similarly immune to anti-prejudice appeals. In explicit display of such collective values proposed changes largely because such fact, they are unlikely to see their by New Zealanders in their near changes would allow for more frequent attitudes in need of change, instead unanimity in restating their collective expressions of prejudice. We, therefore, seeing them as accurate, truthful, values as New Zealanders. This was ask: Were the attitudes expressed by the legitimate and even shared among other modelled most eloquently by the New Charlie Hebdo journalists prejudice? rational people. In this manner, we heed Zealand prime minister who effortlessly Prior to the murders, many would have Billig’s (2012, p. 142) claim that, “any and genuinely engaged in identity found it easy to identify the journalists’ analysis of modern racism…should leadership (Haslam, Reicher, & Platow, work as prejudiced. However, the include an analysis of what modern 2011) by clarifying, reaffirming and anguish and disgust felt as a result of the people understand by the very concept modelling the values and norms that brutality of the murders meant anything of ‘prejudice’.” Surprisingly, this is an define the nation she led. This was also that would distance Australians from the area of empirical and conceptual work to done on a daily level by ordinary Kiwis, murderers became more important. With which scant social-psychological with both large scale and public gestures this change in context, many no longer attention has been paid. Indeed, Billig and smaller micro-kindnesses expressed saw the journalists as prejudiced. (p. 152) continued his call by confirming to all people, but particularly the New The key element of the above that, “there is little social scientific Zealand Muslim community. So while it description of the Charlie Hebdo work…to demonstrate what people may make us feel better simply to point murders is the remarkable shifting of consider to be prototypical examples of to the perpetrator of this hateful crime people’s understandings of the very prejudice.” Undoubtedly, as with many and claim he was crazy, or somehow concept of prejudice. Identification of concepts used in daily discourse, most psychologically challenged, this will not attitudes and behaviours as prejudiced or people are likely to have a basic help us to solve the problem of not appears to be tied to, and influenced understanding of what prejudice is. Yet prejudice. This is, again, because the by, people’s current social context and no understanding appears to be problem of prejudice is a problem of their position within it. Indeed, as we universally accepted, and each collective values and shared norms, that outline in more detail below, fluctuates with contextual changes, as are learned and often institutionalized, identification of an attitude as exemplified above. and not of individual psychological prejudiced is actually an assertion that Notably, but not surprisingly, people processes. Ultimately, to understand that the attitude is counter-normative with see their own intergroup attitudes as which we call prejudice, we must regard to one’s own contextually salient normative, legitimate and correct (e.g.,

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Crandall, Eshleman & O’Brien, 2002); contexts. Higher levels of agreement, for influence,” 23.1%) as well as intergroup at minimum, they typically fail to see example, were observed in the context contact (23.1%). In a subsequent paper them as prejudiced. For example, very of “segregating races and nationalities” (Sommers & Norton, 2006), participants low levels of self-reported prejudice than in “attitudes toward occupations” generated traits of the social category were observed among university student (p. 223). Three broad conclusions can be “White racist” instead of “prejudice” per samples; it was other people who made from this work: (a) there are se. Generated traits had both similarities respondents saw as prejudiced, not shared lay understandings of the concept to social-psychological understandings themselves (O’Brien, Crandall, of prejudice, (b) there are also (e.g., ignorant, uneducated) but also Hortsman-Reser, Warner, Alsbrooks, & disagreements, and (c) the degree of remarkable differences (e.g., Blodorn, 2010). Moreover, a prejudice- consensus varies as a function of the opinionated, American Southern). When reduction intervention procedure context in which it is examined. a separate set of participants then rated (Devine, Forscher, Austin, & Cox, More recent work has taken one of two these traits on the degree to which they 2012) includes the confrontation of approaches, both of which have revealed attributed them to the category “White participants with their own prejudice as similarities between lay and social- racist,” the ratings factored into measured with the Implicit Association psychological understandings of evaluative (e.g., morality), Test. This intervention assumes people prejudice. One approach is discourse- psychological (e.g., ignorant), and do not know that they are prejudiced. analytic. This work has revealed that the demographic (e.g., again, American However, if people must be told by negative component of prejudice in Southern) dimensions. experts that they are prejudiced, then many (but not all) formal accounts is appropriate and inappropriate intergroup also held in lay accounts, with people The Prejudice Census attitudes become the purview of these often at pains to preface their intergroup Our research group has continued this experts who impose their normative attitudes with “I’m not prejudiced, line of work by, among other things, standards on others. This may well be a but…” (Billig, 2012, p. 142). Indeed, recording instances that people describe political state of affairs that is sought. Billig describes how people rhetorically as “prejudice”. In 2016, we launched our Psychologically, however, people are separate intergroup attitudes from Prejudice Census. This is an on-line likely to have intergroup attitudes as prejudiced attitudes. He notes that questionnaire allowing people anywhere blithely as they have attitudes toward people have clear expectations about and at any time to report instances of cars or vegemite. listeners’ own views on prejudice, so prejudice that they have experienced. At If people truly do not know (or they work to place themselves in a its most basic level, our goal is to believe) their own attitudes to be rhetorically non-taboo position. Such accumulate people’s experiences prejudiced and need social rhetorical distancing occurs for others as according to their own subjective psychologists to “confront” them, then well: Condor, Figgou, Abell, Gibson, understandings of the concept. The data we can reasonably ask: What is it that and Stevenson (2006) showed that are quite rich, both qualitatively and people believe are and are not prejudiced people construct and reconstruct close quantitatively (as we have measured a attitudes? Under what circumstances others’ intergroup attitudes as non- variety of attitudes). For the current will people identify their own and prejudiced. Other discourse-analytic discussion, we simply present some others’ attitudes as prejudiced? How work reveals how lay understandings of illustrative examples of the instances of will these beliefs fluctuate with dynamic prejudice also include elements of bias prejudice that our respondents report. In changes in group and intergroup and irrationality. For example, Figgou presenting these, we note several relations? Answering these questions and Condor (2006, p. 238) observed that patterns. First, like previous work, shifts the empirical focus away from the prejudice was accounted for, in part, as nearly all instances of prejudice report content and nature of people’s attitudes a “problem of rationality” or “a failure negative intergroup attitudes and about groups, to people’s beliefs about to exercise…self control.” In a separate behaviours, some of which were these attitudes. It becomes an analysis of paper, Wetherell (2012) demonstrated directed toward others and some of lay beliefs about prejudice. how, like social scientists, lay speakers which were directed toward respondents Psychological analyses of lay beliefs consider prejudice to be a human failing themselves. Examples include: explicitly eschew presuppositions of an emerging from values overriding facts. Prejudice Example 1: association between researchers’ In a second approach to examining lay understandings of the concepts under understandings of prejudice, …[someone] began extolling the examination and those of their participants were asked to define reasons that Australia’s ‘apology’ to respondents. Within this research prejudice and offer potential “solutions” Indigenous peoples was unnecessary, domain, as we noted above, analyses of to it (Hodson & Esses, 2005). Most and that the affirmative action used to lay understandings of prejudice, per se, participants (but certainly not all) close the gap between whites and blacks are relatively few. In one early study considered prejudice to “involve group was in fact favoritism, that Indigenous (Dyer, 1945), however, participants memberships”, while a substantive Australians were simply inherently lazy ranked a series of statements about minority (42%) included some form of and needed to stop using their history as groups and intergroup relations on the negativity. Smaller minorities, yet, an excuse. “degree of prejudice” (p. 221) exhibited. focused on “prejudgement” (39%) and Prejudice Example 2: Intercorrelations of the rankings were errors (17%). Participants’ proposed interpreted as a degree of consensual “solutions” also mirrored formal social- We were meeting with some other latin understanding about the prejudice psychological analyses, highlighting american friends at the hostel we were concept. Although correlations were education (69.2%) and other social staying in New Zealand. The hostel's observed, they varied between attitude influence attempts (i.e., “media owner kicked us out because "you f***

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Prejudice is about collective values latins speak so bloody loud". by behaviours that are somewhat previous research showing the people passive, as the instigator ignores the deny being prejudiced), in nearly every Prejudice Example 3: target more than actively derogates the instance the prejudice that was reported I am a muslim female and have target. Third, although most instances was enacted by someone other than the recently moved to australia. … my targeted traditional sociological actual respondent. We did, however, daughter … gave my cell no to one of her “minorities” (as in the examples above), observe two exceptions. friends…her friend never called and told there were occasional instances where Prejudice Example 11: my daughter that she cant hang out with people describe being the target of her…as her mother said she doesnt like prejudice – both negative and positive – …there were concerns about people people with head covering… despite being in a societally high status buying large quantities of baby formula or powerful group. and sending it to China. I…found myself Prejudice Example 4: becoming instantly suspicious of people Prejudice Example 8: Walking down the street with my of Asian appearance in the girlfriend, and i was yelled at for being I am tall, good looking, white [supermarket] aisle with baby products, gay. (“Fucking Dyke”) professional. …I needed to take the bus which also contained a range of other to work …Multiple times …the bus will products. In some ways, there is nothing pass with not stopping even in rain and Prejudice Example 12: particularly remarkable about these more severe weather and the bus was examples, as they are likely to conform always driven by a black woman. If the … walking up to the train station I was to a broadly consensual view about what bus was driven by a black man it always mildly harassed by a group of teenage prejudice is. At the same time, and stopped. …Aboriginal guys. …I just sat consistent with Gordon Allport’s (1954) down…and tried to ignore them. …later Prejudice Example 9: original view, we also observed an Aboriginal teenage girl…walked up occasional instances of “positive” …whenever you go to a developing to me. “Oh no!” I thought…”they HAVE prejudice. country everyone thinks you’re far more followed me over here, I’m still alone on wealthier because of your skin colour the station, this isn’t good ...”. But what Prejudice Example 5: and bother you about buying their she said was, “hi, I’m so glad there’s People assumed i was rich and smart products or donating. another female here. I was scared of because i am chinese. those guys so I was waiting down the Prejudice Example 10: road. Can I sit with you please?” Example 5, as well as aspects of …I was the only white…person [in my Example 1, are particularly informative, Again, these examples seem to be job], and I experienced significant as respondents seem more to be more descriptions of stereotyping than favouritism from the (white) manager. describing stereotypes than prejudice, prejudice, particularly Example 11. This was in the context of subtle but per se. There is clearly a conflating in Finally, we did, of course, observe the clearly (to me) prejudiced remarks people’s minds between the two “I’m not prejudiced, but…” claim noted being made about the other concepts, a belief that they actually refer by Billig (2012): [workers]…. to the same process. Prejudice Example 13: Second, while most of the negative These examples are particularly intergroup behaviour were hostile, some I have a distinct memory of my mother noteworthy, as they demonstrate the were more subtle, as shown in the two saying “i'm not racist, but bloody breadth with which the prejudice examples below. Asians”…. concept is understood. What is striking,

Prejudice Example 6: too, is that each respondent’s own social In the Prejudice Census, after category was clearly cognitively salient respondents provide examples of …[a] slightly older, white in each instance. Moreover, in Example prejudice, we ask them to explain why it man…refused to acknowledge my 8, it is unclear why or how racial/ethnic is prejudice. Some explanations are presence…directing his questions and background was relevant given the simply restatements of the actual complaints to my male instance described; the author seems to incident; others consider group-based colleague….Eventually I managed to get suggest that it is only African American judgements, in and of themselves, to be a word in. He was so surprised I actually women (this was in the United States) – prejudice; while still others invoke had something intelligent to say, he not women in general (presumably, irrationality, unfairness, lack of stared at me in disbelief before once White women), and clearly not African education, and simply “prejudging”. again turning to my male colleague… American men. Why this categorization There was one explanations that simply became salient to the respondent (and Prejudice Example 7: essentialized prejudice into human not, say, the time of day or capacity of biology. Examples explanations are I ordered coffee. A much younger the bus) is unclear, but intriguing. presented in Table 1. more attractive woman also ordered Fourth, responses on a separate While many of the examples and coffee. The barista fawned over her, question in the Prejudice Census explanations of prejudice we have drawing artwork on her cup, while only revealed that 70% of respondents at least observed in our Prejudice Census share giving me the most cursory attention. “agreed somewhat” that they personally broad similarities with each other, any had been prejudiced at some time in the consensus among our respondents exists Here, overtly negative or hostile (“old past. Despite this unexpectedly high only at this broadest level of abstraction. fashioned”) prejudice is replaced more percentage (particularly in light of

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There is disagreement about how that prejudice is about groups and it is omission: no respondent (thus far, at prejudice is expressed and why it is bad (and maybe that it is primarily least) reported institutionally-based expressed; and, as noted above, many expressed by others and not self). Even prejudice. Either the respondents are examples were more of stereotypes and the example of “positive” prejudice was unaware of this form of behaviour, or stereotyping, while still others were reported as unwanted. Worthy of note, simply do not recognize it. more of group-based discrimination. however, is that there does seem to be What consensual view there is suggests one additional form of consensus by

Table 1. Example Explanations for Observed Prejudice Explanation Type of Explanation

Assuming that someone is a thief purely by their race and using derogatory Restating Incident racist terms shows a prejudice by the storekeepers in my opinion.

Pretty self explanatory really: abusing someone verbally about their race Restating Incident

The negative attitude towards a whole group of people--he was painting Group-Based Judgements “black people” with a single brush.

Holding a view of people … based not on your direct experience of that Group-Based Judgements person, but on an arbitrary characteristic (e.g. Their skin colour or sexuality).

…Her reasons to worry were not based on any facts but an irrational belief, Irrationality whose validity she didn’t even attempted to check.

Holding a view of people…based not on your direct experience of that person, Irrationality but on an arbitrary characteristic (e.g. Their skin colour or sexuality).

It was prejudice, as I was unfairly targeted, harassed and threatened in a way Unfairness that was designed to make me feel unsafe based on my minority status….

It was textbook racial prejudice on my behalf because I pre-judged her based on her race. I assumed she was with the guys because she was Aboriginal. She Prejudging pre-judged me as safe due to my gender, but at least her assumption was correct, mine was wrong. [From Example 12]

lack of understanding about the capabilities of people from different cultures. Lack of Education

I think prejudice is an extension of neurological function.… Human biology

Unfortunately, social psychologists, attitudes, emotions or responses must be show). But the uniform assumption that too, seem to have difficulty agreeing negative, in Allport’s (1954) classic prejudice is bad is coupled with precisely what prejudice is. Social analysis (see also Smith & Mackie), suggested means to overcome it – most psychologists variously define prejudice prejudiced attitudes or emotions can also of which entail some form of “more as an “attitude” (Allport, 1954), or an be positive (a view held in at least some appropriate” learning, such as explicit “attitude or feeling” (Crisp & Turner, lay views, as we saw above). education (e.g., Devine et al., 2012) or 2014), or just “feelings” (Kassin, Fein, As for explanations, our respondents appropriate contact (e.g., Pettigrew & & Markus, 2014), or simply an seemed to have hit on key processes also Tropp, 2008). In this way, social “affective prejudgement” (Sutton & considered by social psychologists. Yet psychologists understand prejudice as, Douglas, 2013). For other researchers, variability remains in both the lay views effectively, the wrong attitudes/ prejudice is an “evaluation” (Smith & and our profession. Social psychologists emotions/responses/associations about Mackie, 1995) or a “negative response” typically assume that prejudice is an groups and group members. Claims of (Baron, Branscombe, & Byrne, 2008). outcome of bias, error or, alas, prejudgement presuppose more For still other researchers, prejudice is a prejudgement (Augoustinos, Walker, & appropriate or correct forms of non-conscious differential association of Donaghue, 2014), although this view is value-laden attributes with specific remarkably absent from many formally targets (Banaji & Greenwald, 1994). stated definitions (as a review of social And while, for many, prejudiced psychology textbook glossaries will

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Prejudice is about collective values judgement. For attitudes1 to become not reached the same conclusions that prejudice. Indeed, negative intergroup prejudice, they therefore must diverge we have. attitudes that, in any given (intergroup or from a normative set of standards A second problem with both lay views historical) context, are seen as truthful identifying correct attitudes. Some and formal views of prejudice pertains to rather than prejudiced, can also be seen normative standards, for example, the near universal (if not completely as prejudiced with changes in the suggest that attitudes about people universal) agreement that negative (intergroup or historical) context. should be determined only with intergroup attitudes are prejudiced. In Psychology itself is not immune to such reference to their unique individuality some ways this appears non-contestable. changes. For example, Floyd Allport (e.g., Amodio, 2014). Within this latter If we were to claim that Aboriginal (1924, p. 386) claimed that “the framework, any attitude based upon Australians were dirty and disgusting, intelligence of the white race is of a group membership becomes there is no question that we would be more versatile and complex order than inappropriate (if not error-driven and (rightfully) labelled prejudiced. But if that of the black race.” Allport biased) – a view that, we should note, is we were to claim that child molesters undoubtedly spoke truth as he strongly contested among other social were dirty and disgusting, we suspect understood it in his historical context, psychologists (e.g., Oakes, Haslam, & that most others would nod their heads despite our contemporary abhorrence to Turner, 1994). in agreement. Yet both claims express his blatant prejudice. In contrast, our Our view about prejudice, however, is (identical) negative intergroup attitudes. own historical context allows us to claim different. Indeed, we disagree with key Of course, there is a clear difference in as truth differences in intelligence features of both formal social these two examples: child molesters between the prejudiced themselves and psychological analyses and the broadly have engaged in specific behaviours that the non-prejudiced (Hodson & Busseri, held lay views exemplified in our place them into their group, while 2012). Prejudice Census. First, let us consider Aboriginal Australians have done no Claims of prejudice can thus be made the view that prejudice is, simply, such thing. But even here the argument if we collectively believe – as a shared, prejudging. Unfortunately, we view the runs into difficulty. If we claim it is not in-group norm – one or both of the concept of prejudging to be prejudice if we express negative following: (a) attitudes about groups psychologically contentless when intergroup attitudes on the basis of and/or individuals as group members interrogated even slightly. Prejudging behaviours that have placed people into should not be expressed, and (b) implies that there is also “judging”, and their respective groups, then we should differential attitudes about groups or that, somehow, this judging is more all be satisfied that claims that Jews or group members that are otherwise appropriate or accurate than judging Muslims are dirty and disgusting are, in collectively believed to be equal on the before one judges (i.e., prejudging). We fact, not prejudiced. After all, people can attitude dimension should not be made. see this view as flawed, however, given opt into these latter social categories on Violations of these should not there is no psychological process that the basis of their specific behaviours. statements incur the label prejudice. By differentiates judging from judging- The reply, of course, is that child labelling a target individual or group as before-judging. There is no molesters have actually engaged in prejudiced, an actor identifies the target psychological point at which prejudging reprehensible behaviour, behaviour that as behaving counter-normatively with simply becomes judging. One might we consensually view as illegitimate and regard to the actor’s own group argue, of course, that prejudging ceases warranting our negative intergroup membership and, possibly, the group once people learn more about others attitude. In this way, we see our negative membership of the actor’s intended (typically, others as unique individuals intergroup attitude as relatively true. audience. Prejudice labelling thus and not group members). Although there While in agreement with the values becomes a claim of counter-normative is an air of lay-logic to this, it falters expressed here, we still have concern as behaviour and often includes (or is again because it fails to identify the psychologists. This is because finding a itself) an attempt to change the target’s psychological point where the learning behaviour to be “reprehensible” is attitude and/or the criteria (normative or itself ceases. How much do we have to simply a reflection of people’s collective not) against which the target’s attitude is know about someone before prejudging values about its relative legitimacy. To formed. turns into judging? Will 10 minutes do? the extent that this is true, then prejudice What we are claiming is that prejudice Ten days? 24/7 for 10 years? The answer no longer represents a psychological is actually not a psychological concept is, there is no answer. Of course, as process, per se, but is the outcome of a at all. It is a political/value concept. scientists, we could reasonably draw a disjuncture between our (socially When I say, “you’re prejudiced”, I am cut-off when, for example, our views shared) values and some form of saying that you are expressing negative and understandings begin to plateau behaviour (a process which is, of course, (typically) intergroup attitudes that are with each new piece of information. subject to psychological analysis). inconsistent with the norms and values This is completely reasonable – but it It is worth pausing here to clarify our of my group. If you’re in my group, then remains the value judgement of argument thus far. We do not deny the I am saying, “Hey, shape up!” If you are scientists, and not an actual presence of negative intergroup attitudes not in my group, you are likely to reply, psychological process: scientists could and the social harm they can yield: both simply, “No I’m not; I’m telling the reasonably place the cut-off elsewhere. are unquestionable realities. However, truth.” And if I say to you, “they’re In our view, claims of “prejudging” are our claim is that not all negative prejudiced,” then I am trying to reaffirm simply rhetorical claims that others have intergroup attitudes are identified as a shared social identity between you and

1From this point, we will use the term definitional characterizations. “attitudes” as shorthand for the variable

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Prejudice is about collective values me. Ultimately, however, what we are relevant to the horrific Christchurch and will continue to express – political experiencing in claims of prejudice is an murders of 50 people because they were attitudes. But as psychologists and argument over shared values and what Muslims. First, although a lone gunman, scientists, we need to evaluate and re- the claimants collectively understand to it is clear from his actions (e.g., evaluate our understandings of be truth. In our research program, we broadcasting his actions to a real or (negative) intergroup attitudes and the demonstrated aspects of this normative imagined in-group) that the murderer reasons they are held and expressed. component in one of our recent papers did have a psychological understanding While we may pursue education and (Lee, Platow, Augoustinos, Van Rooy, of himself as a group member, that he contact to change others’ negative Spears, & Bar Tal, 2019). Here understood his attitudes and behaviours intergroup attitudes, we must recognize participants read an anti-fat statement, to be normative for that group, and even that we are seeking to persuade others followed by a subsequent interpretation that he saw his attitudes and behaviours that our specific understandings of that it was “truth” or it was “prejudice”. as worthy of celebration within that reality are, in fact, truthful. We must First, participants’ perceptions of truth group. Second, his attitudes led to recognize that we seek to instil the and prejudice were strongly negatively murder (as opposed to more “mundane” norms and values of our groups. correlated, loading negatively on a negative intergroup acts exemplified in Claiming that “we” have truth while single factor: the more the statement was our Prejudice Census) specifically “they” have faulty psychological seen as true, the less it was seen as because they were delegitimizing. They processes will undoubtedly garner prejudice. Second, when the implied categorization of others as claims of prejudice from the “thems” interpretation was made by a medical separate “from the sphere of human about whom we so pejoratively speak. doctor (an expert), participants saw the groups that act within the limits of And, of course, there will undoubtedly claim as relatively prejudiced when it acceptable norms and/or values, since be times when still others will challenge was described as prejudice but as this group is viewed as violating basic our norms and our truths, and we must relatively true when it was described as human norms or values and therefore be ready and willing to recognize that truth. Participants’ perceptions of the deserves maltreatment” (Bar-Tal & these challenges may ultimately be identical negative intergroup statement Hammack, 2012, p. 30). This forms of positive social change, in and varied as a function of this social delegitimization served as a rationale for of themselves (Dixon, Levine, Reicher influence attempt. No such influence the murders by placing others & Durrheim, 2012). occurred, however, when the categorized as an out-group in a position Indeed, we must be willing to have our interpretation was made by a retail (non- of lesser moral and existential worth (see norms and values challenged by others expert) worker. also Tileaga, 2007). Indeed, the as we negotiate and re-negotiate our In this way, our analysis has a strong murderer expressed no regret or guilt, understandings of the social world we social constructivist element. Our claim, instead making hand gestures in court inhabit. What we see as truth today may ultimately, is that there is nothing associated with his psychological in- well be challenged as prejudice inherent in specific attitudes that make group. In his mind, he performed a tomorrow. But if we seek a world of them prejudiced and others not. We desirable act consonant with the norms intergroup tolerance and acceptance, we realize, of course, that, for some readers, and values of his psychological in- must develop collective values and a we now simply appear to be apologists group. Finally, we note that people are, shared definition of who we are that will for prejudice. We understand such a of course, not born with the supremacist enable this to come to fruition. We must claim, but we disagree. In fact, we see views held by the murderer. As we have seek to instil our groups with the norms our analysis as freeing both social argued throughout, the legitimization of and values that will realize our goals. psychologists and social change agents negative intergroup attitudes and And we must work to ensure that these alike from the shackles of supposedly delegitimization of others are learned collective norms and values do not place inherent biases permeating the and developed in the group and others outside the sphere of human psychological system. By recognizing intergroup contexts in which people live groups as the Christchurch murder did. that prejudice is about shared values and (Bar-Tal & Avrahamzon, 2017). The As a wise leader recently noted in norms about intergroup attitudes and learned content of these attitudes reflect observing specific intergroup relations, behaviours, it allows us to work in-group norms, and collective values “they are us.” collectively to shape the values and and beliefs that serve as a positive norms we seek and to negotiate with reference for those who hold them (Bar- others who disagree. This is the same Tal, 1990). argument that Oakes et al. (1994, p. 206) Once again, we do not want to be made about stereotypes, per se: “When mistaken as providing justification for we reject stereotypes…this is a political the horrors witnessed in Christchurch, act….” When we reject negative let alone the daily expressions of intergroup attitudes as prejudice, this negative intergroup attitudes found in too is a political act. And when we our Prejudice Census (and beyond). We embrace negative intergroup attitudes as find these abhorrent, as we are members not prejudice – as, more likely, true – of groups that do have specific norms this, too, is a political act, one that and collective values that lead us to label expresses our individual and (more these acts as prejudice (if not worse). often) collective values. Although we are psychologists and With this framework, we can now scientists, we also remain members of make a number of observations directly the body politic, and so can express –

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Prejudice is about collective values

For correspondence, contact Michael Platow, Research School of Psychology, The Australian National University, Canberra, ACT 260, Australia; [email protected]. This research was supported in part by an Australian Research Council Discovery Grant DP160101157. Ethical permission to conduct this research was granted by the ANU HREC Protocol 2016/065. The Prejudice Census can be found at https://psychology.anu.edu.au/research/projects/prejudice-census.

References Crandall, C., Eshleman, A., & O’Brien, L. Lee, G. C., Platow, M. J., Augoustinos, M., Allport, F. H. (1924). Social psychology, (2002). Social norms and the expression Van Rooy, D., Spears, R., & Bar Tal, D. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. and suppression of prejudice: The struggle (2019). When are anti-fat attitudes Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of for internalization. Journal of Personality understood as prejudice vs. truth? An prejudice. NY: Addison-Wesley. and Social Psychology, 82, 359-378. experimental study of social influence Amodio, D. M. (2014). The neuroscience of Crisp, R. J., & Turner, R. N. (2014). effects. Obesity Science & Practice, 5, 28- prejudice and stereotyping. Nature Essential Social Psychology. (3rd ed.). 35. Neuroscience Review, 15, 670-682. London: Sage. O’Brien, L. T., Crandall, C. S., Horstman‐ Augoustinos, M., Walker, I., & Donaghue, Devine, P. G., Forscher, P. S., Austin, A. J., Reser, A., Warner, R., Alsbrooks, A. & N. (2014). Social cognition: An integrated & Cox, W. T. L. (2012). Long-term Blodorn, A. (2010). But I’m no bigot: approach (3rd ed.). London, Sage. reduction in implicit race bias: A How prejudiced White Americans Banaji, M. R., & Greenwald, A. G. (1994). prejudice habit-breaking intervention. maintain unprejudiced self‐images. Implicit stereotyping and prejudice. In M. Journal of Experimental Social Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 40, P. Zanna & J. M. Olson (Eds.), The Psychology, 48, 1267-1278. 917-946. psychology of prejudice: The Ontario Dixon, J., Levine, M., Reicher, S., & Oakes, P. J., Haslam, S. A., & Turner, J. C. symposium (Vol. 7, pp. 55-76). Hillsdale, Durrheim, K. (2012). Beyond prejudice: (1994). Stereotyping and social reality. NJ: Erlbaum. Are negative evaluations the problem and Oxford: Blackwell. Bar-Tal, D. (1990). Group beliefs: A is getting us to like one another more the Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2008). conception for analyzing group structure, solution? Behavioral and Brain Sciences, How does intergroup contact reduce processes and behavior. New York: 35, 411-425. prejudice? Meta-analytic tests of three Springer-Verlag. Dyer, H. S. (1945). The usability of the mediators. European Journal of Social Bar-Tal, D., & Avrahamzon, T. (2017). concept of “prejudice.” Psychometrica, Psychology, 38, 922-934. Development of delegitimization and 10, 219-224. Smith, E. R., & Mackie, D. M. (1995). animosity in the context of intractable Figgou, L., & Condor, S. (2006). Irrational Social Psychology. NY: Worth. conflict. In C. Sibley & F. K. Barlow categorization, natural intolerance and Sommers, S. R., & Norton, M. I. (2006). (Eds.), The Cambridge handbook of the reasonable discrimination: Lay Lay theories about White racists: What psychology of prejudice (pp. 582-606). representations of prejudice and racism. constitutes racism (and what doesn’t). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. British Journal of Social Psychology, 45, Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, Bar-Tal, D., & Hammack, P. L. (2012). 219-243. 9, 117-138. Conflict, delegitimization, and violence. Haslam, S. A., Reicher, S., & Platow, M. J. Sutton, R., & Douglas, K. (2013). Social In L. R. Tropp (Ed.), The Oxford (2011). The new psychology of Psychology. NY: Palgrave. handbook of intergroup conflict (pp.29- leadership: Identity, influence and power. Tileaga C. (2007). Ideologies of moral 52). New York: Oxford University Press. London: Psychology Press. exclusion: A critical discursive reframing Baron, R. A., Branscombe, N. R., & Byrne, Hodson, G., & Busseri, M. A. (2012). of depersonalization, delegitimization and D. (2008). Social Psychology (3rd ed). Bright minds and dark attitudes: Lower dehumanization. British Journal of Social NY: Pearson. cognitive ability predicts greater prejudice Psychology, 46, 717–737. Billig, M. (2012). The notion of through right-wing ideology and low Wetherell, M. (2012). The prejudice “prejudice”: Some rhetorical and intergroup contact. Psychological problematic. In J. Dixon & M. Levine ideological aspects. In J. Dixon & M. Science, 23, 187-195. (Eds.), Beyond Prejudice (pp. 158-178). Levine (Eds.), Beyond prejudice (pp. Hodson, G., & Esses, V. M. (2005). Lay Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 139-157). Cambridge: Cambridge perceptions of ethnic prejudice: causes, University Press. solutions, and individual differences. Condor, S., Figgou, L, Abell, J., Gibson, S., European Journal of Social Psychology, & Stevenson, C. (2006). ‘They’re not 35, 329-344. racist…’ Prejudice denial, mitigation and Kassin, S., Fein, S., & Markus, H. R. suppression in dialogue. British Journal (2014). Social Psychology. Belmont, CA: of Social Psychology, 45, 441-462. Wadsworth.

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 22

A screening instrument for assessing distress following disasters

A screening instrument for assessing psychological distress following disasters: Adaptation for the March 15th, 2019 mass shootings in Christchurch, New Zealand. Martin J. Dorahy and Neville M. Blampied University of Canterbury, New Zealand

In order to efficiently deploy scarce professional resources in the aftermath of a disaster, it is important to differentiate 1) those distressed individuals who will recover given time for natural psychological healing processes to effective operate from 2) those who may require more immediate and substantial psychological interventions. Following the fatal 2011 Christchurch, NZ earthquakes, a brief screening measure was developed to help practitioners and those actively engaged with survivors and support services to flag those who needed immediate intervention versus those who could be monitored for signs of improvement without immediate provision of ongoing support. This instrument has been adapted for use following the March, 15th, 2019 Christchurch Mosque shootings. The paper outlines the developments of this measure and the adaptations made.

A natural or man-made disaster, and its settings or being present amongst first isolated or fearing separation, losing immediate unfolding, whether a single responder groups to act as an adjunct to motivation and experiencing guilt, incident that was predicted (e.g., a what they provide or as monitors of the sadness, disbelief and anger, are all part hurricane; flood surge, pre-signalled immediate well-being of such staff. of the natural response in the hours, days terrorist attack) or unpredicted (e.g., an Yet, typically the skills and expertise and sometimes months that follow a active-shooter situation, tsunami), or a of a clinical psychologist are more disaster (Disaster Response & Resilience more protracted sequence that struck pertinent and effectively initiated at a Research Group, 2012). Such responses with warning (e.g., droughts) or by- later point in the time-course of the should not be pathologized or seen as surprise (e.g., earthquake and immediate disaster, in the days, weeks and months indicators of weakness, vulnerability for aftershocks; multiple coordinated that follow. Early in this post-event phase prolonged or increased suffering or the terrorist attacks), almost always involves families and friends of victims, and the development of psychopathology. It is members of the general population. community at large, are becoming aware typically recommended that basic These may be direct victims of the of the event - its magnitude, its psychological first aid involving physical unfolding event/s, those caught up by implications, and their personal and emotional support along with virtue of their proximity in helping the connection. Make-shift sites for medical, education about normal responses to injured or deceased, or those coming into psychological and social provision may overwhelming events should be engaged contact with perpetrators. The number be set up for victims and families, in (Disaster Response & Resilience directly affected may be very large, such including those waiting to learn of a Research Group, 2012; Kim, 2011), as the case of a city struck by an loved-ones’ fate. From this point on a while there is a ‘watch and wait’ period, earthquake with multiple collapsed and psychologist might be looking for those where, over eight to ten weeks, the person damaged buildings, and vast numbers of most in need of immediate support with a is invited to monitor themselves for signs casualties and fatalities (e.g., the 2011 view that intervention then may halt the of worsening difficulties (Hobfoll et al., Christchurch earthquake) or a tourist development of more severe problems. 2007; NICE, 2005). Should symptoms areas engulfed by a giant swell of water There is a tension here between allowing persist over several months, or worsen, (e.g., the 2004 Indonesian tsunami). In a person to go through the natural process the person should be further assessed other cases victims and those civilians of healing after exposure to a catastrophic with a view to more formalised directly involved may be limited, such as event and detecting those whose natural interventions to reduce psychopathology in the case of a factory explosion or an propensity to make sense of their or halt its further development. active shooter situation with targeted experience and recover from the disaster Thus, following in the immediate victims (e.g., the 2015 Bataclan nightclub is compromised and who may especially aftermath of a disaster, three groups of shooting in Paris, the March 2019 benefit from early intervention. people might be identified: Christchurch Mosque attack). Such It is generally understood that in days 1) Those that show no or little distress; events inevitably draw on the expertise of and weeks following a disaster taking a 2) Those who appear symptomatic at emergency services and first-responder conservative approach to detecting those least to a moderate level. Here the professions, as well as hospital and in need of more intense support is best ‘watch and wait’ period will allow, medical/nursing staff. Increasingly, practice (Hobfoll et al., 2007; NICE, either: clinical psychologists may be mobilised 2005). Sleep difficulties, mood 2a) The natural process of to offer their expertise while an event is fluctuations, increased anxiety, feeling psychological healing to take place ongoing, for example, in the service of numb or confused, having trouble and the person will steadily recover assisting victims coming into emergency remembering what happened, feeling

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 23

A screening instrument for assessing distress following disasters

their psychological equilibrium, persistent aftershocks, the mass categories of response outlined above motivation and appetite for life, shootings were targeted at a specific (i.e., those individuals who evidenced 2b) The natural healing process will minority group within the city, were of little distress about the earthquake, those be disrupted and distress will be human design and conducted by a single who were in the watch and wait group, on prolonged or worsened. person who was not from the city nor had account of having symptoms and risk 3) Those with high and diverse any affiliation with it. These two factors for more severe problems but symptoms, where the natural healing disasters were different on multiple where the natural process of healing process is immediately compromised, levels: One was natural, the other man- might arrest the development of ongoing and has no chance of operating to made; One left wide-spread and more chronic distress, and those who promote recovery. Here a ‘watch and infrastructure damage and mass scars on needed more immediate engagement wait’ period would leave the person the built environment, the other impacted with more psychologically sophisticated suffering without the likelihood of on two buildings, where the remnants of interventions beyond psychosocial or recuperation, and interventions would the events were etched into walls, floors, physical support, to target symptoms and best not be withheld. doors and ceilings in the form of bullet reduce pathological distress or its

Tools have been developed to assist marks, but no structural damage ensued; development). psychologists, emergency support One persisted following the initial Following the March 2019 mass agencies, counsellors, and those turmoil for several years, with ongoing shooting this measure was adapted to be providing psychosocial support to assist large aftershocks and the multiple more fit-for-purpose for the signal event. in the detection of these groups. For stresses associated with insurance claims, The measure is short (two pages) with example, Carlson, Palmieri, and Spain etc; The other ended quickly following Likert-type response formats. It includes (2017) developed a measure based on the initial turmoil. Yet, both led to Brewin et al.’s (2002) 10 item TSQ (see known risk factors (e.g., post-trauma significant loss of life, both arose without Appendix, part A), which was found to be social support, trauma cognitions, acute warning, both led to massive community effective at detecting those most prone to stress symptoms) for the development of responses that spread from the city to the posttraumatic stress symptoms after the posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) country and onto the international London bombing. In addition, as following overwhelming events. It community, and both tore at the social psychopathology has been a consistent contains 21 items in an easy to complete heart of the city in terms of a sense of felt risk factor for posttraumatic problems tickbox response format that can be used safety, moving out from an individual’s (Ozer, Best, Lipsey, & Weiss, 2003), in various settings. They suggest that if a psychology to communal identity. three separate items from the Generalised person responds positively to three or The earthquakes required a massive Anxiety Disorder-7 scale (Spitzer et al., more of the six risk factors assessed, they psychosocial and community response, 2006) and two discrete depression items should be referred for more specialist as every aspect of life was affected, and from the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 psychological intervention; i.e., they are everyone in the city was impacted. For (Spitzer et al., 1999) were utilised (see in category 3 above. Brewin et al. (2002) some this was limited to needing to Appendix, part B). Further, as persistent developed a short 10-item measure (The change work or school routines, adopt dissociation has been shown to be a solid Trauma Screening Questionnaire; TSQ) new travel routes, change social and predictor of ongoing distress after assessing re-experiencing and arousal sporting outlets, and live with the anxiety potentially traumatic experiences (e.g., symptoms following an overwhelming of the uncertain and unpredictable. For Hooper, Dorahy, Blampied, & Jordan, event. It was designed to be used one or others the impact was more costly, losing 2014), and Briere and colleagues (2005) more months after a trauma (i.e., family members, homes, jobs, pets and found that four persistent dissociation following a period to allow natural neighbours, and needing to start again. items from the Detailed Assessment of recovery to take hold) and has a very For many the psychological effect of the PTSD (Briere, 2001) were good simple yes/no response format enquiring earthquakes remain, and a considerable predictors of individuals who had more about the experience of each symptom at proportion of people are still working to severe posttraumatic concerns, these four least twice in the past two weeks. It can settle insurance claims and are living in items were also included (see Appendix, be used in different settings and was broken or unsatisfactory housing. part C). found to be helpful following the 2005 Nevertheless, as one consequence of this The three different risk variables so far London bombings in the detection of experience, the Christchurch community discussed for the development of more those most likely to have PTSD. Scores has gained considerable experience in severe problems were included in the of 6 or more prompt more thorough coping with and organizing responses to earthquake screening measure. The assessment, which might ultimately lead disasters. remaining questions were either designed to the detection of categories 2b or 3 As one example of this, in the to be more fit-for-purpose for the current above. immediate aftermath of the 2011 situation (a mass shooting targeting the earthquakes, a group of clinical Muslim community), more specific to Mass shooting in Christchurch, psychologists acting together under the Christchurch residents particularly, or to March, 15th, 2019 auspices of the New Zealand College of assess the risk factor of lack of social The mass shootings in Christchurch Clinical Psychologists, looked at various support. The first new item assessed represented a unprecedented event for the tasks and initiatives that could be whether the respondent feels that people city and for the nation as a whole. Unlike developed to assist the human response to around them support their religious and the earthquakes that started in 2010, earthquake recovery. One project was to cultural beliefs and practices (see reached their height of destructiveness develop a short measure of psychological Appendix, part D). Literature on mass and human cost in 2011 and remained a function that could be used to assist in shootings routinely shows that constant threat over many years via decision-making around the three immigrants are more vulnerable to

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 24

A screening instrument for assessing distress following disasters develop posttraumatic problems in the is completed at least two months after the For those completing the screening aftermath of a shooting (Lowe & Galea, attack. For individuals assessed in the tool beyond two months after the event, 2017). For example, being a migrant was first two months, those who score the scoring is the same, but the decision one of the best predictor of the positively on two or fewer of the six areas making ‘traffic light’ system is altered. development of more severe problems are in the green zone. They may be The green zone now reflects those with a following the Utoya shooting in Norway offered some psychological first aid to zero score, the orange zone captures (Dyd, Jensen, Nygaard, & Ekeberg, assist full recovery, but require no further those with a score of 1 or 2, and those 2014). The second new question attention unless symptoms increase who have a score of 1 or more on parts A, addressed whether the March 15th (category 1 above). Those affirmative on B and C (symptom measures) plus a shooting brought back distressing three or four of the six areas, are in score of 1 or more on parts D, E and F memories of the earthquake or other category 2 above, or the orange zone. (support & reactivation measures) are painful events (see Appendix, part E). They are the watch and wait group, and identified in the red zone (see Appendix Research persistently shows previous following receipt of any psychological for scoring and decision making trauma is a good predictor for disruptions first aid on offer and any basic guidance). of the healing response following a information or specific low-level The scoring scheme or categorisation potentially traumatic event (Carlson et intervention (e.g., sleep hygiene) they has not been empirically tested and al., 2017, Ozer et al., 2003). Finally, an should be invited to recontact services (or should not trump sound clinical decision item adapted from the earthquake version can be followed-up, depending on service making. It is based on reviewing the of the screening instrument assessed provision and procedures) if difficulties literature and on anecdotal reports from access to social support (see Appendix, persist or increase. Those scoring above when the related tool was used in clinical part F), as again, this has been routinely 4 – in the red zone - are offered more services during the Christchurch shown to be a risk factor for post-trauma assessment and more specific and earthquakes. It is unknown how failure to recover (e.g., Frazier et al., targeted intervention for distress. More culturally sensitive it may be, and at this 2011). immediate action is needed for these stage there is only an English language Each part of the instrument (i.e., from individuals to reduce distress or stop the version, but it could be translated. In part A to part F) produces a yes/no score development of more severe problems. short, it requires further assessment but based on whether the participant is Here, specific psychological therapy may may be of assistance to services dealing positive for each one. A traffic light be engaged in to target symptoms or with the current crisis, or it could be system is adopted, which either reflects address the person as a whole, if more adapted and adopted to fit future disasters 1) scoring for those assessed within the complex and pervasive difficulties are or traumatising events. two month period following the shooting, present. or 2) scoring that occurs if the instrument

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Martin J. Dorahy, Department of Psychology, University of Canterbury, Private Bag 4800, Christchurch, 8140, New Zealand. Email: [email protected]

References Dyd, G. Jensen, T. K., Nygaard, E., & Response. Psychiatry and Clinical Brewin, C. R., Rose, S., Andrews, B., Ekeberg, O. (2014). Post-traumatic stress Neurosciences, 65, 539–548. Green, J., Tata, P., McEvedy, C., Turner, reactions in survivors of the 2011 Lowe, S. R & Galea, S. (2017). The Mental S. & Foa, E. B. (2002). Brief screening massacre on Utøya Island, Norway. Health Consequences of Mass Shootings. instrument for post-traumatic stress British Journal of Psychiatry, 204, 361- Trauma, Violence and Abuse, 18, 62-82. disorder. British Journal of Psychiatry 367. Ozer, E. J., Best, S. R., Lipsey, T. L., & 181, 158-162. Frazier, P. A., Gavian, M., Hirai, R., Park, Weiss, D. S. (2003). Predictors of Briere, J. (2001). DAPS—Detailed C., Tennen, H., Tomich, P., & Tashiro, posttraumatic stress disorder and Assessment of Posttraumatic Stress T. (2011). Prospective predictors of symptoms in adults: A meta- Professional Manual. Odessa, FL: posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms: analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 129(1), Psychological Assessment Resources. Direct and mediated 52-73. Briere, J., Scott, C., & Weathers, F. (2005). relations. Psychological Trauma: Spitzer, R., Kroenke, K., & Williams, J. B. Peritraumatic and persistent dissociation Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy, W. (1999). Validation and utility of a in the presumed etiology of PTSD. 3(1), 27-36. self- report version of PRIME-MD: The American Journal of Psychiatry, 162, Hobfoll S. E, Watson P, Bell C. C, Bryant primary care study. Journal of the 2295-301. R. A, Brymer M. J, Friedman M. American Medical Association, 282, Carlson, E. B., Palmieri, P. A., & Spain, D. J,…Ursano, R. J. (2007) Five essential 1737– 1744. A. (2017). Development and preliminary elements of immediate and mid-term Spitzer, R., Kroenke, K., Williams, J. B. performance of a risk factor screen to mass trauma intervention: Empirical W., & Lowe, B. (2006). A brief measure predict posttraumatic psychological evidence. Psychiatry. 70, 283–315. for assessing generalized anxiety disorder after trauma exposure. General Hooper, A. L., Dorahy, M. J., Blampied, N. disorder. Archives of Internal Medicine, Hospital Psychiatry, 46, 25–31. M., & Jordan, J. (2014). Dissociation, 166, 1092–1097. Disaster Response & Resilience Research perceptual processing, and conceptual Group (2012). NSW Health Disaster processing in survivors of the 2011 Mental Health Manual. Retreived from: Christchurch earthquake. Psychological https://www.health.nsw.gov.au/emergen Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, cy_preparedness/mental/Documents/dis and Policy, 6(6), 668-674. aster-mental-health-manual.pdf Kim, Y. (2011). Editorial: Great East Japan Earthquake and Early Mental‐health‐care

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A screening instrument for assessing distress following disasters

Appendix

BRIEF TRAUMA SCREENING INTERVIEW

The following questions are designed to be asked by a GP, clinician or health professional of people who may be distressed by the March 15th 2019 mass shootings in Christchurch. The questions are designed to help understand people’s responses and reactions and identify those who might require more psychological support.

• I am going to ask you some questions about reactions that people sometimes have after an event such as the recent shootings in Christchurch. • My questions are concerned with your personal reactions to the March 15th 2019 events. • Can you indicate whether or not you have experienced the following AT LEAST TWICE IN THE PAST WEEK

IDENTIFICATION CODE (Person’s first & last initials & day & month of birth-eg. mb1308) ______

AGE GENDER ______

PHONE EMAIL

TODAY’S DATE TIMES ASSESSED WITH THIS MEASURE: 1 2 3 4 5

DO YOU CONSENT TO BEING CONTACTED IN THE FUTURE TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS? YES NO

• If answer is YES, please rate: 0=A little bit; 1=Moderately; 2=Quite a lot; 3=Very much; 4=Extremely

(At least TWICE in the Rating 0- past week) NO YES 4

1. Upsetting thoughts or memories about the event that have come into your mind without your intention 2. Upsetting dreams about the event 3. Acting or feeling as though the event were happening again 4. Feeling upset by reminders of the event 5. Bodily reactions (such as fast heartbeat, stomach churning, sweatiness, dizziness) when reminded of the event 6. Difficulty falling or staying asleep 7. Irritability or outbursts of anger 8. Difficulty concentrating 9. Heightened awareness of potential dangers to yourself and others 10. Being jumpy or being startled at something unexpected A. Total score on items 1-10 ≥ 6: NO YES

© C.R. Brewin et al., 2002

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 26

A screening instrument for assessing distress following disasters

As a result of the attacks, how often have you been Nearly bothered in the past week by the following problems? Not Several More every Every- than half at all days the days day day

11. Feeling nervous, anxious or on edge 0 1 2 3 4 12. Not being able to stop or control worrying 0 1 2 3 4 13. Feeling afraid as if something awful might happen 0 1 2 3 4 14. Feeling down, depressed, or hopeless 0 1 2 3 4 15. Feeling bad about yourself — or that you are a 0 1 2 3 4 failure or have let yourself or your family down

B. Mean score on items 11-15 ≥ 1.5: NO YES

As a result of the attacks, how much in the last week Not at Some- Extrem Slightly Very has the following happened? all what -ely 16. Feeling like you were walking around in a dream or a 0 1 2 3 4 movie. 17. Things not feeling completely real. 0 1 2 3 4 18. Going around in a daze, not noticing things. 0 1 2 3 4 19. Times when you felt separate from your body. 0 1 2 3 4 C. Mean score on items 16-19 ≥ 2: NO YES

Since the attacks, to what degree have you:

20. Felt people around you have understood and supported your spiritual and religious beliefs, and culture? 0 (Constantly) 1 (often) 2 (sometimes) 3 (occasionally) 4 (Not at all)

D. Score on item 20 ≥ 3: NO YES

21. Has this event reactivated YES NO painful feelings of the Canterbury Earthquakes or other distressing events?

E. Score “Yes’ on 21: NO YES

22. Have you got people around that you can talk to openly about what you have experienced during and since the attack? 0 (Not at all) 1 (occasionally) 2 (sometimes) 3 (often) 4 (Constantly)

F. Score on items 21 ≤ 1: NO YES

©Martin Dorahy, Neville Blampied & the ChCh Branch of the NZCCP (20/03/2019)

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A screening instrument for assessing distress following disasters

Brief Screening Scoring Key

1a: Scoring in the 2 months following the disaster

Add up items for each part (A-F) to determine if YES (criterion met) or NO (criterion not met):

A: Sum total of items 1-10 = 6 or above B: Mean of items 11-15 = 1.5 or above C: Mean of items 16-20 = 2 or above D: Item 20 = 3 or above E: Item 21 = YES F: Items 22 = below 2

1b: Decision making in the 2 months following the disaster

Green (no further immediate action), orange (watch and wait – invite to contact again if no improvement), red (continue psychological support, assessment, & move into therapy) • If 2 or less, psychological first aid, education. No further action unless requested. • If 3 or 4, education, support, watchful wait. Invite further contact if no change in a fortnight • If > 4, continue ongoing psychological support with specific treatment of symptoms or the person, or referral to appropriate person/service

2a: Scoring beyond 2 months following the disaster

The same as scoring above.

2b: Decision making beyond 2 months following the disaster

Green (no further immediate action), orange (watch and wait – invite to contact again if no improvement), red

(continue psychological support, assessment, & move into therapy)

• If 0, Invite further contact if any difficulties arise • If 1 or 2, education, support, watchful wait. Invite further contact if no change in a fortnight • If ≥ 1 on parts A, B, and C, AND ≥ 1 on parts D, E and F, continue ongoing psychological support with specific treatment of symptoms or the person, or referral to appropriate person/service

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New Zealand national identity and attitudes towards Muslims and diversity

Exploring New Zealand National Identity and Its Importance for Attitudes toward Muslims and Support for Diversity Kumar Yogeeswaran1 M. Usman Afzali1 Nadia P. Andrews1 Elizabeth A. Chivers1 Meng-Jie Wang1 Thierry Devos2 and Chris G. Sibley3 1 University of Canterbury, New Zealand, 2 San Diego State University, USA, 3 University of Auckland, New Zealand

In the aftermath of the horrific terrorist attack against Muslims in Christchurch, it is important to examine what psychological factors predict positive attitudes toward Muslims and acceptance of diversity, more broadly. The present work examines how beliefs about national identity predict attitudes toward Muslims and support for diversity in New Zealand. Using a national sample, we first describe the extent to which New Zealanders rate various characteristics as important for being a ‘true’ New Zealander. We then examine how such beliefs about national character predict attitudes toward Muslims and diversity. Results revealed that the more people believe that having specific ancestral heritage and certain cultural characteristics are important for being a ‘true’ New Zealander, the more negativity they expressed about Muslims and the more opposition they expressed toward diversity. However, endorsement of more civic characteristics (e.g., respect for the nation’s institutions and laws) was unrelated to attitudes toward Muslims and support for diversity. Taken together, this work reveals that how we define who we are as a nation influences how we feel about Muslims and diversity. Broader implications for the future of cultural diversity in New Zealand are also discussed.

Keywords: national identity; New Zealand; national character; diversity; Muslims

Introduction Yogeeswaran & Dasgupta, 2014). But, ancestry or heritage in specific linguistic, In the immediate aftermath of the do every day New Zealanders define their ethnic, or religious traditions. According horrific attack against Muslims in national identity in a way that echoes the to such a conception of national identity, Christchurch on March 15, 2019, New inclusive language of the nation’s Prime only people of certain descent or Zealand’s Prime Minister, Jacinda Minister? And how do beliefs about what ancestral bloodlines can claim national Ardern, told a shocked public: “Many of it takes to be a ‘true’ New Zealander identity, while all others simply cannot those who will have been directly affected account for diversity attitudes and be considered ‘true’ members of the by this shooting may be migrants to New attitudes toward Muslims in particular, nation, thereby remaining ‘visitors’ Zealand, they may even be refugees here. the group directly targeted by this regardless of whether or not they are born They have chosen to make New Zealand terrorist attack? The present research and raised in the country and contributing their home, and it is their home. They are examines these questions using a large to the nation (Bloemraad, Korteweg, & us. The person who has perpetuated this nationally representative sample. Here Yurdakul, 2008; Pehrson & Green, 2010; violence against us is not.” While there we argue that lay beliefs about the ‘true’ Yogeeswaran & Dasgupta, 2014). By has been debate on whether the New Zealander having specific ancestry contrast, civic national character defines perpetrator of the hateful terrorist attack or certain cultural characteristics may national identity by political membership reflects something about ‘us’ (e.g., predict negative attitudes toward and participation along with a shared Ghumkhor, 2019; McLachlan, 2019), Muslims and opposition to diversity. In commitment to certain ideals and Ardern’s words serve to define New contrast, lay beliefs about national principles. By such a definition, anyone Zealand national identity in a way that identity that encompass civic regardless of their cultural, religious, psychologically includes Muslims, participation may predict neutral to linguistic, or ethnic heritage can be ‘true’ immigrants, and refugees as part of the positive attitudes toward Muslims and members of the nation as long as they nation. Such an approach is largely in line diversity. subscribe to core ideals or principles with extant social and political (e.g., respecting individual liberties and psychology research showing that how National identity and intergroup freedoms) and participate in society people define national identity and relations (Bloemraad et al., 2008; Pehrson & conceptualize who is a ‘true’ member of For many years, political scientists Green, 2010; Schildkraut, 2007; the country is inextricably linked to the have argued that national identity can be Yogeeswaran & Dasgupta, 2014). acceptance or exclusion of immigrants, characterised along ethnic or civic While nations possess legal definitions refugees, and ethnic minority co- dimensions (Brubaker, 2009; Citrin, for who counts as one of ‘us’ through nationals (Pehrson, Brown, & Zagefka, Reingold, & Green, 1990; Smith, 1991). citizenship laws (Dasgupta & 2009; Wakefield et al., 2011; for reviews, Ethnic national character refers to Yogeeswaran, 2011; Yogeeswaran & see Pehrson & Green, 2010; national identity defined by shared Dasgupta, 2014), psychological

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New Zealand national identity and attitudes towards Muslims and diversity conceptions of national identity can descriptions of Asian Americans and whether these beliefs predict attitudes include ethnic, civic, or combination of Hispanic Americans who work for the toward minority groups and diversity. both these conceptions simultaneously. betterment of the country (thereby Therefore, the present work examines For example, while Americans tend to highlighting their fit with civic national two important research questions: (1) to endorse many civic characteristics of character) increased the explicit and what extent do New Zealanders rate national identity (e.g., the importance of implicit inclusion of both Asian and various ethnic and civic characteristics as respecting the nation’s institutions and Hispanic Americans within the national defining of New Zealand national laws, freedom of speech, working for the identity (Yogeeswaran, Dasgupta, & identity?; and (2) to what extent do betterment of the country), they Gomez, 2012). However, making salient people’s beliefs about what it means to be sometimes simultaneously show signs of the ethnic identification of Asian a ‘true’ New Zealander predict attitudes ethnic national character (e.g., Americans and Hispanic Americans toward Muslims and support (versus emphasising the importance of speaking (thereby highlighting the lack of fit with opposition) for diversity? Here we English, being Christian; (Citrin et al., ethnic national character) decreased specifically focus on attitudes toward 1990; Devos & Banaji, 2005; explicit and implicit inclusion of these Muslims as it is important to understand Schildkraut, 2003, 2007). The groups within the national identity how everyday beliefs about national simultaneous endorsement of both civic (Yogeeswaran et al., 2012). Taken identity can contribute to prejudice and ethnic national characters is further together, even ethnic minorities who are toward this group in the aftermath of the evident when exploring automatic or born and raised in the country, but of horrific terrorist attack of March 15, implicit associations using reaction-time specific ethnic heritage, can be excluded 2019. tools alongside more explicit self-report from the national identity based on how measures as people can consciously the national identity is defined. METHOD endorse inclusive civic characteristics of The distinction between ethnic and their national identity, while implicitly or civic national identity has also been Sampling Procedure automatically perceiving some groups as important in explaining how The current study utilised data from more ‘authentic’ members of the nation identification with the nation can have Time 7 of the New Zealand Attitudes and than others (for reviews, see Devos & diverging implications on attitudes Values Study (NZAVS). The NZAVS, Mohamed, 2014; Yogeeswaran, Devos & toward newer groups. For example, which began in 2009, is a longitudinal Nash, 2016). Pehrson, Vignoles, and Brown (2009) national probability study that Why should we care about people’s used data from 31 countries to show that investigates social attitudes, personality, conceptions of national identity? the strength of national identification values, among other factors. The Time 7 Extensive research within the social among majority group members predicts data were collected in 2015. Sampling sciences shows that whether people anti-immigrant sentiments, but only in occurred by randomly selecting define their national identity in terms of countries where people define their individuals from the New Zealand ethnic or civic characteristics has national identity in terms of ethnic Electoral Roll who were over the age of important implications for how we see characteristics, and not in those nations 18 years. Participants drawn from the other groups. For example, Wakefield with a more civic national identity. Data New Zealand Electoral Roll are New and colleagues (2011) experimentally such as these highlight the importance of Zealand citizens and permanent residents tested whether making salient the ethnic better understanding lay definitions of who are eligible to vote. A copy of the or civic aspect of Scottish national national identity and their implications questionnaire was posted to participants, identity would differentially impact the for attitudes toward minorities and and a second postal follow-up was sent inclusion of ethnic minorities and immigrants. In fact, going beyond the two months later. Participants were prosocial tendencies. Across three specific framing of national identity as invited to complete an online version of studies, they found that framing Scottish ethnic-civic, Smeekes, Verkuyten, and the questionnaire if they provided an national identity as normatively ethnic Poppe (2011) revealed that making the email address. A prize draw was offered led White Scottish participants to be less Christian roots of the Netherlands salient to participants for their participation in accepting of criticism about Scotland by increased opposition to Muslim the study (see Sibley, 2018, for further a Chinese-Scot (i.e., a Scottish person of expressive rights among Dutch details about sampling). Chinese descent), decreased their participants that were both high and low willingness to include a Chinese-Scot in national identification relative to a Participants within the national identity, and reduced control condition. However, making the The Time 7 (2015) NZAVS data their willingness to help a Chinese-Scot humanistic and tolerant history of the contained responses from 13,944 person in need, all relative to those in a Netherlands salient led Dutch participants. In total, 13,794 participants control condition. By contrast, when participants who were weakly identified provided responses to the relevant Scottish national identity was framed as with the country to show greater measures and were therefore included in normatively civic in nature, White Scots acceptance of Muslim expressive rights the current analysis. The mean age of were more willing to accept a Chinese- relative to those highly identified with the participants was 50.80 years (SD = Scot’s criticism of Scotland, more willing country. 13.89), with 62.7% identifying as female to include such an ethnic minority within While much psychological research and 37.3% identifying as male. Of these the national identity, and increased their has been done on national identity in participants, 80.3% identified as New willingness to help a Chinese-Scot target other parts of the world, there is limited Zealand European, 12.2% identified as who was in need, all relative to controls. work on how people define New Zealand Māori, 2.6% identified as Pasifika, and Similarly, in research from the USA, national character (see Sibley, Hoverd, & 2.5% identified as being of Asian exposing participants to biographical Liu, 2011; Sibley & Liu, 2007) and descent.

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ancestry was somewhat to very important Measures Warmth toward Muslims for one to be considered a ‘true’ New Demographics Participants completed attitude ratings Zealander (M = 2.80, SD = 1.89). Participants provided answers to a modelled on affect thermometer items range of demographic variables such as included in United States National Warmth toward Muslims, and gender, age, religiosity, household Election Study. These items asked Support for Diversity income, whether they lived in an participants to rate their feelings of Multiple regression analyses were urban/rural area, relationship status, warmth toward Muslims on scales conducted to examine how different parental status, level of education, and ranging from 1 (feel least warm toward beliefs about what it takes to make employment status. Neighbourhood this group) to 7 (feel most warm toward someone a ‘true’ New Zealander deprivation was measured on a scale of 1 this group), with 4 indicating neutral predicted attitudes toward Muslims, and (most impoverished) to 10 (most feelings toward the group. support for diversity, while controlling affluent), using the NZ Deprivation Index Diversity attitudes for a number of important demographic 2013 (Atkinson, Salmond, & Campton, Participants completed three items (α = factors and even participant’s political 2014). orientation (see Table 1 for full model). .75) which assessed diversity attitudes, Political Orientation taken from Breugelmans and van de After adjusting for these factors in our Participants also completed a one- Vijver (2004). Participants were asked to model, results revealed that the more item measure from Jost (2006), asking indicate how strongly they agreed or people believed that being able to speak them to rate how politically left-wing disagreed with three items: “The unity of English was important to be considered a versus right-wing they saw themselves as NZ is weakened by too many ‘true’ New Zealander, the less warmth being. This item was rated on a 7-point immigrants” (reverse-coded), “I feel at they reported towards Muslims, B = - scale which ranged from 1 (extremely ease when I am in a city district in NZ .194, SE = .010, p < .001, and the less left-wing) to 7 (extremely right-wing). with many immigrants,” and “There are they supported diversity, B = -.230, SE = This variable was included as a control too many immigrants living in NZ" .009, p < .001. Similarly, the more variable similar to the demographic (reverse-coded). The items were rated participants believed that having Māori factors above. from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly or European ancestry was important for agree). Larger numbers indicate more someone to be considered a ‘true’ New National Character support for diversity, while smaller Zealander, the less warmth they reported Participants completed four items numbers indicate opposition to the same. towards Muslims, B = -.111, SE = .009, p which asked them about whether there < .001, and the less they supported are certain qualities that make someone a diversity, B = -.243, SE = .008, p < .001. ‘true’ New Zealander. These items were RESULTS Descriptive Analyses: On the other hand, believing that having adapted from Citrin et al. (1990) and New Zealand citizenship was important asked participants to rate how important We first descriptively examined participants’ ratings of the importance of to be a ‘true’ New Zealander did not they thought each quality was for being a predict warmth toward Muslims, B = ‘true’ New Zealander. The items were: each of the national character items (see Figures 1a-1d for details). As evident in .002, SE = .009, p = .85, nor support for (a) “To have New Zealand citizenship”, diversity, B < .001, SE = .008, p = .997. (b) “To respect New Zealand’s political Figures 1a-1d, nearly 90% of New Zealanders believed having New Zealand However, believing that respect for New institutions and laws”, (c) “To be able to Zealand’s political institutions and laws speak English”, and (d) “To have Māori citizenship was somewhat to very important for someone to be considered a was important for being a ‘true’ New or European ancestry”. While the first Zealander predicted a relatively minor two items relate to civic national ‘true’ New Zealander (i.e., responded 4 or above on the measure; M = 5.64, SD = increase in warmth toward Muslims, B = character, the latter two relate to ethnic .024, SE = .009, p = .008, and a slight national character. However, as the 1.63). Similarly, approximately 92% thought that being able to speak English increase in support for diversity, B = internal consistency of the two ethnic and .025, SE = .008, p = .003. Collectively, civic national character items was too was somewhat to very important for someone to be considered a ‘true’ New this regression model accounted for low to justify combining the items into 13.2% of the variance in warmth towards composite measures (αs < .46), we Zealander (M = 5.76, SD = 1.45), and 2 more than 97% reported that respecting Muslims, (R = .132), and 27.3% of the examined these four items variance in support for diversity (R2 = independently. These items were rated on New Zealand’s political institutions and laws was somewhat to very important for .273), with the four national character a 7-point scale which ranged from 1 (not items alone accounting for 8.8% of the important) to 7 (very important), with a someone to be considered a ‘true’ New 2 Zealander (M = 6.22, SD = 1.10). Finally, variance in warmth toward Muslims (R mid-point of 4 (somewhat important). = .088), and 20.6% of the variance in approximately 35% of New Zealanders support for diversity (R2 = .206). reported that having Māori or European

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New Zealand national identity and attitudes towards Muslims and diversity

45.00% 45.00%

40.00% 40.00%

35.00% 35.00%

30.00% 30.00%

25.00% 25.00%

20.00% 20.00% Percentage Percentage 15.00% 15.00%

10.00% 10.00%

5.00% 5.00%

0.00% 0.00% 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Level of Importance Level of Importance

Figure 1a. To have New Zealand citizenship Figure 1b. To be able to speak English

60.00% 40.00%

35.00% 50.00% 30.00% 40.00% 25.00%

30.00% 20.00% Percentage Percentage 15.00% 20.00% 10.00% 10.00% 5.00%

0.00% 0.00% 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Level of Importance Level of Importance

Figure 1c. To respect New Zealand’s political Figure 1d. To have Māori or European ancestry institutions and laws

Figures 1a-1d. The figures presented display the distribution of responses as percentages from participants when asked how important do they personally think the following qualities are for being a true New Zealander, where 1 = not important, 4 = somewhat important, and 7 = very important.

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New Zealand national identity and attitudes towards Muslims and diversity

Table 1. Multiple regression analyses examining the predictors of Warmth towards Muslims and Support for Diversity. Focal predictors (i.e.,To have NZ Citizenship, To be able to speak English, To respect NZ’s political institutions and laws, and To have Māori or European ancestry) are emphasized in bold. Warmth towards Muslims Support for Diversity b (SE) p b (SE) p To have NZ Citizenship 0.002 (0.009) .849 < 0.001 (0.008) 0.997 To be able to Speak English -0.194 (0.010) < 0.001 -0.230 (0.009) < 0.001 To Respect NZ’s Political 0.024 (0.009) 0.008 0.025 (0.008) 0.003 Institutions and Laws To have Māori or European -0.111 (0.009) < .001 -0.243 (0.008) < .001 Ancestry Gendera -0.071 (0.008) < .001 -0.061 (0.007) < .001 Age -0.051 (0.010) < 0.001 0.036 (0.009) < 0.001 Household Income 0.004 (0.010) 0.703 0.041 (0.009) < 0.001 Socioeconomic status -0.003 (0.009) 0.726 -0.018 (0.008) 0.026 Religiosityb 0.029 (0.009) 0.001 -0.017 (0.008) 0.029 Parental Statusc -0.002 (0.009) 0.822 -0.018 (0.008) 0.037 Relationship Statusd -0.015 (0.009) 0.098 0.001 (0.008) 0.881 Employment Statuse 0.020 (0.009) 0.031 -0.002 (0.008) 0.823 Urban versus Ruralf 0.015 (0.008) 0.082 0.022 (0.008) 0.004 Māori (1=yes; 0=no) 0.037 (0.008) < 0.001 -0.029 (0.008) < 0.001 Pacific (1=yes; 0=no) 0.031 (0.008) < 0.001 -0.004 (0.007) 0.574 Asian (1=yes; 0=no) -0.011 (0.008) 0.168 -0.028 (0.007) < 0.001 Political orientationg -0.137 (0.009) < 0.001 -0.170 (0.008) < .001 Educationh 0.080 (0.009) < 0.001 0.139 (0.008) < 0.001 a Gender (0 = female, 1= male). b Identify with a religion and/or spiritual Group (0 = no, 1= yes). c Parental status (0 = not a parent, 1= a parent). d Relationship status (0 = not in a relationship, 1= in a relationship). e Employment status (0 = not employed, 1 = employed). f Urban versus rural (0 = rural, 1 = urban). g Political orientation (extremely left-wing = 1, extremely right-wing = 7). hEducation (0-10 NZ Qualifications Authority ranking)

DISCUSSION for someone to be a ‘true’ New Zealander, that changing these beliefs about what The present research uses data from a making it impossible for anyone outside defines ‘us’ to be less exclusive is an nationally representative sample to of these ancestral bloodlines to ever be important step for forging positive explore how New Zealanders define what considered a ‘true’ New Zealander. relations in our increasingly diverse it means to be a ‘true’ New Zealander, and Overall, these findings suggest that nation. then tests how such beliefs predict people tend to endorse both ethnic and prejudicial attitudes toward Muslims and civic aspects of national character Broader Implications support for diversity in New Zealand. simultaneously, although there appears to While the present work reveals beliefs Data revealed that a vast majority of New be greater consensus around civic aspects about what makes someone a ‘true’ New Zealanders believe that respecting New of national character. Zealander and how such beliefs that Zealand’s political institutions and laws, However, as these data show, beliefs define national identity in terms of having New Zealand citizenship, and about what makes someone a ‘true’ New specific ancestral heritage or prioritising being able to speak English are somewhat Zealander are not just confined to certain cultural characteristics can to very important for someone to be people’s general beliefs – they also have negatively predict attitudes toward considered a ‘true’ New Zealander. While important bearings on how others in Muslims and diversity, it is also important the first two represent more civic society feel about minority groups, and to consider the broader implications of characteristics of national identity where diversity more broadly. Specifically, the these findings for New Zealand. For no specific cultural traits or heritage is more people believe that having certain example, by a sizeable minority (35%) placed above any other, the third ancestral bloodlines or certain cultural believing that having European or Māori characteristic is argued to represent an characteristics are defining of what it ancestry is required for someone to be a ethnic conception of national identity means to be a ‘true’ New Zealander, the ‘true’ New Zealander, it implies that (e.g., Citrin et al., 1990; Schildkraut, more negatively they evaluate a minority anyone who is not of European or Māori 2003; 2007) by placing higher importance group like Muslims, and the more ancestry simply can never become a ‘real’ on an Anglo characteristic of national negativity they express toward diversity. New Zealander, even if they are born and identity. With that said, the ability to These relationships emerge even when raised in the country, participate and speak English is an achievable controlling for a range of demographic contribute to the country, and the same characteristic as anyone regardless of factors and participant’s political would apply to their children and their heritage can learn the language. By orientation, accounting for approximately grandchildren in the future. As evidenced comparison, a sizeable minority (35%) 9% and 20% of the variance in people’s by research on identity denial, ethnic believe that having European or Māori attitudes toward Muslims and opposition minorities (especially Asian westerners) ancestry is somewhat to very important to diversity, respectively. This implies who have their national identity denied to

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New Zealand national identity and attitudes towards Muslims and diversity

them experience a host of negative Devos and Banaji (2005) demonstrated defining national identity in exclusive emotions, reduced life satisfaction, hope, that while participants of all races terms that prioritize specific cultural and increased depressive symptoms implicitly perceived African Americans characteristics or specific ethnic heritage (Cheryan & Monin, 2005; Huynh, Devos, and White Americans to be equally can have negative implications for & Smalarz, 2011; Wang, Minervino, & American, at an implicit or automatic creating an inclusive and equitable nation. Cheryan, 2013). Moreover, identity level, reaction-time measures revealed denial increases compensatory that White Americans were perceived to References behaviours and unhealthy eating in order be more American than African Atkinson, J., Salmond, C., & Campton, P. to try fitting in (Guendelman, Cheryan, & Americans (for reviews, see Devos & (2014). NZDep 2013 Index of Monin, 2011). The experience of identity Mohamed, 2014; Yogeeswaran & Deprivation. : University of denial might be especially harmful for Dasgupta, 2014). In New Zealand, Sibley Otago. ethnic minorities who are second- and Liu (2007) demonstrated that both Bloemraad, I., Korteweg, A., & Yurdakul, generation New Zealanders and those explicitly and implicitly, New Zealanders G. (2008). Citizenship and immigration: beyond as these individuals do not have a perceived both Māori and Europeans to Diversity, assimilation, and challenges to sense of connection to any other place and be equally defining of New Zealand the nation-state. Annual Review of expect to be accepted in nations that claim national identity suggesting that Māori Sociology, 34. to possess inclusive and egalitarian ideals were rightfully included at both the Breugelmans, S. M., & van de Vijver, F. J. (e.g., Wang et al., 2013). This, we argue, implicit and explicit levels, unlike in R. (2004). Antecedents and components is a significant challenge for New Zealand Australia where Aboriginal peoples were of majority attitudes toward diversity in going forward. As the nation has implicitly perceived as less ‘Australian’ the Netherlands. Applied Psychology An International Review, 53(3), 400-422. experienced large increases in the ethnic (Sibley & Barlow, 2009). However, even https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1464- diversity of its populace including people in New Zealand, New Zealanders of 0597.2004.00177.x from East Asia, , the Middle Asian descent who participants were Brubaker, R. (2009). Citizenship and East, the Americas, and Pacific Nations, explicitly told were New Zealand citizens nationhood in France and Germany: the national inclusion of these groups will born and raised in the country were still Harvard University Press. be a critical issue for the country in the not considered to be New Zealanders as Cheryan, S., & Monin, B. (2005). "Where coming decades. Defining national evidenced by both implicit and explicit are you really from?": Asian Americans identity in ways that allows people of measures (Sibley & Liu, 2007). and identity denial. Journal of Personality diverse backgrounds to feel fully Beyond the implications such and Social Psychology, 89(5), 717-730. accepted into society will be critically exclusion may have for minority group https://doi.org/10.1037/0022- important for these individuals’ health, members’ psychological health, well- 3514.89.5.717 well-being, and participation in wider being, and emotions (see Cheryan & Citrin, J., Reingold, B., & Green, D. P. society. In fact, some of our own recent Monin, 2005; Huynh et al., 2011; Wang (1990). American identity and the politics research (Yogeeswaran, Shurmer, & et al., 2013), research demonstrates that of ethnic change. The Journal of Politics, Hewstone, 2019) reveals that when Asian such implicit beliefs also predict 52(4), 1124-1154. New Zealanders are exposed to video discriminatory behaviours and judgments https://doi.org/10.2307/2131685 messaging that frames New Zealand (Dasgupta & Yogeeswaran, 2011; Devos Dasgupta, N., & Yogeeswaran, K. (2011). national identity as normatively civic, & Ma, 2013; Yogeeswaran & Dasgupta, Obama-nation? Implicit beliefs about American nationality and the possibility they show greater national belonging, and 2010). For example, in the USA, implicit of redefining who counts as 'truly' in turn a stronger desire for civic beliefs that ‘real’ Americans are White American. In G. S. Parks & M. W. participation and engagement with wider predicts discriminatory job-hiring in Hughey (Eds.), The Obamas and a Post- society. However, video messaging that contexts that require national loyalty, and Racial America? (pp. 72-90). New York, frames New Zealand national identity as more negative evaluations of public NY: Oxford University Press. normatively ethnic in nature reduces policy promoted by an Asian American Devos, T., & Banaji, M. R. (2005). Asian New Zealanders’ sense of national (Yogeeswaran & Dasgupta, 2010). American = White? Journal of belonging and decreases their desire for Similarly, implicit conflation between Personality and Social Psychology, 88(3), civic participation, as well as reduces Whiteness and American identity 447-466. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022- their desire for engagement with wider predicted reduced willingness to vote for 3514.88.3.447 society. Collectively, such work suggests Barack Obama during the 2008 Devos, T., & Ma, D. S. (2013). How that more attention is needed to consider Presidential election (Devos & Ma, "American" is Barack Obama? The role of how national identity is framed in order to 2013). Such studies reveal that how we national identity in a historic bid for the examine its impact for both majority and define who belongs in the country and White House. Journal of Applied Social minority groups. who counts as a ‘true’ member has direct Psychology, 43(1), 214-226. An additional challenge going forward implications for our own behaviour and https://doi.org/10.1111/jasp.12069 is that national inclusion needs to be judgment, including who we are willing Devos, T., & Mohamed, H. (2014). Shades internalized in order to create a more to vote for and who we are willing to hire of American identity: Implicit relations between ethnic and national identities: equitable society. Many studies have for certain jobs. Moreover, such beliefs Shades of American Identity. Social and shown that even when people explicitly also negatively impact psychological Personality Psychology Compass, 8(12), perceive certain racial/ethnic groups as outcomes for minority groups 739-754. equally defining of the national identity, experiencing national exclusion making it https://doi.org/10.1111/spc3.12149 they may implicitly possess prototypes an important issue for future work. Taken Ghumkhor, S. (2019). The hypocrisy of that certain groups are more authentic together with the present data, we argue New Zealand's 'this is not us' claim: Is than others. For example, in the USA, that it is important to recognize that Brenton Tarrant really an aberration?

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Pehrson, S., & Green, E. G. (2010). Who we nationhood in the New Zealand context. (2016). Understanding the nature, are and who can join us: National identity European Journal of Social Psychology, measurement, and utility of implicit content and entry criteria for new 37(6), 1222-1243. intergroup biases. In C. G. Sibley & F. K. immigrants. Journal of Social Issues, https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.459 Barlow (Eds.) Cambridge Handbook of 66(4), 695-716. Smeekes, A., Verkuyten, M., & Poppe, E. the Psychology of Prejudice (pp. 241- Pehrson, S., Vignoles, V. L., & Brown, R. (2011). Mobilizing opposition towards 266). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge (2009). National identification and anti- Muslim immigrants: National University Press. DOI: immigrant prejudice: Individual and identification and the representation of 10.1017/9781316161579.011 contextual effects of national definitions. national history. British Journal of Social Yogeeswaran, K., Shurmer, V., & Social Psychology Quarterly, 72(1), 24- Psychology, 50(2), 265-280. Hewstone, M. (2019). Normative beliefs 38. https://doi.org/10.1348/014466610X5162 about the national identity impact https://doi.org/10.1177/01902725090720 35 minority national belonging, civic 0104 Smith, A. D. (1991). National identity. participation, and social cohesion. London: Penguin Books. Manuscript in preparation.

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 35

Being Muslim in New Zealand

A Critical Narrative Review of Research about the Experiences of being Muslim in New Zealand

Colleen Ward1, Jaimee Stuart2 & Zeenah M. Adam1 1 Centre for Applied Cross-Cultural Research, Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand, 2 Griffith University, Australia.

The paper reviews and integrates findings from our programme of research on acculturation and intercultural relations with, for and about members of New Zealand’s Muslim community. Our objectives are to act as a conduit for Muslim voices, sharing findings about their experiences, aspirations and challenges, while increasing overall awareness about diversity-receptiveness in New Zealand. We describe how New Zealand Muslims see themselves in terms of their religious, ethnic and national identities; the challenges they face, including coping with discrimination and cultural change; the resources they access, particularly religion, family and community; and their pathways to positive psychological and social outcomes. We also examine how New Zealanders perceive and receive Muslims in the wider community.

Keywords: Muslim; acculturation; identity; discrimination; adaptation; immigrant; attitudes

The recent tragedy in Christchurch, the smaller proportion of the population than identities as Muslims and as New brutal slaying of 50 Muslim New is generally found in Europe (e.g., 6.1% Zealanders; the challenges they face, Zealanders at prayer, has led not only to in Germany, 6.3% in the United including discrimination and coping with a national outpouring of grief, but also to Kingdom, and 8.8% in France), but is cultural change; the resources they sombre reflection about who we are as a similar to the United States (1.1%; Pew access, particularly religion, family and nation and if we should have anticipated Research Center, 2017, 2018). About community; and their pathways to this act of terrorism. Emerging public three-quarters of New Zealand Muslims positive psychological and social discourses on , hate are overseas-born, and they are highly outcomes. We also discuss how New crimes, gun control, Islam and diverse in terms of ethnicity and national Zealanders perceive and receive Islamophobia have left a strong background. The largest group is of members of the Muslim community. impression that as a nation we have been Asian origin (26.9%), with around a These discussions are based on a largely unaware of the insidious, divisive quarter having African and Middle compilation of qualitative and forces that are at work in our society. Eastern backgrounds (23.3%), as well as quantitative studies, using mixed These discourses also suggest that there smaller numbers of both Māori and methods (interviews, focus groups, is limited knowledge about Muslims and Europeans, comprising the community. workshop exercises, identity mapping, Islam in New Zealand. The aim of this A substantial proportion of New Zealand surveys), and designed for various paper is to provide an overview of Muslims come from a refugee purposes and outcomes (e.g., social findings, both published and background; Afghans, Pakistanis, action, theory testing). A summary of the unpublished, from our broader Syrians, Palestinians, and Myanmar’s projects is presented in Table 1. In some programme of research on Acculturation Rohingyas are among the groups instances the survey research is and Intercultural Relations with, for, and currently being resettled in New Zealand complemented by comparative data from about members of New Zealand’s with earlier settlements of refugees from international sources; in particular the Muslim community. Our objectives are Iran, , and (Beaglehole, research on Pathways to Positive to act as a conduit for Muslim voices, 2013; Immigration New Zealand, 2019). Development includes a comparative sharing research findings about Muslims’ Overall, New Zealand’s Muslim sample of 142 young British Muslims, experiences, aspirations and challenges, community is young, with those aged 15- and the work on Identity, Acculturation while increasing overall awareness about 29 years making up 29% of the and Adaptation is part of a larger national diversity-receptiveness in Aotearoa/New population, and the community is study with Korean, Indian, Chinese, Zealand. unevenly dispersed throughout New Samoan, Māori and Pākehā youth, which The Muslim community in New Zealand, with about two-thirds living in make up the New Zealand data in the 13- Zealand is a small, but growing group, Auckland (, nation International Comparative Study having increased by 28% between the 2013). of Ethno-cultural Youth (ICSEY; Berry, 2006 and 2013 census, but still making In the following sections we discuss Phinney, Sam, & Vedder, 2006). up only 1.2% of the national population how New Zealand Muslims view (Statistics New Zealand, 2013). This is a themselves, particularly in terms of their

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 36

Being Muslim in New Zealand

Table 1. Overview of Projects

Project Participants

Interviews and Focus Groups

1. Pathways to Positive Development 25 young Muslim adults (19-27 years)

Workshops

2. Young Muslim Leaders: Qaadah Muslimoona Shabaab 36 young Muslims (15-25 years) 3. Young Muslims: Needs and Challenges 94 young Muslims (15-27 years) 4. Building Bridges: Jusoor Tawaasul 24 ethnically diverse, Muslim and non-Muslim students (13-14 years)

Surveys

5. Identity, Acculturation and Adaptation 180 Muslim youth (13-19 years) 6. Pathways to Positive Development 155 Muslim youth (16-27 years) 7. Acculturative Stress and Muslim Religious Coping 167 Muslim adults (mean age = 31.5 years) 8. Muslim Identity, Visibility and Well-being 153 Muslim women (aged 16-60 years) 9. Acculturation, Adaptation and Intercultural Relations 100 Muslims (16-71 years) 10. Attitudes to Immigrants 2020 New Zealand households 11. Attitudes to Muslims 295 New Zealanders (18- 65+ years)

Striving for Balance: Identity Muslims and non-Muslims in New seeing things from others’ point of and Integration Zealand (Ward, 2009; Ward, Liu, view, being honest, understanding Fairbairn-Dunlop, & Henderson, 2010). and having empathy. Balancing my Acculturation and Integration The essence of integration involves culture with New Zealand culture (p. Acculturation theory points to two key engagement with both heritage and 260). issues that individuals and groups face national cultures. The process of being when they settle in a new country; these Moreover, the young Muslims who and becoming integrated has been involve decisions about the extent to participated in our research appeared articulated by young Muslims in terms of which traditional cultural heritage is or highly skilled in broadly achieving “balance,” which has been described both should be maintained and the extent to balance. as a pathway to positive development and which participation in and adoption of the I feel a sense of belonging and a key indicator of success (Stuart & culture of the wider society is desired or connection to both my religion and Ward, 2011a). achieved (Berry, 2001, 2005). Whether culture as well as to New Zealand Achieving a good balance, being a examined in real or ideal terms, research society. I do not see them as Muslim and being a member of a non- has shown these two issues are conflicting (p. 260). Muslim society and not conceptually and empirically distinct compromising on faith, but still being These expressions of balance were (Navas et al., 2005; Ryder, Alden, & able to be comfortable (p. 259). further elaborated in the exercise of Paulhus, 2000; Ward & Kus, 2012). identity mapping, a technique developed Framing acculturation in terms of these Balance is seen as a means of by Sirin and Fine (2008) in their work two orthogonal dimensions permits the minimising the risks of managing with young Muslims in the United States. identification and classification of four multiple cultural affiliations and Using this technique participants acculturation strategies or orientations: competing demands. Efforts are made to illustrate their identities pictorially, separation (cultural maintenance only), “fit into” New Zealand culture, but prompted by a request to draw all of the assimilation (participation/cultural neither at the expense of compromising elements of the self. Sirin and Fine adoption only), marginalisation (neither the self, nor by shedding one’s values and (2008) uncovered three profiles from cultural maintenance nor beliefs. identity mapping: integrated (Muslim participation/cultural adoption) and Being true with myself, who I am and identity and national identity blended in a integration (both cultural maintenance where I am from. Being able to non-conflicting way), parallel (both and participation/adoption). balance out the two different cultures, identities depicted as separate) and Although acculturation preferences mine and theirs (p. 260). conflicted (representations of tension, and outcomes vary as a function of socio- Balance is also seen as fostering hostility or irreconcilability of identities). political contexts, research has suggested positive intergroup relations, assisting in As in Sirin and Fine’s (2008) research, that integration is generally preferred by building better relationships with non- we found that the majority of identity new settlers (Phinney, Berry, Vedder, & Muslims as well as cultivating virtues maps generated by young adults in our Liebkind, 2006; Ward, Fox, Wilson, that are aligned to religious beliefs. workshop sessions portrayed integration; Stuart, & Kus, 2010), and our research Tolerance, learning about the New however, both the process and the has indicated that this is the case for both Zealand culture and way of life,

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 37

Being Muslim in New Zealand content were represented. Figure 1 studies. Overall, we found evidence of indicated that Turkish and Muslim depicts one such identity map (Ward, strong religious, ethnic and national identities were strongly inter-related and 2013); while Islam is central to the self, identities. We also found positive that both were negatively related to as shown in the outstretched hand and the associations between young Muslims’ Dutch identity. As Muslim identity was mosque, the map also depicts national ethnic and national identities (Stuart, also associated with Dutch dis- identities in the adjacent flags of New 2012; Ward, Adam, & Stuart, 2011; identification, the researchers argued that Zealand and . In addition, both Ward, Liu et al., 2010). Broadly Dutch Muslims see their religious and English and Arabic (shafaq, compassion) speaking, a positive association between national identities as largely scripts are present. The Sunni path, in ethnic and national identities in incompatible. In line with Verkuyen and conjunction with family (caution lights) immigrant and minority groups has been Yildiz (2007), we also found a positive and friends (bumps), suggests that seen to be an indicator of a multicultural relationship between ethnic and religious acculturation is experienced as a process or diversity-receptive environment where identities in New Zealand Muslims; or journey. Figure 2 illustrates the extent individuals are not forced to choose however, in contrast to the Dutch study, of integration at one point in time (Stuart, between heritage and national cultures. Muslim and New Zealand identities were Ward, & Adam, 2010). Multiple This pattern is more often observed in unrelated, undermining the suggestion identities, roles and relationships are settler societies such as New Zealand and that these identities are seen as brought together in the folds of a Australia as opposed to the “Old World” incompatible in the New Zealand woman’s hijab. A pin, labelled societies such as France, Germany and context. Indeed, many of the voices we Islam/, represents how her faith is the Netherlands (Phinney et al., 2006). have heard from the Muslim community holding multiple identities together while Although the relationship between after the horrific attacks in Christchurch her nose is illustrated by an inverted religious and national identities has been mosques have expressed the sentiment of question mark labelled “balance” and her relatively neglected in the international being “a proud Muslim, and a proud New smile is “thankful or trying to be.” literature, work by Verkuyten and Yildiz Zealander.” Findings from our survey research (2007) addressed this issue with Turkish- converge with those from the qualitative Dutch in the Netherlands. Their findings

Figure 1. Young Muslim’s identity map Figure 2. Young Muslim’s identity map

Identity, Acculturation and Well- well-being and a lower level of between integration and positive being depression (Lam, Nguyen, & Benet- adaptation was stronger than the On one hand, managing multiple Martínez, 2011). The links between relationship between either ethnic or cultural identities can be stressful, integration and well-being were national identity on their own and the precipitating identity conflict and crises examined in greater detail in Nguyen and adaptive outcomes. Along these lines, (Baumeister, Shapiro, & Tice, 1985; Benet-Martínez’s (2013) meta-analysis, our research shows that Muslim youth are Stuart & Ward, 2011b; Ward, Stuart, & which investigated biculturalism (i.e., largely achieving integration with 85% Kus, 2011). On the other hand, achieving two integrated cultural identities) in (N = 180) categorised as integrated on the an integrated cultural identity is association with psychological, basis of having both strong Muslim and associated with positive psychological sociocultural and health outcomes. Their national identities (Ward, Liu et al., outcomes, including a higher level of results indicated that the relationship 2010), and they are well adapted with

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 38

Being Muslim in New Zealand young Muslims reporting higher levels of about Islam, and unfavourable media public life included access to prayer life satisfaction, fewer symptoms of portrayals of Muslims, as well as spaces during school or work hours, psychological distress, better school discrimination in educational and availability of halal food, exposure to adjustment and fewer behavioural employment contexts (Ward, Lescelius, alcohol and limited options for modest problems than their Māori and Pākehā Naidu, Jack, & Weinberg, 2016). dress for young women at school. peers (Ward, Liu et al., 2010; Ward, Although discrimination is the most Young Muslims in Stuart’s (2014) Adam et al., 2011). commonly cited risk that young Muslims study also identified three major The high level of resilience and confront, the overall level of perceived resources in dealing with risks: religion, adaptability found among Muslim youth discrimination appears to be moderately family and the wider intercultural was also reported in the International low and more often apparent as prejudice environment. Religion impacted all Study of Ethno-cultural Youth where towards the group in general rather than aspects of life, informed attitudes and Muslim immigrants displayed higher towards specific individuals. When this behaviours, and influenced the way the levels of psychological well-being and occurs, it is most likely to be at the less young people defined themselves. better social functioning than their violent end of the spectrum, such as being I really, truly believe every single Christian, Jewish and Buddhist insulted as opposed to being threatened thing that is good about me is because immigrant peers. In the ICSEY project (Ward, Liu et al., 2010). Our research has I am a Muslim and every single thing both national and ethnic identities were shown that young Muslims are no more that is not so good about me is associated with positive psychological likely to report perceived discrimination because of my innate problems as a (e.g., life satisfaction) and behavioural than Indian, Chinese, Korean, Samoan person, as a human being (p. 31).

(e.g., better school adjustment and fewer and Māori youth. In terms of the Family provided the most significant behavioural problems) outcomes (Sam, prevalence of discrimination, 8% of context for cultural transmission as well Vedder, Ward, & Horenczyk, 2006). In young Muslims indicated they had been as ongoing support for maintenance of the extension of this research to New threatened or attacked, compared to 25% values in everyday life. Zealand Muslims we also included a who had been teased or insulted. (Family) is important for measure of Muslim identity. While we Moreover, 8% said that they did not understanding who you are, your found evidence that Muslim, ethnic and personally feel accepted by New identity . . . family support and national identities all predicted greater Zealanders, although 39% agreed that knowledge are the most important to psychological well-being in terms of life Muslims as a group have been treated be a successful Muslim here (p. 28). satisfaction, only Muslim identity unfairly. This appears consistent with predicted better school adjustment and Shaver and colleagues’ contention that Diversity and multiculturalism were fewer behavioural problems (Ward, Liu relationships between New Zealand’s acknowledged as important aspects of the et al., 2010; Ward, Adam et al., 2011). Muslims and other ethnic communities intercultural environment that are The importance of Muslim identity and are generally peaceful and at least until conducive to positive adaptation, religious practices are discussed in more the recent terrorist attack have been fostering openness and acceptance and detail in the following sections. largely non-violent (Shaver, Troughton, allowing young Muslims to be their authentic selves. They were also seen as Sibley, & Bulbulia, 2016). Beyond discrimination, Stuart (2014) supporting connections among ethnically Risks, Resources & Resilience diverse Muslims. Beyond managing multiple cultural found that cultural differences presented significant risks. The differences were We feel we are connected with them identities, new settlers confront a variety because of our religion and . . . we all of challenges as they adjust to their new frequently described in terms of interpersonal or social interactions and are the same. Even though they have living arrangements and unfamiliar social different backgrounds like Indian and context. These may involve learning a the challenges of “fitting in” while maintaining Muslim norms and values. Arab, still we’re the same (p. 30). new language, dealing with homesickness, facing discrimination and Differences were often discussed with These resources are discussed in marginalisation, managing family regard to alcohol, gambling, halal food, greater detail in the following sections. and female dress, especially the hijab. pressures, and establishing new networks Religion for friendship and social support. In And I always feel that I am different. I always feel that I look different, I There is a robust literature on the many cases challenges such as these positive relationship between religiosity present risks that induce acculturative have an accent. I’m not like everyone else; I don’t drink, I don’t go and mental health, including enhanced stress (Berry, 2006a; Ward & Szabo, in quality of life (Hackney & Sanders, press), which is associated with clubbing, I don’t have a boyfriend- I’m not allowed to (p. 34). 2003; Sawatzky, Ratner, & Chiu, 2005). decrements in well-being and increased Findings from research with New psychological symptoms, including This sentiment overlapped to a large Zealand Muslims are in accordance with depression, anxiety, and psycho-somatic extent with the needs identified by Ward these trends. Both Muslim identity and problems (Berry, 2006a; Jibeen & et al. (2016), broadly referred to as issues Muslim practices are associated with Khalid, 2010; Miller, Kim, & Benet- of Integration and Inclusion. These needs greater psychological well-being (Stuart, Martínez, 2011; Romero & Roberts, emphasised the importance of cultural 2012; Ward, Liu et al., 2010). In addition, 2003; Ward & Szabo, 2019). One of the and religious maintenance and the desire religion has been recognised as an most common risks that young Muslims to participate in the wider society, which important mechanism by which people face in New Zealand is discrimination are dependent upon increasing cope with stress (Ano & Vasconcelles, (Stuart, 2014). This manifests itself in acceptance and accommodation of 2005), and a study with Muslim students terms of everyday racism, negative cultural and religious diversity in New in New Zealand found that positive stereotypes based on lack of knowledge Zealand. Challenges of participating in religious coping was linked to lower

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 39

Being Muslim in New Zealand levels of stress and a higher quality of life which did not permit analyses of the experience and the experiences of other (Gardner, Krägeloh, & Henning, 2014). temporal sequence of these relationships. family members. In a series of studies we have examined Nonetheless, in general the findings One of the most important protective the impact of Islam on managing suggest that religion contributes to factors for immigrant youth is a shared acculturative stress, both in terms of enhanced resilience and plays a positive set of beliefs, values, and expectations discrimination and cross-cultural role in coping with distress and fostering among family members. This is differences. Adam and Ward (2016) well-being. demonstrated by research on intrafamilial identified three domains of Muslim These findings have important congruence, or the perception that there religious coping: cognitive (interpreting implications for supporting vulnerable is a similarity in behaviours and beliefs stressful situations as Allah’s will), members of New Zealand’s Muslim between oneself and the members of the behavioural (performing religious community. Faith-based therapeutic family. High levels of congruence rituals) and social (seeking help from the interventions in counselling and clinical alleviate the stress of migration for Muslim congregation) in a sample of settings are likely to prove useful. Not children (Stuart & Ward, 2011b; Stuart, highly religious Muslim adults. Each of only should these be culturally sensitive Ward, Jose, & Narayanan, 2010; Ying, these forms of religious coping were and appropriate, but they also need to Lee, & Tsai, 2004), whereas frequently used, and each predicted reflect an understanding of the incongruence between parents and greater life satisfaction, suggesting the importance of religion amongst our local children, sometimes referred to as the importance of faith-based coping Muslim population. This is likely to be “acculturation gap,” has been associated strategies in building resilience. particularly important in response to the with depression, anxiety and gang Racism is known to exert a widespread events in Christchurch, given that the involvement in adolescents, and to and negative influence on mental health brutality and specificity of the attack depression and anger in parents (Dinh, (Harris, Stanley, & Cormack, 2018), with have led many to turn to spiritual Weinstein, Tein, & Roosa, 2013; Ying et ethnic and religious discrimination linked understandings and practices to try and al., 2004). Research also indicates that to poor psychosocial functioning, make sense of the tragedy and seek family obligations, or the extent to which including more depression, anxiety, and comfort. family members feel a sense of duty to psychological distress as well as lower The international literature advocates assist one another and to take into levels of self-esteem and life satisfaction an integrated therapeutic approach, account the needs and wishes of the (Schmitt, Branscombe, Postmes, & incorporating religion, when working family when making decisions, is Garcia, 2014). However, Islamic with Muslim clients (Abu Raiya & associated with positive outcomes for practices can buffer the detrimental Pargament, 2010) and has suggested that acculturating youth (Fuligni, Tseng, & effects of discrimination on life cognitive therapies provide a good fit for Lam, 1999). satisfaction. Jasperse, Ward and Jose a wide range of religious traditions Extending research on familial (2012) found not only that wearing hijab (Hodge, 2006). More specifically, acculturation, we examined the roles that as an expression of visible Muslim previous attempts to develop Islamically- family congruence and family identity predicted greater life integrated interventions have focussed on obligations play in connection with satisfaction, but also that religious cognitive restructuring techniques that acculturative stress and positive practices buffered the negative effects of encompass a religious worldview (Hodge adaptation in adolescents and young discrimination on well-being among & Nadir, 2008). These suggestions may adults in New Zealand’s Muslim Muslim women. Similarly, Adam and present challenges to New Zealand’s community (Stuart, Ward, & Robinson, Ward (2016) reported that behavioural secular mental health system, but are 2016). More specifically, we tested a forms of Muslim Religious Coping, such worth consideration in light of increasing model whereby family congruence and as making dua, seeking guidance from demands for responsiveness to cultural family obligations exerted both direct the Quran, and increasing prayers to diversity amongst the clientele. and indirect effects on psychological Allah, buffered the detrimental effects of Family well-being (life satisfaction) and social acculturative stress on life satisfaction. Families have the capacity to foster functioning (behavioural problems) with However, these results were not well-being and provide a context in the indirect effects mediated by replicated in Stuart and Ward’s (2018a) which individuals resolve acculturative acculturative stress. The findings study with Muslim youth. Although stress (Oppedal, 2006). Conversely, indicated that family congruence exerted religious practices predicted greater life families can be a major source of conflict, a direct effect on young Muslims’ social satisfaction, those who were highly particularly when there is difference in functioning, predicting a lower level of engaged in Islamic practices were more the acculturation strategies of parents and behavioural problems. Likewise, family susceptible to the detrimental influences children (Telzer, 2010). For young obligations were associated with positive of discrimination stress. It is difficult to people, functional and supportive family outcomes, predicting both greater life tease out the variable effects of Muslim relationships serve as a foundation for satisfaction and fewer behavioural religious practices across these three successful engagement in the social problems; however, family obligations studies as they were based on highly world, whereas dysfunctional family also predicted greater acculturative varied samples (Muslim adults, youth relationships potentially leave young stress, which in turn, predicted lower and women), examined Muslim practices people unprepared to meet challenges in levels of life satisfaction and more as a generic resource versus a specific other social contexts (Crosnoe & Elder, behavioural difficulties. coping mechanism, framed perceived 2004). Furthermore, because young Overall, these findings are consistent discrimination in terms of its occurrence people tend to relocate with their family with earlier qualitative studies. Families versus the distress it generated, and were units, there are reciprocal influences provide resources that young people need confined to cross-sectional studies, between the individual’s acculturation to thrive and flourish. Not only do

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 40

Being Muslim in New Zealand cohesive families ensure the transmission be detrimental to new settlers’ and negative attitudes toward immigrants of cultural norms and values, they also psychological and social wellbeing, as predictors of the individual-level provide a sense of connection. predicting higher levels of depression outcomes of perceived discrimination, Sometimes it feels like I am losing the and more antisocial behaviours among life satisfaction, psychological symptoms connected part of me. But I can keep youth (Forster, Grigsby, Soto, Schwartz, and behavioural problems. Multi-level this alive just by being with my family & Unger 2015; Schwartz et al., 2014; modelling revealed that neither the here (Stuart, 2014, p. 28). Ward, Szabo, & Stuart, 2016). An percentage of Muslims in the population

Moreover, social support from families important feature of the context of nor the national diversity indices were and family congruence are linked to a reception is the degree to which significant predictors; however, attitudes wide range of positive outcomes for immigrants perceive their environment to toward immigrants affected all of the youth, including greater life satisfaction, be multicultural; that is, characterised by outcomes. Specifically, positive fewer psychological symptoms and fewer culturally diverse groups in contact with national-level attitudes toward behavioural problems (Ward, Liu et al., one another, a general appreciation of immigrants predicted less perceived 2010). cultural diversity, and policies and discrimination and greater life Family obligations encourage practices that support and accommodate satisfaction while negative national-level behaviours that are in line with cultural diversity (Stuart & Ward, 2018b). attitudes toward immigrants predicted and religious norms and values; however, Stuart (2012) examined the influence more psychological symptoms and this can be a source of stress for young of young Muslims’ perceptions of a behavioural problems. The findings immigrants who are navigating more multicultural environment (PME) on highlight the significance of the context than one culture. The challenges of psychological well-being in both New in which Muslims settle, particularly the achieving balance can take a Zealand and the United Kingdom. She impact of pervading attitudes on psychological toll, particularly when hypothesised and found that PME immigrant acculturation and well-being impacted by family obligations. predicted positive outcomes, lower levels (Stuart & Ward, 2015; Ward & Geeraert, I’m the oldest and have to set an of depression in New Zealand and both 2016). example for my sisters, which I find lower levels of depression and higher life The broader international literature really hard, extremely hard. satisfaction in the United Kingdom. shows that multicultural policies also Sometimes I just want to let it go, but Controlling for age, gender, generation have implications for immigrant well- I’m like nah, you have to do this for and refugee background, Stuart (2012) being and social cohesion. The presence your family (Stuart, 2012, p.28). reported that there were significant of national multicultural policies is not differences in perceptions of a only associated with more positive Ultimately, the goals, aspirations, and multicultural environment in the two intergroup perceptions, including experiences of young Muslims must be countries with New Zealand Muslims attitudes toward Muslims, but also with interpreted in context. Family provides viewing the national context in more greater integration and better social the most proximal and influential favourable terms. Moreover, British functioning in immigrant youth and more context, but the intercultural context and Muslims reported more discrimination positive indicators of immigrant health national diversity climate are also stress, depression and behavioural and wellbeing (Guimond et al., 2013; important. problems than their New Zealand peers. Marks, McKenna, & Garcia Coll, 2018;

The Intercultural Context These results led to further exploration Vedder, van de Vijver, & Liebkind, Success following resettlement is not of country-level factors that might impact 2006). For Muslims specifically, only dependent upon the individual’s psychological adaptation and social multicultural policies are associated with efforts, family support and community functioning in young Muslims. To these lower levels of discrimination and greater contributions; it is also dependent upon ends, Stuart (2012) utilised data from the life satisfaction (Jackson & Doerschler, the nature of the receiving community. 13-nation International Comparative 2016). This leads to the more serious Schwartz et al. (2014) discussed this in Study of Ethno-cultural Youth, consideration of multicultural policies, terms of contexts of reception, which extracting survey responses from young diversity-receptiveness and attitudes have been conceptualised and Muslims and supplementing this with toward immigrants in general and operationalised as “an immigrant’s New Zealand data. This resulted in a nine Muslim immigrants more specifically in perception of welcomeness, opportunity country study that examined country- New Zealand, which are discussed in the level indicators: % of Muslims in the next section. structure, and availability of social supports in the receiving community” (p. population, a national index of diversity 2). Negative contexts have been shown to (see Berry, Westin, Virta, Rooney, & Sang, 2006) and national-level positive

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 41

Being Muslim in New Zealand

100 0 = very unfavourable 90 100= very favourable 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10

0

…

Fiji

Iraq Iran

USA

India

China

Korea

Tonga

Samoa

Somalia

Pakistan

Australia

Malaysia

Indonesia

Philippines

Migrants(in

Afghanistan

SouthAfrica UnitedKingdom

Figure 3. Favourability ratings of migrants (in general) from various source countries.

Multicultural New Zealand? response adjoins that of Great Britain of countries on a 0-100 scale with 0 being Is New Zealand a diversity-receptive (45% agreement) while New Zealand has very unfavourable and 100 being very environment for immigrants? The answer one in four persons overseas-born favourable. As can be seen in Figure 3, depends on the context and basis for compared to 14.4% in the United immigrants from predominantly Muslim comparison, but in general New Zealand Kingdom (Migration Observatory, 2018). countries are perceived less favourably performs well on indicators of Data reported by Ward and Masgoret than those from other countries, and those multiculturalism (Sibley & Ward, 2013). (2008) indicated that 89% of the 2020 from countries associated with refugee The 2010 analysis of the Multiculturalism participants in their national survey resettlement (e.g., , Iran, Policy Index for immigrant minorities in agreed that It is a good thing for a country Somalia) are perceived least favourably. 21 countries ranked New Zealand fourth to be made up of different races, religions Indeed, there is a marked split in the equal with Finland after Australia, and cultures, significantly more than favourability ratings with immigrants Canada and Sweden (Multiculturalism found in Australia (85%) and the from all and only Muslim majority Policy Index, 2010). New Zealand was European Union (36-75%). Relatedly, countries receiving an average evaluation more recently ranked a close second to 80% agreed that It is important to accept falling on the unfavourable side of the Iceland as the most immigrant-accepting a wide variety of cultures in New 50.0 midpoint. Moreover, when asked country based on the Migrant Acceptance Zealand, and 82% endorsed integration, a about perceptions of immigrants of Index used in a Gallup poll of 138 cornerstone of multiculturalism, different faiths, Christians were viewed countries. While this may sound very compared to only 21% agreeing with most favourably, followed by Jews, impressive, it is noteworthy that the index assimilation and 28% with separation. Buddhists, Hindus and Muslims, with was based on three questions: whether However, not all immigrant groups are each group significantly differing from immigrants living in the country, an perceived in equally positive terms. the other. Overall, these findings seem to immigrant neighbour, and an immigrant Favourability ratings of immigrants from converge with research by Shaver and marrying into your family is a good thing seven countries of origin showed that colleagues that reported markedly or a bad thing (Esipova, Fleming, & Ray, immigrants from white, English-speaking warmer feelings toward “immigrants” 2017). International Ipsos (2017) polling countries (e.g., Australia, Great Britain) compared to Muslims, although tests for showed less favourable results. New were viewed most favourably, Asian and significant differences were not included Zealand was ranked 18th among 25 Pacific countries (e.g., China, Samoa) (Shaver et al., 2016; Shaver, Sibley, countries when it came to agreeing with occupied an intermediate position, and Osborne, & Bulbulia, 2017). the statement that there are too many those from Somalia were viewed The survey also examined perceptions immigrants in the country; 44% of New significantly less favourably than all of threat in connection with Muslims in Zealanders (in a range 15-83% across other groups. A subsequent study New Zealand. Perceptions of realistic countries) agreed this was the case. examined attitudes toward Muslims, threat (i.e., threat and competition over However, it is difficult to develop a sampling approximately 300 New tangible resources) were low; 18% and nuanced interpretation of these data given Zealanders from the electoral roll (Stuart 19% of respondents, respectively, agreed the marked variation in the actual number & Ward, 2009). Respondents were asked that immigrants from Muslim countries of immigrants across the participating to rate the favourability of their have a negative effect on the country’s countries. For example, New Zealand’s perceptions of immigrants from a variety economy and take jobs away from New

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Being Muslim in New Zealand

Zealanders. Perceptions of symbolic Prior to the Christchurch tragedy we have halal options?” Beyond threat were markedly higher with 44% young Muslims in Auckland, Wellington providing opportunities for Muslims to agreeing that Muslim values are not and Christchurch offered suggestions on practice their religion freely, it is essential compatible with New Zealand values and how to move forward in managing the for New Zealanders to critically appraise 52% agreeing Muslims do not share our risks associated with racism and and ultimately minimise the negative and worldview. While New Zealanders discrimination and in meeting the stereotypic portrayal of Islam and positively value diversity as a general challenges of achieving belonging and Muslims in the national media (Ward et principle, there is a noticeable difference inclusion. Their commentaries were al., 2016). Although Muslim youth have between principles and practices. highly insightful and reflected a keen suggested the use social media to promote Maintaining heritage cultures and sense of social accountability, with many positive representations, it is not solely sustaining cultural diversity require of their recommendations in accordance their responsibility to do so. Indeed, accommodation by majority groups, and with intergroup theory and research. The Stuart’s (2012) research indicates that New Zealanders appear at best only widespread perception of Muslims as there are feelings of helplessness, at least moderately accommodating. Forty-four terrorists and the stereotyped view of to some degree, and an insidious belief per cent of the respondents would not oppressed Muslim women were often that negative portrayals are “inevitable” want a mosque in their neighbourhood, cited hardships. Pervasive ignorance, in light of socio-political circumstances. and 47% agreed there was no place for reflected in a lack of basic knowledge of But I can’t do much about it. It’s not burqas in New Zealand- even though Islamic concepts, such as “halal” and like I can go to newspaper and tell 64% believed we should recognise “haram,” was seen as a marker of social them to stop doing that. That’s why I Muslim holidays and celebrations. This exclusion and as impacting negatively on think if you want to correct that I principle-practice gap is what relations between Muslims and non- should lead by example. If the media Yogeeswaran and Dasgupta (2014) refer Muslims. These misconceptions and says that Islam is violent then I should to as abstract versus concrete construals misunder-standings brought out a sense not be violent. I think that if we are of multiculturalism, noting that abstract of social responsibility in youth to act as misunderstood, then we correct them, construals are less threatening and less Muslim ambassadors and to “represent that is all (Stuart, 2012, p. 38). likely to fuel prejudice. Islam in the right way.” Accordingly, the Nevertheless, youth are right to be Beyond these descriptive analyses, we community recommended and initiated concerned about media portrayals. also tested integrative models of attitudes various outreach activities, including Research by Rahman and Emadi (2018) toward immigrants. In the earlier study of open days at mosques, dialogues between found a growing number of narratives national households, we hypothesised government and the Muslim community, linking Islam to “terrorism” and “jihad” and found support for a model whereby and sharing the celebration of Eid. In so much so that by 2016 New Zealand multicultural ideology and contact short, increasing contact between news outlets reported on “Islamic exerted both direct and indirect (via Muslims and non-Muslims was strongly terrorism” almost seven times more often threat) effects on attitudes toward encouraged (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006, than on Islam more generally. This immigrants. More specifically, in 2008), with members of the Muslim provides further insights into the research addition to predicting more positive community leading such initiatives by Shaver et al. (2017), which examined attitudes, multicultural ideology and (Ward et al., 2016). The merit of these exposure to news among a national contact also predicted lower perceived recommendations was borne out in our sample of over 16,000 New Zealand threat, and threat in turn predicted more Jusoor Tawaasul: Building Bridges residents. In support of media-induced negative attitudes toward immigrants workshop that brought together 24 Islamophobia, their results indicated that (Ward & Masgoret, 2008). In the latter ethnically diverse Muslims and non- greater news exposure was associated study with participants sampled from the Muslims aged 13-14 years at a with increased anger and reduced warmth electoral roll, we went beyond integrated Wellington girls’ school. When the towards Muslims. threat theory (Stephan & Stephan, 2000) students discussed the most important Beyond the positive influence of and the multiculturalism hypothesis things that they learned at the workshop, contact and the negative outcomes linked (Berry, 2006b) and introduced Intergroup unity emerged as a key theme. As one to the portrayal of Muslims in the media, Emotion theory (Mackie, Devos, & participant noted “We may look different, social psychological theory and research Smith, 2000), proposing and confirming but we can all have the same problems tell us that a sense of shared identity that the effects of threat on attitudes and we are the same on the inside.” reduces perceived threat (Rousseau & toward Muslims were partially mediated Other recommendations for moving Garcia-Retamero, 2007) and induces by the negative emotions of anger and forward were seen to require more more positive intergroup emotions (Ray, fear (Lescelius, Ward, & Stuart, 2019). widespread and proactive commitment to Mackie, Rydell, & Smith, 2008). This is Overall, the models demonstrate that both accommodating diversity in New in line with the guiding theme of the situational factors, such as intercultural Zealand. For Muslims to participate in the recent memorial service in Christchurch: contact, and individual differences (such wider community, socially and Ko tātou, tatou- we are one. But we need as a general acceptance of diversity), economically, in educational, to ask ourselves if this is something that contribute to more positive attitudes recreational and workplace settings, it is we have achieved or can truly realise. toward immigrants in general and important to ensure access to halal food Specifically, how do we move from Muslim immigrants more specifically; and prayer spaces, as well as alternatives symbolic representations of togetherness however, perceived threat and negative for modest dress for Muslim women. in discourse, which is both easier to emotions adversely impact these Paraphrasing one of our workshop accomplish and more likely to occur, to attitudes. participants, “if we can have vegan and engaging in intercultural contact, Moving Forward gluten free food in restaurants, why can’t reducing negative stereotypes and

New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 43

Being Muslim in New Zealand enhancing inclusion, which require effort common belief “this is not us.” Yet, what that were left in solidarity wilt? How do and commitment from everyone. It is now we thought would never happen did; a we build upon our emerging awareness time to put the means of achieving unity group of innocent people who were a part for the future, rather than looking back into action, to share the responsibility for of our community were killed and wondering why things have not change and to create an environment indiscriminately, solely on the basis of changed? Once the shock, anger, and where everyone feels safe and all their religious beliefs. These people felt grief have passed, this is the challenge all communities work together. We must not safe, but they were not protected. We can New Zealanders must face. Hopefully, seek to simply react to violence when it no longer ignore prejudice and hate, nor the voices from our Muslim community occurs, but to destroy the seeds of hate the fact that Islamophobia is a real threat offer some signposts as to how we can before they take root. to social cohesion for everyone in a move forward together. After the terrorist attack, the public multicultural society. So how do we move rallied together finding comfort in the forward as a community after the flowers

Acknowledgements: The authors gratefully acknowledge financial support from the Royal Society of New Zealand James Cook Fellowship, Foundation for Research, Science and Technology (FRST), Building Research Capacity in the Social Sciences (BRCSS), and the Office of Ethnic Communities for the studies reported here. We are also grateful to the Federation of Islamic Associations of New Zealand (FIANZ) and Multicultural New Zealand (MNZ) for their assistance in connecting us with Muslim youth. Correspondence concerning the article should be addressed to Colleen Ward, Centre for Applied Cross-cultural Research and School of Psychology, Victoria University of Wellington, Wellington 6140. E-mail: [email protected]

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Beyond tokenistic solidarity

Beyond tokenistic solidarity in the wake of the Christchurch terrorist attacks: Insights from psychology, and practical suggestions for action Zahra Mirnajafi and Fiona Kate Barlow University of Queensland, Australia

The Christchurch terrorist attacks of March 15th, 2019 revealed the deadly consequences of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiment. In the wake of the attacks, there were vast outpourings of support and inclusion towards Muslims from the non-Muslim community in New Zealand and Australia. In the absence of concrete action aimed at reducing Islamophobia, and making society a safer, fairer, and more inclusive place for Muslims, however, the promise of such messages cannot be fulfilled. In the current paper we outline the need for allyship with Muslims, and highlight issues associated with acts of tokenistic inclusion. We recognize barriers to engaging in solidarity, before discussing practical suggestions for solidarity that those wishing to support Muslims may take.

On March 15th 50 Muslims were killed outline why this is the case and make There is evidence to show that this can in a brutal terrorist attack in practical suggestions for how to act as work. People who receive social support Christchurch, New Zealand. The attacks allies to Muslims in the West. after crying report experiencing were carefully and callously planned, catharsis, and gain a new understanding Emoting in the wake of the perpetrated across two Mosques as of the event that caused them to cry Christchurch terror attacks Muslims set to prayer and reflection. This (Bylsma, Vingerhoets, & Rottenberg, We are strongly embedded in, and act of terrorism sent shock waves across 2008). Consequently, it is possible that influenced by, the groups to which we the world, showing the deadly power of those who expressed grief and anger in belong (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). These White supremacy, and bringing into the wake of the attacks and received include large scale categories such as the sharp focus the sometimes frightening support and thanks may have nation we reside in, our ethnicity or race, climate in which Muslims in the West experienced alleviation of distress, and our religion. We look to these groups currently live (and in this case, were signalling the end of an emotional to figure out how to think, feel, and murdered). Across New Zealand and experience. The problem with this is that behave, and are deeply connected to Australia (and indeed, the Western 1) for Muslim people, the distress is them; our group memberships help make World), White and non-Muslim peoples ongoing, and 2) these attacks did not up who we are. This means that we often rallied in the thousands, to express their occur in a vacuum, and the societal feel emotions in response to what shock, grief, and anger – publicly factors that give rise to Western happens to our group, even if we are not countering the message sent by the Islamophobia, White nationalism, and personally involved (Mackie, Maitner, & terrorist. Messages were generally intergroup violence have not been Smith, 2009; Mackie, Silver, & Smith, simple, emphasizing points such as: we eliminated. 2004). We can be moved to tears of joy if are sorry, you should have been safe, you our rugby team wins (common for New are welcome, and we are one Ongoing, active solidarity is Zealand, less so for Australia), or feel ("Christchurch shootings: New Zealand needed proud when a fellow countryperson wins falls silent for mosque victims," 2019). Muslim people living in the West face an Oscar. Group based emotions can also The first author of this manuscript has substantial levels of prejudice and be negative: following the Christchurch noted that around Brisbane, Australia discrimination. A meta-analysis from 30 terror attacks many non-Muslim New (where both authors live), mosques are countries in Europe reveals that antipathy Zealanders and Australians, as well as still being inundated with flowers. A vast towards Muslim people is higher than White people in general, expressed body of individuals clearly wish to prejudice towards “immigrants” in feelings of guilt, grief, and anger. express solidarity with Muslims. The general, and that prejudice towards As might be expected, experiencing examples listed above represent symbolic Muslims was substantive well in advance negative emotions is unpleasant, and solidarity. Those posting messages on of 2001 (Strabac & Listhaug, 2008). On people are often motivated to act to Facebook or leaving flowers are trying to September 11, 2001 members of the relieve them (Yzerbyt, Dumont, send a social message of inclusion; a terrorist group Al-Qaeda coordinated a Wigboldus, & Gordijn, 2003). The message that is both necessary and series of attacks in the United States. messages of solidarity shown by non- valued. In the current paper, however, we Attacks were widely condemned by Muslims to Muslims after the attacks argue that support for Muslims in the Western Muslim groups (Hashmi, n.d.; then, likely not only reflect a general West must move beyond symbolic Kurzman, 2018). Despite this, following desire to explicitly define the group norm solidarity to concrete action. In the the attacks, hate crimes against Muslims (e.g., “We are a nation that likes absence of concerted, deliberate, in the U.S. increased by 1600% from the Muslims”), to reject the terrorist, and to inclusive, and sometimes effortful action, previous year (Selby, 2018). In 2016, the support the Muslim community, but also symbolic solidarity risks becoming year of the U.S. presidential election, the to express and purge negative emotion. tokenistic. In the following paper we numbers of attacks on Muslims on record

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Beyond tokenistic solidarity for that year surpassed the number of Symbolic solidarity offers a promise of Dealing with interracial (or attacks on Muslims the year following fair treatment and equity that simply interreligious) issues is stressful 9/11 (Kishi, 2017). The issue of cannot be fulfilled without concerted Many White people in Western nations Islamophobia is not just one relegated to effort and change in society. To are highly motivated to appear non- the U.S., however. The week after the understand this point, we invoke a prejudiced when interacting with Christchurch terrorist attacks, hate comparison with an interpersonal minority group members (Richeson & crimes against Muslims rose by 593% in relationship. Imagine a situation where a Shelton, 2007; Shelton, 2003). In the United Kingdom, 89% of which made man finds out that his romantic partner general, while minority group members direct reference to the New Zealand has been unfaithful (the offence). His struggle to be respected in intergroup attacks (Dodd, 2019). partner apologizes for the offence interactions, members of majority groups Returning to New Zealand, there is vociferously, hugs him, and swears are concerned about being liked (Shelton, evidence that media coverage of Muslim undying love and future fidelity. Two 2003). In part because of this, some people may be contributing to anti- months later the man finds out that his studies suggest that majority group Muslim sentiment in New Zealand. partner has continued to cheat on him. At members get nervous and uncomfortable Shaver, Sibley, Osborne, and Bulbulia first glance, it may seem that this when meeting members of minority (2017) found that the number of hours interpersonal example has little to do groups (Vorauer & Kumhyr, 2001). In people report watching the news every with a complex intergroup situation, but one study White participants showed week was related to increased anger and as we highlighted earlier, what happens increased cardiovascular reactivity when prejudice towards Muslims. This was at the group level is deeply meaningful interacting with a Black confederate true regardless of people’s education, and impactful at the personal level. In (Blascovich, Mendes, Hunter, Lickel, & age, gender, socio-economic status, and both the case of the cheating partner and Kowai-Bell, 2001). Richeson and political orientation. This finding may the tokenistic ally, the words offer Shelton (2007) similarly found that reflect the unbalanced treatment of comfort and safety, but the actions allow Whites are concerned with appearing Muslims in the media. For example, in an environment of threat to flourish. Past prejudiced. They carefully monitor the U.S. violence by Muslims receives intergroup research also suggests that feelings, behavior, and thoughts when 357% more media attention than violence (unfounded) expectations of fair around non-White people, leaving them by non-Muslims (Kearns, Betus, & treatment from majority group members feeling depleted after interracial Lemieux, 2019). In sum then, can have a sedative effect on minority interactions. White people also display Islamophobia is prevalent across the group members, reducing their support anxiety about discussing racial issues, Western World, and if anti-Muslimness for collective action to address inequality especially if they think that they are going and xenophobia are pervasive we need (Dixon, Tropp, Durrheim, & Tredoux, to have to discuss these issues with pervasive solidarity. 2010). The message, for the ally (or the people of color (Marshburn & Knowles, cheating partner, for that matter), is to 2018). It should be noted that discomfort Symbolic support matters, but is follow through on promises with action. in interracial interactions is also evident not enough Hands-on allyship and solidarity, for minority group members (Clark, In the face of such widespread however, is hard. A practical look at how Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 1999), and Islamophobia, symbolic support may to move beyond tokenistic solidarity as discussed in a later section, is just one help to set a less prejudiced societal must acknowledge this, and deal with the part of the burden minority group norm, increasing the extent to which problem head on. members face in majority group spaces. prejudice is seen as unacceptable, and This body of research highlights how communicating a message of inclusion. Barriers to active allyship and intergroup interactions can be This matters a lot, as exposure to solidarity uncomfortable and stressful for those that prejudice is linked to distress and ill- The flowers and messages of support engage in them. health (for reviews see Schmitt, offered to Mosques and Muslims after the While Muslims do not represent a Branscombe, Postmes, & Garcia, 2014; March 15th terrorist attacks reveal a large homogenous ethnic group, they are often Yip, 2018), and messages of acceptance body of support for Muslims in New non-White. In New Zealand a large may help to counter these ill effects on Zealand and Australia, and indeed across percentage of Muslims are Indian and Muslims (and eventually even reduce the the world. Given this, it might be Middle Eastern (Ward, 2011); in the amount of prejudice Muslims are imagined that concrete activism and United States, the largest racial subset are exposed to). Words and gestures of improved social conditions for Muslims Black (Mogahed & Chouhoud, 2017). support, however, are only one part of the in the West will naturally follow. This is Muslims also often have visible markers solution. If our actions do not move unlikely to be the case, however. of Muslimness (e.g., wearing a hijab). beyond these gestures, they are Activism is generally difficult, and there There is also considerable evidence that tokenistic. Tokenism has been defined as are countervailing pressures that will non-Muslim people feel nervous about the symbolic inclusion of certain groups make it easier for potential allies to interacting with Muslim people or issues to give an appearance of diversity, in the express support and move on, rather than specifically (Hutchison & Rosenthal, absence of actual behaviour that engage in creating actual change. As 2011; Velasco González, Verkuyten, promotes diversity (Grant, 2017). In this illustrated above it is vital that pervasive Weesie, & Poppe, 2008). Consequently, case, tokenistic solidarity would be the long-term solidarity is deployed. Long one barrier to engaging in meaningful symbolic inclusion of, or solidarity with, term solidarity involves not overlooking, solidarity with Muslims is likely to be Muslim people, in the absence of further but rather, overcoming the normal stress and anxiety about what to do and action that makes society a fairer, more barriers associated with being an ally, say, and how to behave. Like most inclusive, safer space for Muslims. which we outline below. anxieties or fears, exposure is important.

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Beyond tokenistic solidarity

There is evidence that people who have treated another group poorly we are (Gorski & Chen, 2015). This burnout can more positive contact with Muslims motivated to restore our group’s moral result in disengagement from the (Hutchison & Rosenthal, 2011), or read image. We may do this, for example, movement or cause for which they are narrative fiction with Muslim through a group apology or a gesture of fighting (Klandermans, 2009). Other protagonists (Johnson, Jasper, Griffin, & remorse. One problem, however, is that causes of burnout include stress, feeling Huffman, 2013), experience less we are sensitive to any criticism of these overworked, and experiencing failure, as intergroup anxiety. Thus, the more we gestures of goodwill. A series of well as working in a culture that demands engage with Muslim people and their Australian studies found that when selflessness, and the resultant lack of experiences (as told by Muslims, not the intergroup apologies were rejected, self-care (Gorski & Chen, 2015). People news; see Shaver et al., 2017), the less people felt morally damaged, and have outlined the symptoms of activist stressful and anxiety provoking these consequently withdrew their support for burnout as the deterioration of physical interactions will become. reconciliation (Barlow et al., 2015). It is and emotional wellbeing, and feelings of easy to see the obstacles we face as allies; disillusionment and hopelessness (Gorski People often dislike those who if we engage in helping, we will make & Chen, 2015). Engaging in genuine stand up to prejudice and mistakes, and if we are called out on the solidarity with a group that is discrimination mistake, we will be inclined to withdraw disenfranchised can be hard and draining. In general, people who draw attention our support. Furthermore, if we are Again, this is normal, and a cost most to inequality and injustice are often rejected or criticised, the emotional pull often born by the disenfranchised disparaged. People who confront will be to reposition ourselves as victims themselves. Consequently, prejudice are often seen as complainers (e.g., stating: “I was trying to help!”). It acknowledging the strain that solidarity and exaggerators, and may face social is easier thinking about ourselves and our can take is important. We know from costs for speaking up (e.g., exclusion and group as being victimized, rather than clinical psychological research that teasing (Shelton & Stewart, 2004)). being the perpetrator of a wrong (Bar- acknowledgement and labelling of People who attribute negative outcomes Tal, Chernyak-Hai, Schori, & Gundar, difficult emotions helps people to cope to discrimination are also liked less than 2009). (Hayes, Luoma, Bond, Masuda, & Lillis, those who do not make these attributions The vital thing here is not avoiding 2006; Hayes, Pistorello, & Levin, 2012). (Garcia, Reser, Amo, Redersdorff, & mistakes (it is impossible), but We recommend this alongside ensuring Branscombe, 2005). In general, it is persevering through them. If you belong that you engage in appropriate self-care. much more comfortable to think of our to a majority group (e.g., are a White The draw of inaction is strong world as just and fair, and by extension it New Zealander or Australian) it is likely Not all barriers to engaging in genuine is uncomfortable and unpleasant to that you might be especially sensitive to solidarity concern the difficulty of confront the grim realities of social criticism about doing the wrong thing talking about or engaging with inequity (Lerner, 1980), particularly when it comes to race or religion. White inequality, or even being an activist. when our group is benefiting from it (e.g., people in the West, as the dominant There is also the fact that we live busy Lowery, Knowles, & Unzueta, 2007). majority group, are not used to thinking and stressful lives, and the temptation This research highlights the fact that about their own race. Consequently, even will often be to procrastinate, and leave there will likely be social costs of small reminders of whiteness, racial the difficult work of inclusivity to confronting prejudice towards Muslims. privilege, or lack of consideration for another day. Leaving aside work, family, People find it hard to conceive of their people from other groups, can feel like and health commitments, there is Netflix, world, let alone themselves, as being severe attacks (DiAngelo, 2018). Again, Facebook, Tinder, gaming, socializing, prejudiced or contributing to harm to the easiest path is to shy away from and so on, all of which offer us immediate another group. It is OK to be scared about situations that remind you of your race, gratification or distraction from the social consequences of confronting and position as part of a dominant otherwise uncomfortable realities. prejudice; this is a normal part of majority group (i.e., your privilege). Two Solidarity requires prioritizing allyship – becoming an ally, and indeed, ongoing common responses are to: 1) deny the at least some of the time. Here, we solidarity. The important thing, however, existence of privilege, or 2) distance believe that the concrete actions that can is that personal fears do not prevent oneself from the group (e.g., by stating: help to overcome procrastination, such as important and concrete allyship. “I don’t really see myself as White”, or “I setting small and tangible goals, may be just see everyone as an individual”) We will get things wrong, and be useful (Owens, Bowman, & Dill, 2008; (Knowles, Lowery, Chow, & Unzueta, criticized for it Wieber & Gollwitzer, 2010). 2014). The problem with either approach One social consequence of engaging in is that in the absence of a fair society, Overcoming barriers is important allyship not previously discussed is the both responses contribute to ongoing and possible fact that no ally is perfect – all people inequality. The final option is to work to The aim of this section is not to provide engaging in solidarity based action will increase intergroup equity (Knowles et a laundry list of reasons not to participate make mistakes, and be criticized for al., 2014). In this case, this would involve in meaningful solidarity. Rather, we aim them. The problem is that we typically working to ensure that Muslims are to normalize the difficulties associated see ourselves as good and moral, and included, safe, and respected in our with activism, and in doing so, give there is evidence that the same is true at societies. people the capacity to recognize issues the group level. In fact, it is more that they may go through, and advocate important to us that groups to which we Activist burnout is rife for self-compassion and resilience in the belong are seen as moral than either For the reasons listed above, as well as face of such barriers. Research suggests sociable or competent (Leach, Ellemers, many others, people who engage in long that developing a strong and consolidated & Barreto, 2007). When our group has term activism are prone to burnout

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Beyond tokenistic solidarity activist identity is a good predictor of burnout (Erickson & Ritter, 2001; Evans, treatment will face the same derogation engaging in collective action. More 2013; Evans & Moore, 2015; Gustafson, that any disadvantaged group member generally, group-based identification is 2008; Kanter, 2008; Krimmel & faces when attributing outcomes to protective, and enhances wellbeing Gormley, 2003; Wingfield & Alston, prejudice. (Branscombe, Schmitt, & Harvey, 1999; 2013). To be accepted by mainstream From the rates of hate crimes reported Haslam, Reicher, & Levine, 2012; Jetten, society, additional expectations are by Muslims, to the everyday stressors Haslam, Cruwys, & Branscombe, 2018). placed on minority group members. They associated with Islamophobia, to the Further to this, those who have a are expected to behave more morally than terrorist attacks of March 15, it should conviction that there is a moral issue at majority group members in the same now be evident that choosing not to stand stake, or are angry about inequality, are circumstances (Fernández, Branscombe, in solidarity with Muslims amounts to again likely to feel compelled to act (van Saguy, Gómez, & Morales, 2014). acceptance of a society in which Muslims Zomeren, Postmes, & Spears, 2008). Muslim people in the West are keenly are excluded and targeted. Again, the Identification, moral conviction, and aware of religious discrimination, and support shown by swathes of non- anger over injustice in this tragedy are all societal anti-Muslim sentiment (Rippy & Muslim New Zealanders and Australians seeds that have been sown for the Newman, 2008). As many Muslim suggests that there is an appetite for development of strong, effective allyship. people in the West are also immigrants, solidarity. Below we outline 13 practical People are enraged about the attacks and these stressors are often combined with suggestions (see Figure 1) for how to act acknowledge that a great moral violation the pressure of adapting to a new culture. as a practical ally to Muslims. has occurred. The next step is translating Lower levels of English proficiency and Practical Suggestions this energy into creating a society in recent immigration are associated with It can be confusing trying to work out which Muslims are safe and included, depression in young Muslim women in how to best act as an ally. Advantaged and not just seen as outsiders to be the US, for example (Khuwaja, Selwyn, group members may have ideas about tolerated. Of course, an easy alternate Kapadia, McCurdy, & Khuwaja, 2007). how to support disadvantaged groups, for option would be to withdraw from the Post 9/11 Muslim youth in the West have example, but this may not align with how situation or stay silent. Doing this, reported feeling that they have to hide these disadvantaged groups want to be however, is far from apolitical; it is their Muslim identity in order to fit in, or supported (Droogendyk, Wright, deciding to lay the onus of both the police themselves and other group Lubensky, & Louis, 2016; Louis et al., tragedy and societal change at the feet of members in order to be seen as a “good” 2019). Below we offer practical Muslims. Muslim people (and minority Muslim by non-Muslim people (Sirin & suggestions for inclusivity that move group members in general) do not have Fine, 2007). beyond tokenism to create structural the luxury of disengaging with prejudice There is also evidence to suggest that change that impacts the everyday lives of and Islamophobia and are often put in the Islamophobia is gendered. Muslim Muslims. Before we begin, a few caveats position where they have to defend women are more likely to be the victims are necessary. The list below is not themselves, their religion, their group, of anti-Muslim hate crimes in Australia, exhaustive, and where possible you and their existence. As we know from the the UK, and the U.S., than are Muslim should ask minorities how they can be Civil Rights Era in the U.S., to bring men (Abu-Ras & Suarez, 2009; Dreher, accommodated. Creating lasting about equality for those most vulnerable 2006; Githens-Mazer & Lambert, 2010; structural change is a long-term in our society, true solidarity and Perry, 2014). Muslim men, on the other endeavour, and one that many others engagement is needed. hand, are stereotyped as being violent, have written about more fully (e.g., threatening, sexist, and dangerous to Louis, Barlow, & Greenaway, 2012; Impact on minority people women (Ewing, 2008). Muslim women Louis et al., 2019). It is our hope, Members of minority groups are who wear a hijab, niqab, or burqa are however, that the implementation of even rarely, if ever, insulated from race-based instantly identifiable as Muslim. These a few of these suggestions might provide or minority-based stress (Jones & articles of dress are often portrayed as relief and support for Muslims in the Norwood, 2017). They are perpetually threatening, oppressive, dangerous, or West. We also note that none of the reminded of their minority status, “othering”, particularly in media actions listed below is intended to replace whether through being the only member depictions (Bullock & Jafri, 2000). Given symbolic support, but rather to be of their group in their workplace or the rates of hate crimes Muslim women implemented in concert with it. Finally, school (e.g., being the only Muslim in the West face, as well as the prejudice we recognise that many of the academic in a department), being associated with their dress, they have a suggestions require sacrifice, or changing repeatedly asked to define and defend fear of violence and harassment, and a something about your behaviour, their group, (e.g., “Yes, I am a Muslim reduced sense of belonging. These fears program, or structure. woman. I choose to wear a headscarf, and restrict their freedom of movement in for me it represents freedom and faith, public spaces; Muslim women report 1. For Children & Adolescents not oppression”), or facing race or being hesitant to go out alone because of According to a poll by The Institute for religion based stereotyping, aggression Islamophobia (Abu-Ras & Suarez, 2009; Social Policy and Understanding, 43% of or prejudice (Jones & Norwood, 2017). Kwan, 2008; Listen: National Muslim families with kids in K-12 Minorities in general have a heightened consultations on eliminating prejudice schools report they have a child that has sense of their visibility in majority against Arab and Muslim Australians, been a target of bullying because of their spaces. Research shows that they feel 2004; Islamic Women's Welfare Council faith – a quarter of the time, the bully was social isolation in these spaces, as well as of Victoria Inc., 2008) In addition to all an adult (Mogahed & Chouhoud, 2017). the pressure to assimilate, and to perform of this, Muslim people who publicly This rate is compared to 23% of Jewish emotionally, resulting in psychological challenge Islamophobia and inequitable children, and 6% of Catholic children

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Beyond tokenistic solidarity that report being bullied because of their New Zealand, only 1% of the population Zealand and Australia for these events to faith. Negative stereotypes of Islam are identifies as Muslim (Ward, 2011), and include alcohol. often also targeted at Muslim children, so not all schools will have a full-time If you have Muslim colleagues or who are keenly aware of being different Muslim teacher, Muslim administrator, students at your event, a simple solution from their peers (Ramarajan & Runell, or a Muslim person on the school board. is to ask what they are comfortable with. 2007). Here we make suggestions to help If this is the case, Muslim voices can still Depending on their comfort-level it may children and adolescents: be included in schools. A first step might be possible to set up sober tables at be to encourage or be open to Muslim events, or to not serve alcohol for the first 1a. Talk to your children volunteers. There may be, for example, portion of the event, or to create If you are expressing open local Muslim professionals or parents (or networking and social opportunities Islamophobia, or stereotyping and both!) who would be willing to come and throughout the year that are alcohol free othering Muslims in the home, it is likely talk to children about their work. (e.g., if Friday evening drinks occur that your child will adopt these attitudes Meaningfully including a diverse range fortnightly, a non-alcoholic morning tea and take them to school. Outside of this, of people in positions of leadership and could be organized on alternate weeks). however, children exist in a society in expertise may serve to humanize Initiatives like this need not disrupt work which Muslim people are routinely Muslims, show Muslim role models, as events serving alcohol, but rather simply dehumanized (Viki, Osgood, & Phillips, well as send a clear message of inclusion ensure that there are opportunities for 2013). Thus, it is possible that while of Muslims to both Muslim and non- Muslim and non-Muslim colleagues to parents assume a lack of prejudice and Muslim children. mingle, collaborate, and enjoy functions Islamophobic bullying, it may exist. In together. this instance, it is not enough to not 1d. Ramadan Lunch space display prejudice. Rather, it is important During the month of Ramadan (note 2c. Prayer Space to talk clearly and openly about the that the dates change year to year, see Muslims typically pray 5 times daily. inclusion and acceptance of Muslims, as below), kids from the age of nine can start For the many who work and learn in well as standards of behaviour. There is to fast. Recess and lunch hours can be spaces that do not accommodate them, some evidence that parenting factors can challenging for children, as they can be they end up praying in empty corridors, contribute to the development and singled out for not eating. In addition to car parks, behind buildings, or in cessation of bullying (Cohn & Canter, ensuring that there is diverse religious restrooms. Aside from these spaces not 2003; Hazlerr, Carney, Green, Powell, & education that lets non-Muslim children being quiet or clean, it often draws the Jolly, 1997; Smith, Twemlow, & Hoover, learn about Ramadan, we suggest attention of passers-by. There have been 1999), and thus intervening in the home creating a space – an unused classroom reports of law enforcement being called may be successful. for example – for Muslim kids, and in response to praying Muslims, whose 1b. Include Muslim Narratives others who want to join, to do crafts, read, behaviour is interpreted as “suspicious One way that schools can be more or nap during breaks. activity” (Armstrong, 2015; Salinger, inclusive of Muslim students is through 2016) 2. For Academic & Organizational representation of Muslim narratives and We suggest providing a clean, quiet, Settings experiences through literature in school and safe space for Muslims and people of As stated above, public spaces libraries, and books assigned for other faiths to pray and meditate. Ideally, (including workspaces) can often feel readings. As parents, you may buy books prayer spaces would be provided as long- hostile or isolating to Muslim people in with Muslim protagonists for your term spaces in organizations, but such the West. There are simple and concrete children and read these stories to them. spaces are also needed in the short term steps you can take, however, to make Donating books to school and public to ensure Muslims are safe and your workplace more welcoming for libraries that centre Muslim stories is comfortable. For short-term events like Muslims. another practical way of increasing conferences and day seminars hotels will diversity. A list of books representing 2a. Halal dietary restrictions often provide prayer spaces if asked, and such stories is provided here (Murlas, Many Muslims observe halal dietary some even have prayer rugs. Note that 2019). Girls of the Crescent, an American restrictions. Including halal meal options these spaces need not exclusively be used non-profit organization, aims to increase at cafeterias and canteens, and at special, for prayer. A quiet and clean space, such diversity and representation by collecting catered events, will not only allow as an empty meeting room that can be books with female Muslim main Muslims to eat, but also send a message used for prayer would also do. Having characters and donating them to school of respect and inclusion. prayer spaces at schools, universities, districts and libraries in the U.S (Nasiri & businesses, conferences, and so on, sends Nasiri, 2019). To our knowledge neither 2b. Alcohol a message of inclusion and provides a New Zealand nor Australia currently has Muslims generally do not drink practical space for Muslims to conduct an organization akin to Girls of the alcohol and may find it inappropriate to their prayer. Crescent, and thus another act of attend events where intoxicants are solidarity might be to create one. served. The interpretation and 2d. Handshaking, hugging, and implementation of this ruling varies; touch 1c. Inclusion of Muslim Teachers some will not attend an event at all if Some Muslims (and Orthodox Jews) and Administrators alcohol is served, while others will attend follow theological rulings that don’t Another way to ensure Muslim but need to be at a table where alcohol is allow for touching people of another representation and inclusion at school is not consumed. This presents a challenge gender, outside of one’s immediate to be inclusive and open to Muslim for office parties, networking and social family. This practice is not related to teachers. We are aware, however, that in activities, as it is normative in New sexism, or antipathy towards other

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Beyond tokenistic solidarity genders (Nazeer, Cila, Lalonde, & consent before reaching out to touch take time off. Returning to the example Mirnajafi, 2018) but is rather to do with someone – be it hugging or shaking of Ramadan (for which no time off is etiquette, respect, modesty, and humility. someone’s hand. Including this required bar the day that marks the end of If you meet a Muslim (or Orthodox Jew), information in workplace cultural Ramadan, known as Eid), organizations simply ask, “Do you shake hands?” If training is another way of making may benefit by recognizing this period. It they say no, try not to take this institutions inclusive spaces for Muslims. may be possible to ensure that work personally, remembering that it is a retreats, or energetic work activities are religious custom rooted in respect. Think 2e. Recognition of holidays planned (where possible) when Muslim about how you can warmly greet them While holidays are governmentally employees are not fasting. Note, the without touch (an enthusiastic hello mandated for Christian traditions such as Islamic calendar is a lunar calendar always works well!). While it may seem Easter and Christmas, Muslims often meaning the dates rotate every year – so strange at first to ask if someone shakes have to work through holy celebrations. if Eid is in June one year, it may not be in hands, given how normative handshaking Recognition of Muslim holidays is June the following year. is in the West, it will become more important in the workplace as it both natural over time. Think of it as obtaining signals inclusivity and allows people to

Figure 1. A guide to inclusivity and practical suggestions for being an ally to Muslims

3. In General: Challenge exploration of common questions about It is not just children’s books that Islamophobia Muslims and Islam can be found here. suffer from lack of representation of One final point of practical solidarity is Muslim people and voices. Muslim 3b. Speak up when people that to maximize your impact, you can people are often simply not depicted in express Islamophobia work to challenge anti-Muslim sentiment Western films, TV shows, books, People often use racial or religious when you see it. Doing so can be magazines, or even advertisements. slurs about Muslim people, make difficult, for the reasons outlined in the When they are represented it is often in a sweeping generalizations, or dehumanize barriers section, but it is worthwhile. Part negative way (e.g., as a terrorist) Muslim people (Kteily & Bruneau, of challenging systemic Islamophobia is (Alsultany, 2012; Said, 2008; Shaheen, 2017). When confronted with this through symbolic solidarity – modelling 2003). As highlighted earlier, exposure to behavior you have an opportunity to positive and inclusive attitudes to your negative Muslim stereotypes and tropes speak up, defend Muslim people, express social circle and beyond. Part will also is linked to increased prejudice (Shaver et social disapproval of prejudice, and in the involve actively challenging people and al., 2017), while reading Muslim best case, change the mind of the person organizations when they engage in narratives can reduce intergroup anxiety expressing prejudice. Sometimes this behaviour that is prejudiced or and prejudice (Johnson et al., 2013). If person will be your family, your partner, discriminatory. Small things you can do you think that your favourite show would or your friend, and this can be are: benefit from the inclusion of a Muslim challenging. Amnesty International has 3a. Educate yourself family or character, write to the outlined how to talk to a loved one when In order to be able to factually producers, or start a petition. There is also they're prejudiced (Gillan, 2019). We challenge stereotypes, and counter false a large body of films made, and books also recommend this guide outlining anti- notions about Muslims you need to learn written, by Muslim creatives. You can racism strategies and conversations based about Islam, Islamophobia, and Muslim ask your local cinema to play these films, on psychological literature (Louis, people. Of course, there is no singular read books by Muslim authors in your Barlow, Greenaway, & Macchia, 2013). Muslim person, but exposing yourself to local book club, and ensure that children diverse Muslim stories, narratives, and 3c. Agitate for increased at your local school are being exposed to points of view will be useful. An in-depth representation of Muslim people stories from a diverse (not to mention

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Beyond tokenistic solidarity interesting, informative, and fun) range and in Australia: Australian Press Muslim sentiment, and social exclusion of people. To support Muslim books, Council, ), report the behaviour to the of Muslims in the West; deliberate and film, and media projects, you may also human rights commission, write opinion persistent solidarity and allyship is choose to explore crowdfunding efforts letters, or write letters of complaint. needed. We have outlined challenges to on site such as Launchgood. Small changes on the way in which solidarity and allyship, and made the case Muslim people are portrayed in the media for why these must be overcome. We end 3d. Complain when the media may lead to large net changes in how with practical solutions that we hope each reports on Muslim affairs in a Muslim people are treated in New reader will integrate into their school, prejudiced way Zealand and Australia, and across the workplace, and life. While such actions In a similar vein, it can be useful to Western World. will take effort, it is through action that write and complain if you feel that media we can (and must) work together to coverage of Muslim issues or affairs is Conclusion ensure that Muslims in the West feel safe promoting racial or religious intolerance In the present paper we have made the to pray, to go out and eat and shop, to or hatred, or bolstering stereotypes. You case that while symbolic displays of study, to work, to have fun, and to be may make complaints to media support for Muslim people are necessary valued, equal, and included members of regulating agencies (in New Zealand: and valued, they are not sufficient to the nations that they call home. The Broadcasting Standards Authority overcome pervasive Islamophobia, anti-

Authors’ note: The first and last author contributed equally to the current manuscript. Please direct all correspondence to Associate Professor Fiona Kate Barlow, The School of Psychology, The University of Queensland, Queensland, Australia, 4072. E-Mail: [email protected]. Zahra Mirnajafi is supported by an Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship. Associate Professor Barlow is supported by an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship grant (FT150100147). We would like to thank Fatemah Meghji, Justin Mashouf, Rhonda Ragab, Marya Bangee, Taliah Mirmalek, Raine Vickers-Jones, and Mathew Hornsey, for their comments; they greatly improved this manuscript. This paper is written for the victims of the Christchurch terrorist attacks, in the hope that we can collectively contribute to building a society in which Muslim people are included, and safe.

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News headlines or ideological beliefs: What affects readers’ interpretations of news stories about immigration, killing in the name of religion and other topical issues? A cross-cultural analysis Anita A. Azeem, John A. Hunter and Ted Ruffman University of Otago

The tragedy that shook the entire the guilt of a defendant in a murder trial. We examined these ideas in the nation on 15 March, 2019, compels Participants who viewed a positive present study by presenting news stories researchers to try and understand the headline most commonly rated the about topical issues in four conditions. factors that perpetuate stereotypes and accused as ‘innocent’ while those who The stories were preceded by headlines prejudice against minority groups. While read negative headlines rated him that were positive, negative, both positive in the past, New Zealand was thought of ‘guilty’. Those who viewed the neutral and negative, or were not preceded by a as a welcoming and inclusive nation, headline said they had ‘no opinion’. headline. Nearly all prior research studies events in Christchurch challenge that However, this effect was not observed used news articles constructed purely for view. Anti-immigrant prejudice is rooted consistently and mostly occurred when the experiment, with no studies that we in attitudes captured by self-report scales the participants quickly scanned through are aware of exploring the effect of SDO measuring mindsets such as a Social the news article. Pfau (1995) obtained and RWA on ‘real’ headline perception. Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right similar results when the use of ‘black Thus, we aimed to fill this gap in Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) across riot’ instead of ‘union riot’ resulted in an literature, that is, to understand what various age groups and ethnicities (Matić event being perceived as more violent by happens when a reader is exposed to a & Bratko, 2018; Caricati, Mancini & American students. Additionally, Pfau strongly-worded, real headline about a Marletta, 2016). In New Zealand, RWA found increased prior knowledge about familiar topic. For example, this set of is found to be most strongly related with the outgroup appeared made participants contrasting headlines was published on anti-immigration attitudes and SDO with susceptible to stereotypical distortion. the website Stuff (https://goo.gl/R8exBT) low warmth toward people of Chinese In contrast, some other studies have and The Telegraph origin (Satherley & Sibley, 2016). found that headlines have not affected (https://goo.gl/ci2gTM), respectively: SDO and RWA are closely related to news story interpretation. For instance, ‘Immigration good news for NZ prejudice (e.g., Sibley & Duckitt, 2008), Leventhal and Gray (1991) found that business’ versus ‘Immigration damages but the underlying motive varies for each when crime articles were paired with house prices, say Home Office advisers’. (Halkjelsvik & Rise, 2014). RWA is headlines that were either neutral or The question was whether the headline based on the belief that the world is positively framed towards the accused or changes their opinion or do readers perilous and encourages orthodoxy, the victim, the manipulation had no effect interpret the news in line with their own whereas SDO views the world as a fight on assessment of crimes or memory for pre-existing beliefs? for power and a struggle to sustain or the article. Similarly, Condit et al. (2001) We tested participants in two increase hierarchical inequities (Duckitt, found that varying the headline had no countries: America and Pakistan. These 2001). These ideological beliefs also role in shifting beliefs regarding genetic countries were chosen because affect how incoming information, determinism. participants were expected to have including news, is processed. Tausch and These ideas are relevant to the divergent opinions about the four issues Hewstone (2010) found that SDO was Christchurch attack in that the alleged we examined (killing in the name of negatively associated with stereotype perpetrator is thought to have been Islam, honour killing, Donald Trump’s change. This suggests that people are radicalised through a combination of travel ban for certain countries and more likely to process information in line meetings while travelling abroad as well immigration). For this reason our initial with their pre-existing beliefs and can as through online sources. For instance, analyses examined cultural differences in discard any contradictory information the alleged perpetrator posted his attitudes about the four topics. presented to them. In contrast, when “manifesto” on 8chan, “a popular website individuals lack prior information about where many right-wing users discuss METHOD an event, they are more likely to depend ‘white genocide,’ among other on headlines and story content when apocalyptic concerns” Participants interpreting news information (Blair & (https://www.theringer.com/2019/3/15/1 American and Pakistani undergraduate Banaji, 1996; Bodenhausen et al., 1999). 8268015/christchurch-new-zealand- students (N = 429) completed the Sensational headlines have long been a shooter-social-media-internet). The experiment using the Qualtrics online topic of interest for researchers. In 1949, implication is that information on the survey (212 from Pakistan and 217 from Steigleman called American readers “a web can distort thinking in new the USA). Six attention questions were shopper of headlines” (p.389). directions. An alternative is that one included in the experiment to ensure that Tannenbaum (1953) found that using seeks information on the web that simply the respondents were paying attention to positive, negative or neutral headlines confirms or intensifies pre-existing the presented stimuli. Two hundred affected the views of the reader regarding views. participants from the USA and 122 from

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Pakistan demonstrated an acceptable items on a 7-point scale (0, strongly person’s life because they belong to or level of attention and comprehension (at disagree; 6, strongly agree; Pratto et al., support a different religion), and least 5 of 6 attention questions correct). 1994; see Appendix A). After this, the immigration. Each of the four stories had Only these 322 participants were participants were presented with four two different headlines that were included in the data analysis to ensure news stories that focused on political, presented in four conditions: positive accuracy of the results while retaining the religious and social issues, with the headline, negative headline, both, or no maximum number of participants. On stories preceded by headlines as headline. When there was a headline, it average, participants were 22.99 years described above (positive, negative, both, (they) always preceded the text. In each old (SD = 4.99). There were 137 male, no headline) (see Appendix B). The crux condition, the text for a particular story 183 female and 2 gender fluid of all the news stories was to highlight the was exactly the same. For each story, participants. In the entire sample, there difference between the ideas of two after reading the headline and article, were 151 who reported they were groups or individuals. Since the participants were given three questions in religious (92 who identified as Muslim, experiment was conducted in America which they reported their feelings 53 as Christian and 6 from other and Pakistan we chose stories of towards the story characters or issue on a religions). relevance to each country: Donald feelings thermometer (see Appendix C) Materials Participants completed 6- Trump, honour killing (justifying killing from 0 (highly unfavourable) to 10 item versions of the RWA (α =.70; M a young woman accused of bringing (highly favourable). =1.11, SD = 0.80) and SDO scales dishonour to a family), killing in the (α = .79; M = 1.06; SD = 0.90) by rating name of Islam (justifying taking another

RESULTS revenge for supporting a Christian) (see Next, we created question composites Table 2). For each story, we then used by summing the three questions for each First, we used univariate analysis of identical one-way ANOVAs for the two story into an overall scale measuring variance (ANOVA) to test the effects of other questions (questions b and c in feelings (Appendix C), making sure to gender, age, nationality and experimental Table 1), with the results indicating no reverse questions that were negatively group on the participant’s outcome significant effect of experimental group worded. There were four subscales feelings (4 stories x 3 questions each). for any of the eight questions (all ps measuring feelings towards: Donald Only the effects of nationality were >.05). Trump (α = .443; M = 8.66; SD = 5.83), significant (see Table 1), so we analysed Next, we used multiple regression to anti-immigration (α = .799; M = 8.58; SD American and Pakistani participants examine whether SDO and RWA = 5.59), positive attitudes toward killing separately for all further analyses. affected feelings for the main subject of a woman for family honour (α = .448; M Effect of headline manipulation each story (question a in Table 1). To be = 5.04; SD = 4.41), and positive attitudes For each story, we then examined as thorough as possible, we also included towards killing in the name of religion (α whether assignment to an experimental whether the headline had been positive or = .674; M = 8.05; SD = 6.33). Pearson’s group had an effect on reported outcome negative (see Table 3). As above, the correlations indicated that all four topical feeling towards the main subject valence of the news headline (whether issues were significantly correlated with (question a in Table 1) using a one-way positively worded or negatively worded) SDO and RWA in the USA. This result is ANOVA with condition as the between- was not a significant predictor of the similar to that obtained for the main topic subjects variable (4 levels). The outcome feelings for any of the four (Table 3) but indicated a more consistent experimental group did not affect stories. In contrast, SDO significantly relation for the composite. In Pakistan, outcome feelings towards Donald predicted 3/4 outcome feelings in the two issues (positive attitudes toward Trump, Asian Immigrants, Qandeel USA and 1/4 in Pakistan. Likewise, killing a woman for family honour and Baloch (the woman killed by her brother RWA significantly predicted 3/4 feelings killing in the name of religion) were for posting “scandalous” videos on social in the USA and 2/4 in Pakistan. significantly correlated with RWA and media), or Mumtaz Qadri (the man who one with SDO (see Tables 4a and 4b). killed the governor Salman Taseer to take

Table 1. Mean and Standard Deviation of all 12 outcome feelings, as well as SDO and RWA in Pakistan and the USA

Pakistan USA Pakistan USA Feelings towards: M (SD) M (SD) Feelings towards: M (SD) M (SD) 1a. Donald Trump 1.70 (2.60) 1.16 (2.27) 3a. Qandeel 4.66a (2.86) 7.26b (2.45) 1b. Muslim countries 3.34 a (3.66) 4.99 b (3.15) 3b. Qandeel’s brother 1.14 a (2.19) 0.69 b (1.55) 1c. Ban 1.80 (2.61) 1.59 (2.48) 3c. Honour killing 0.50 (1.60) 0.44 (1.28) 2a. Asian Immigrants 6.91 (2.38) 7.29 (2.26) 4a. Qadri 3.37a (3.50) 1.15b (1.78) 2b. Immigration 7.01 (2.14) 7.22 (2.32) 4b. Salman Taseer 4.25 (3.26) 5.49 (2.77) 2c. New Zealand 7.11 (2.17) 7.09 (2.60) 4c. Killing for religion 2.25a (3.04) 0.46b (1.31)

SDO 1.33 (.80) 1.05 (.90) RWA 2.75 (.688) 1.10 (.80) Note. For each of the 12 questions, means in Pakistan and the USA were compared with t-tests, and corrected with the Holms-Bonferroni correction. abp<.004 (means for Pakistan versus USA were significantly different after correction).

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News headlines or ideological beliefs?

Table 2. One-way ANOVAs showing effect of headline manipulation for the main subject of each story

USA Pakistan

2 2 Feelings for: SS df F p P SS df F p P Donald Trump 10.45 3 .67 .57 .01 11.87 3 .58 .63 .01 Asian Immigrants 7.08 3 .46 .71 .01 26.55 3 1.58 .20 .05 Qandeel Baloch 19.34 3 1.07 .36 .02 17.22 3 .70 .56 .02 Mumtaz Qadri 8.02 3 .84 .47 .01 60.29 3 1.67 .18 .04

Table 3. Multiple regression analysis with SDO, RWA, negative and positive headlines as predictors

Donald Trump Asian Immigrants Qandeel Baloch Mumtaz Qadri

B SE β B SE β B SE β B SE β SDO .90 .17 .36c -1.0 .17 -.40c -.51 .19 -.19b .06 .15 .03 USA RWA .68 .19 .24b -.19 .20 -.07 -.96 .22 -.31c .38 .17 .17a Pos. -.23 .34 -.04 -.16 .36 -.03 -.11 .39 -.02 .26 .31 .06 Neg. .53 .35 .10 .04 .36 .01 -.69 .39 -.12 .18 .31 .04 SDO .12 .30 .04 -.27 .27 -.09 -.09 .32 -.03 1.08 .38 .25b Pakistan RWA -.24 .36 -.06 .24 .32 .07 -1.12 .37 -.29b 1.23 .45 .24b Pos. -.19 .61 -.02 .71 .54 .13 -.01 .63 .00 .11 .80 .01 Neg. -.05 .60 -.01 -.54 .54 -.10 .88 .63 .13 -1.40 .74 -.17 Note. ap < .05, bp < .01, cp<.001.

Table 4a. Correlations between SDO, RWA and Question Composites in USA

Variable 1 2 3 4 5 1. Pro-Trump - 2. Anti-Immigration .523b - 3. Pro-Honour Killing .249b .288b - 4. Pro-Killing for Religion .181a .180b .541b - 5. SDO .428b .500b .281b .203a - 6. RWA .337b .285b .369b .403b .376b Note. ap<.05, bp < .01.

Table 4b. Correlations between SDO, RWA and Question Composites in Pakistan

Variable 1 2 3 4 5 1. Pro-Trump - 2. Anti-Immigration -.150 - 3. Pro-Honour Killing -.012 .039 - 4. Pro-Killing for Religion -.020 -.012 .406b - 5. SDO -.003 .119 .086 .309b - 6. RWA -.067 -.087 .217 .319b .062 Note. bp < .01.

DISCUSSION individuals who scored higher on RWA religious) and SDO (dominant In this study, sensational news were more likely to endorse Donald personality, seeking socioeconomic headlines did not have a significant effect Trump, Mumtaz Qadri, and Qandeel’s superiority of their in-group and less on attitudes regarding the four key issues brother. Those who scored high in SDO concerned with preserving traditional studied. Instead, ideological belief tended to rate Donald Trump more values). systems – RWA and SDO – had a much positively, but Asian Immigration in New For instance, Pettigrew (2017, p.108) greater influence on how a reader Zealand and Qandeel Baloch negatively. notes the following: “Trump’s speeches, perceived the news and how they felt These findings make sense in light of studded with such absolutist terms as about the main subject. Amongst Feldman and Johnston’s (2013) definition “losers” and “complete disasters,” are participants from the USA, we found that of RWA (submissive, conservative, classic authoritarian statements. His clear

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News headlines or ideological beliefs? distinction between groups on the top of a positive correlation between SDO and RWA and SDO are the main influences society (Whites) and those “losers” and opposition to gender-based affirmative for how such individuals interpret “bad hombres” on the bottom action. Likewise, Altemeyer (1988; cf. incoming information regarding a known (immigrants, Blacks and Latinos) are Smith & Winter, 2002, p.306) claims that topic. Moreover, based on the sample classic social dominance statements”. authoritarian personalities hold “a ‘law from Pakistan, it appears that issues that Other recent studies have reported that and order’ mentality that legitimizes one is most familiar to are the ones most individuals scoring high on RWA and anger and aggression against those who strongly predicted by SDO and RWA. SDO tend to exhibit more favourable deviate from social norms and feelings towards Trump and a higher conventions.” In this case, the penalty References intention of voting for him (Choma & was death by her brother, which Altemeyer, B. (1996). The authoritarian Hanoch, 2017). Our story focussed on participants high in RWA and SDO were specter. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Trump’s stated aim to protect Americans more likely to endorse. University Press. from attacks by Muslims. The solution Killing in the name of religion American Psychological Association. proposed by Donald Trump is to establish presented a unique case as it was one (2005). Concise Rules of APA Style. dominion over America and curtail the issue for which SDO and RWA were Washington, DC: APA Publications. entrance of individuals from Muslim consistent predictors in both the Bodenhausen, G. V., Macrae, C. N., & countries who may pose a threat to the countries. While the story concerned an Sherman, J. W. (1999). On the dialectics of Americans. These are essential features of issue that took place in Pakistan, even discrimination. Dual processes in social both RWA (minimising diversity, the American students high in RWA and stereotyping. In S. Chaiken & Y. Trope (Eds.), Dual-process theories in social influence of ethnic minorities, and SDO rated it as more acceptable. This is a psychology (pp. 271–290). New York, external threat) and SDO (domination of striking finding because a subsection of NY: Guilford Press. low status groups by higher status college students in two diverse countries, Blair, I. V., & Banaji, M. R. (1996). groups), and it therefore makes sense that with different religious views and not Automatic and controlled processes in participants who scored higher on SDO much else in common, showed more stereotype priming. Journal of Personality were pro-Trump and pro-banning of tolerance for murder as justified by and Social Psychology, 70, 1142–1163. Muslim countries. The results of the religion. This finding makes clear that Caricati, L., Mancini, T., & Marletta, G. present study are consistent with previous violence toward others of differing beliefs (2016). The role of ingroup threat and findings and provide additional evidence is not simply a Muslim issue or an conservative ideologies on prejudice to show that participants who already had American issue, but rather, is an issue that against immigrants in two samples of pro- or anti-Trump feelings could not be is not restricted to a particular religion or Italian adults. The Journal of Social swayed differently when presented with a cultural/ national context. Although the Psychology, 157(1), 86–97. contrary headline. mean approval for killing in the name of Cohrs, J. C., Stetzl, M. (2010). How Cohrs and Stetzl (2010) found that religion (see Table 1) still tended to be ideological attitudes predict host society SDO and anti-immigration feelings were low overall, even in a mainstream, non- members’ attitudes towards immigrants: most popular in countries which have extremist college sample, there is more Exploring cross-national differences. foreign-born people who are either tolerance for killing in the name of Journal of Social Issues, 66, 673–694. unemployed or in a disadvantaged religion in those high in SDO or RWA. Condit, C. M., Ferguson, A., Kassel, R., Thadhani, C., Gooding, H. C., Parrott, R. position. Our second story was about As such it is inopportune to blame a … Jones, C. (2001). An exploratory study locals who have to compete for houses particular culture, national group or of the impact of news headlines on genetic because of immigrants, and is therefore religion for promulgating hatred toward determinism. Science Communication, 22, consistent with the characteristics of another group. Clearly, this is a human 379-395. RWA and SDO, that outgroup members propensity that is possible for a wide Choma, B. L., are perceived as presenting the threat of range of ethnographic groups, and & Hanoch, Y. (2017). Cognitive ability economic competition (Duckitt, 2006). depends on more general attitudes such as and authoritarianism: Understanding An interesting finding of this study is SDO or RWA. Future research could support for Trump and that amongst participants from Pakistan, replicate the same study in other cultures Clinton. Personality and Individual only two issues appeared to be to examine the role of SDO and RWA in Differences, 106, 287–291. significantly correlated with SDO and shaping attitudes toward other Dor, D. (2003). On newspaper headlines as RWA. These two issues were both highly phenomena, and potentially, the role of relevance optimizers. Journal of relevant in Pakistan (i.e., honour killing the media in developing such attitudes in Pragmatics, 35(5), 695-721. and killing in the name of religion). The the first place. It could also examine Duckitt, J. (2001). A dual process cognitive- case of Qandeel Baloch, a young whether repeatedly slanted headlines or motivational theory of ideology and Pakistani model who was murdered by news story biases might change attitudes prejudice. Advances in Experimental her brother for indulging in modelling even if one-off headlines do not. This, for Social Psychology, 33, 41–113. photoshoots, reflects the idea that men instance, could explain some of the Duckitt, J. (2006). Differential effects of Right Wing Authoritarianism and Social have more autonomy and women must general differences in attitudes in Dominance Orientation on outgroup follow basic restrictions (SDO) and that Pakistan versus the USA (see Table 1). attitudes and their mediation by threat they must not step out of conventional In conclusion, the present study from and competitiveness to outgroups. roles (RWA). Christopher and Wojda suggests that one-off sensational Personality and Social Psychology (2008) found that participants higher in headlines do not cause a significant Bulletin, 32, 1–13. SDO held negative beliefs about women change in an individual’s perceptions Eberhardt, J. L., Dasgupta, N., & in managerial roles. Likewise, about people and issues, at least in a Banaszynski, T. L. (2003). Believing is Fraser, Osborne and Sibley (2015) found university-educated audience. Instead, seeing: The effects of racial labels and

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implicit beliefs on face perception. 2015/mumtaz-qadri-the-cowardly- Sidanius, J., & Pratto, F. (1999). Social Personality and Social Psychology murderer-we-hail-as-a-saint dominance: An intergroup theory of social Bulletin, 29, 360-370. Ifantidou, E. (2009). Newspaper headlines hierarchy and oppression. New York, NY: Ecker, U. K., Lewandowsky, S., Fenton, O., and relevance: Ad hoc concepts in ad hoc Cambridge University Press. & Martin, K. (2014). Do people keep contexts. Journal of Pragmatics, 41, 699- Smith, A. G., & Winter, D. G. (2002). believing because they want to? Pre- 720. Right-wing authoritarianism, party existing attitudes and the continued Leventhal, G., & Gray, S. J. (1991). Can identification, and attitudes toward influence of misinformation. Memory & innuendos in headlines affect perceptions? feminism in student evaluations of the Cognition, 42, 292-304. Psychological Reports, 69, 801-802. Clinton-Lewinsky story. Political Ecker, U. K., Lewandowsky, S., Chang, E. Matić, J., Löw, A., & Bratko, D. (2018). Psychology, 23, 355-383.. P., & Pillai, R. (2014). The effects of subtle Personality and ideological bases of Steigleman, W. A. (1949). Do Newspaper misinformation in news headlines. Journal anti-immigrant prejudice among Headlines Really Promote Street Sales? of Experimental Psychology: Applied, 20 Croatian youth. Journal of Ethnic and Journalism Bulletin, 26(4), 379–388. (4), 323-335. Migration Studies, 1–20. Surber, J. R., & Schroeder, M. (2007). Emig, E. (1928). The Connotation of Pettigrew, T. F. (2017). Social Effect of prior domain knowledge and Newspaper Headlines. Journalism Psychological Perspectives on Trump headings on processing of informative Bulletin, 4(4), 53–59. Supporters. Journal of Social and Political text. Contemporary Educational Fatima, H., Qadir, T. F., Hussain, S. A. and Psychology, 5, 107-116. Psychology, 32, 485-498. Menezes, R. G. (2017). 'Pakistan steps up Pratto, F., Sidanius, J., Stallworth, L. M., & Tannenbaum, P. H. The effect of headlines to remove “honor” from honor killing'. The Malle, B. F. (1994). Social Dominance on the interpretation of news stories. Lancet Global Health, 5: e145. Orientation: A personality variable Journalism Bulletin, 30, 189–197. Geer, J. G., & Kahn, K. F. (1993). Grabbing predicting social and political attitudes. Tausch, N., & Hewstone, M. (2010). Social attention: An experimental investigation of Journal of Personality and Social Dominance Orientation Attenuates headlines during campaigns, Political Psychology, 67, 741-763. Stereotype Change in the Face of Communication, 10, 175-191. Satherley, N., & Sibley, C. G. (2016). A Disconfirming Information. Social Ghyas, S. (2015). “Mumtaz Qadri: the Dual Process Model of attitudes toward Psychology, 41(3), 169–176. cowardly murderer we hail as a saint.” The immigration: Predicting intergroup and Valkenburg, P. M., Semetko, H. A., & De Nation, October, 8. Retrieved from international relations with China. Vreese, C. H. (1999). The effects of news https://nation.com.pk/08-Oct- International Journal of Intercultural frames on readers’ thoughts and recall. Relations, 53, 72–82. Communication Research, 26, 550–569.

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Parental talk and younger children’s empathy

Appendix A: Questionnaires SDO Short version 1. It is OK if some groups have more of a chance in life than others. 2. Inferior groups should stay in their place. 3. To get ahead in life, it is sometimes okay to step on other groups. 4. We should have increased social equality.∗ 5. It would be good if all groups could be equal.∗ 6. We should do what we can to equalize conditions for different groups.*

RWA Short version 1. It is always better to trust the judgment of the proper authorities in government and religion than to listen to the noisy rabble-rousers in our society who are trying to create doubt in people's minds. 2. It would be best for everyone if the proper authorities censored magazines so that people could not get their hands on trashy and disgusting material. 3. Our country will be destroyed someday if we do not smash the perversions eating away at our moral fibre and traditional beliefs. 4. People should pay less attention to The Bible and other old traditional forms of religious guidance, and instead develop their own personal standards of what is moral and immoral.* 5. Atheists and others who have rebelled against established religions are no doubt every bit as good and virtuous as those who attend church regularly.* 6. Some of the best people in our country are those who are challenging our government, criticizing religion, and ignoring the "normal way" things are supposed to be done.* *Reversed

Appendix B: Headlines for the experimental groups

Group 1 Group 2 Group 3 Group 4 1. Trump renews call for 'travel ban' Trump’s Muslim Ban 3.0 Is Just as Inhumane No Both to protect against 'dangerous Muslim — and Even More Frightening. headline headlines countries’ 2. Asian Immigration good news for Asian Immigration damages house prices, say No Both NZ business. Home Office advisers. headline headlines 3. Qandeel Baloch died a feminist Qandeel Baloch died a prostitute, not a hero No Both hero headline headlines 4. Mumtaz Qadri Hero of Islam & Mumtaz Qadri: the cowardly murderer we hail No Both Pakistan. as an Islamic saint. headline headlines

Appendix C: Questions following each story and Scale for measuring feeling towards sensitive topical issues

Using the thermometer (where 0 is least favourable and 10 is highly

favourable) indicate your feelings towards: Story 1 1a Donald Trump

1b Muslims from banned countries

1c Trump’s travel restrictions Story 2 2a Asian Immigrants 2b Immigration

2c New Zealand

Story 3 3a Qandeel Baloch 3b Qandeel’s brother 3c Honor killing

Story 4 4a Mumtaz Qadri

4b Salman Taseer 4c Killing in the name of Islam

Combination of outcome feeling questions to form issue clusters Pro Trump =1a+1c-1b Anti- Immigration =-2a-2b-2c Pro Honour Killing =3b+3c- 3a Pro Killing for Religion =4a+4c-4b

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White nationalism and support for multiculturalism

White Nationalism and Multiculturalism Support: Investigating the Interactive Effects of White Identity and National Attachment on Support for Multiculturalism Danny Osborne1, Nicole Satherley1, Kumar Yogeeswaran2, Diala Hawi3 & Chris G. Sibley1 1 The University of Auckland, New Zealand, 2 University of Canterbury, New Zealand, 3 Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Qatar

Although white nationalism is increasing globally, little is known about the interactive effects of white identity and national attachment on intergroup attitudes. We address this oversight and theorise that nationalism (i.e., an unquestioning belief in the superiority of one’s nation) should strengthen, whereas patriotism (i.e., a positive, albeit objective, attachment to one’s nation) should weaken, the negative correlation between white identity and multiculturalism support. As hypothesised, white identity and nationalism correlated negatively, whereas patriotism correlated positively, with support for multiculturalism amongst a sample of New Zealand Europeans (N = 12,815). Moreover, the negative correlation between white identity and multiculturalism support was nearly twice as strong for those high (versus low) on nationalism, but was half the size for those high (versus low) on patriotism. These results demonstrate the negative impact of white nationalism on intergroup relations, and highlight the potential for patriotism to lessen the harmful effects of white identity on support for diversity.

Keywords: white nationalism; nationalism; patriotism; multiculturalism; White identity; terrorism

Introduction The current study addresses this Accordingly, this research consistently On 15 March 2019, the wave of white possibility by investigating the impact of reveals that the origins and implications nationalism sweeping across the globe white nationalism on multiculturalism of ethnic identification differ between came crashing into New Zealand as a lone support in New Zealand. To begin, we low-status and high-status groups. For terrorist began his assault on two briefly review the literature on ethnic example, Levin and Sidanius (1999) Mosques in Christchurch. The attack— identification amongst ethnic majority investigated the correlates of ethnic New Zealand’s deadliest in modern groups, paying particular attention to how identification amongst high- and low- history—claimed the lives of 50 people white identity influences intergroup status groups in the United States and and injured 50 more. In the immediate attitudes. We then discuss studies on Israel and found that the preference for aftermath of this atrocity, debate raged national attachment to show that the ways group-based hierarchy (namely, social over whether the hatred espoused by the in which one identifies with his or her dominance orientation; SDO) correlated terrorist reflected deep-seated and nation of residence has distinct negatively with ethnic identification for unrecognised biases held by us as a nation implications for attitudes toward ethnic low-status groups, but positively for high- (e.g., Ryan, 2019, March 24). Yet, minorities. Finally, building upon the status groups (also see Levin, Federico, intolerance towards Muslims (and other reviewed literature, we propose that Sidanius, & Rabinowitz, 2002). minorities) has long-been evident in New nationalistic attachment should Similarly, whereas beliefs that legitimise Zealand. For example, Shaver, Sibley, exacerbate, whereas patriotic attachment the social hierarchy (e.g., the Protestant Osborne, and Bulbulia (2017) reveal that should mitigate, the negative effect of work ethic, conservatism, etc.) correlate New Zealanders’ warmth towards white identity on acceptance for cultural negatively with ethnic identification for Muslims is notably low. Moreover, diversity. low-status groups, they correlate minorities in general report markedly White Identity and Intergroup positively for high-status groups (Levin, higher rates of interpersonal and Attitudes Sidanius, Rabinowitz, & Federico, 1998). institutional forms of discrimination than Although ethnic identification is In short, ethnic identification amongst do their New Zealand European particularly salient for low-status groups high-status groups is rooted in the counterparts (e.g., Harris et al., 2012; (Sidanius & Petrocik, 2001) and can preference for group-based inequality, Harris et al., 2006). Collectively, research protect minorities from the harmful suggesting that white identity may have on intergroup relations in New Zealand effects of discrimination (Cronin, Levin, nefarious consequences for intergroup reveals an uncomfortable reality. Namely, Branscombe, van Laar, & Tropp, 2012; relations. the intolerance laid all too bare in the Stronge et al., 2016), a newly-emerging Consistent with the view that white recent terrorist attacks may lurk and burgeoning literature has begun to identity could have negative underneath a thin veneer of acceptance in examine ethnic identification amongst consequences for intergroup relations, New Zealand. members of high-status groups. research reveals that ethnic identification

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White nationalism and support for multiculturalism

amongst whites (i.e., white identity) forms of national attachment, the two would correlate negatively with support correlates with a number of harmful constructs have separate antecedents and for multiculturalism (i.e., an ideology that views toward minorities. For example, consequences. As for the antecedents to promotes the acceptance of diverse Lowery, Unzueta, Knowles, and Goff nationalism, Osborne, Milojev and Sibley cultures and opposes hierarchy). The (2006) showed that white identity (2017) investigated three waves of strength of this negative association correlated negatively with affirmative longitudinal data from New Zealand and should, however, depend on the type of action support, particularly when the revealed that right-wing authoritarianism attachment one holds toward his or her policy was framed in terms of the (RWA; i.e., people’s tendency to obey nation of residence. Because nationalism potential losses affirmative action could authorities) correlated positively with reflects an uncritical belief in national imply for whites. Likewise, Major, relative increases in both patriotism and superiority and is based on a preference Blodorn, and Blascovich (2018) revealed nationalism. In contrast, SDO correlated for group-based hierarchy (Osborne et al., that informing whites about the changing positively with relative increases in 2017; Sidanius, Feshbach, Levin, & demographics of the United States nationalism, but negatively with increases Pratto, 1997), nationalism should increased support for anti-immigration in patriotism. Notably, the corresponding strengthen the negative correlation policies and the likelihood of voting for cross-lagged effects these two forms of between white identity and support for Donald Trump, but only for those who national attachment had on RWA and multiculturalism. Conversely, patriotism were already high on white identity. SDO were either unreliable, or notably captures a positive identification with Finally, Osborne, Jost, Becker, Badaan, smaller than the reciprocal associations. one’s nation of residence, yet and Sibley (2019) demonstrated that Accordingly, nationalism and patriotism nevertheless recognises that one’s nation white identity correlated negatively with have distinct antecedents. is fallible in its pursuit to uphold collective action aimed at redressing In addition to having distinct origins, democratic values (Blank & Schmidt, inequality, but positively with collective nationalism and patriotism independently 2003). Thus, patriotism should attenuate action aimed at reinforcing the status quo. predict (sometimes in countervailing the predicted negative correlation Conversely, minorities’ ethnic directions) important outcomes for between white identity and identification correlated positively with intergroup relations. For example, multiculturalism support. support for collective action to redress nationalism correlates with hostile In order to identify the independent inequality, but negatively with protests intergroup attitudes including prejudices (and interactive) effects of white identity that would reinforce the status quo. toward immigrants (De Figueiredo & and national attachment on support for Together, these studies reveal that white Elkins, 2003; Wagner, Becker, Christ, multiculturalism, we control for multiple identity undermines support for diversity Pettigrew, & Schmidt, 2012), anti- key covariates. Because women are less and intergroup tolerance. immigration sentiment (Ariely, 2012), conservative than men (Fraley, Griffin, The Impact of (Distinct Forms of) and outgroup derogation (Blank & Belsky, & Roisman, 2012), we controlled National Attachment Schmidt, 2003). Conversely, after for participants’ gender. Also, given that Although white identity seems to be at accounting for the negative effects of the diversity in one’s community can the centre of the current raft of intergroup nationalism, the relationship between influence political beliefs (Major et al., conflict seen across the globe, it is patriotism and intergroup attitudes is 2018; Schlueter & Wagner, 2008), we important to take into account the nature either positive, or unreliable (De controlled for whether or not participants of one’s attachment to his or her nation of Figueiredo & Elkins, 2003). Finally, lived in an urban or rural setting. We also residence. Accordingly, research Ariely (2012) found that nationalism used employment status as a covariate, as distinguishes between two forms of correlated positively, whereas patriotism the (perceived) threat from ethnic national attachment: (a) nationalism and correlated negatively, with anti- diversity may be heightened amongst the (b) patriotism (see Kosterman & immigration views across 34 countries. unemployed (Schlueter & Scheepers, Feshbach, 1989). Whereas nationalism Thus, nationalism seems to undermine 2010). Finally, we controlled for reflects an unwavering—and support for diversity, whereas patriotism participants’ levels of education and unquestionable—belief that one’s nation facilitates intergroup acceptance. conservatism, as they correlate positively is superior to others, patriotism captures Nevertheless, research has yet to examine and negatively (respectively) with pro- the simple positive affective attachment the extent to which these distinct forms of diversity attitudes (see Sarrasin et al., people have towards their nation. national attachment moderate the effect 2012; Sidanius, Levin, van Laar, & Sears, Although these constructs have been of white identity on attitudes toward 2008). By adjusting for these variables, given different names including blind multiculturalism. we rule out the most likely alternative versus constructive patriotism (Schatz & Current Study explanations for our predicted results and Staub, 1997; Schatz, Staub, & Lavine, The current study addresses this provide a compelling examination of the 1999; Spry & Hornsey, 2007), oversight by investigating the impact impact that white nationalism has on nationalism versus patriotism (Blank & distinct forms of national attachment have multiculturalism support. Schmidt, 2003; De Figueiredo & Elkins, on the relationship between white identity 2003), and ethnic exclusion versus and attitudes toward diversity. Given that patriotism (Coenders & Scheepers, a preference for group-based hierarchy 2003), a core feature distinguishing these underlies ethnic identification and two forms of national attachment is ingroup favouritism for high-status rejection versus acceptance of democratic groups (Levin et al., 2002; Levin & Sidanius, 1999; see also Hamley, values, respectively. Consistent with the view that Houkamau, Osborne, Barlow, & Sibley, nationalism and patriotism reflect distinct in press), we predicted that white identity

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White nationalism and support for multiculturalism

METHOD identified as New Zealand European). degree), whereas conservatism was Sampling Procedure Measures measured by asking participants to Data come from Time 9 of the New Time 9 of the NZAVS included indicate “how politically liberal versus Zealand Attitudes and Values Study measures of white identity, nationalism, conservative” they saw themselves on a 1 (NZAVS)—a nationwide longitudinal patriotism, and multiculturalism support, (extremely liberal) to 7 (extremely panel study that began in 2009.1 Sampling along with demographic covariates (and conservative) scale. for Time 9 occurred on five occasions. In other variables outside the scope of the 2009 (Time 1), a random sample of adults current study). Unless noted, items were RESULTS from the electoral roll (i.e., a national list rated on a 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 Table 1 displays the bivariate of registered voters) were invited to (strongly agree) scale. correlations and descriptive statistics for participate in a 20-year longitudinal White identity was assessed using three our variables of interest. Given the study. This first sampling occasion items from Leach and colleagues’ (2008) negative impact of ethnic identification yielded 6,518 participants (with a identity centrality subscale: (a) “I often on support for diversity among whites response rate of 16.6%). By 2011, 3,914 think about the fact that I am a member of (see Lowery et al., 2006), we predicted participants remained in the study (i.e., a my ethnic group”, (b) “The fact that I am that white identity would correlate 60% retention rate from Time 1). To a member of my ethnic group is an negatively with multiculturalism support. address sample attrition, a non-random important part of my identity”, and (c) Indeed, the negative correlation between booster sample was recruited through the “Being a member of my ethnic group is white identity and multiculturalism website of a major nation-wide an important part of how I see myself”. support (r = −.12, p < .001) shown in newspaper. This second sampling Items were averaged together to form a Table 1 is consistent with this notion. occasion yielded 2,970 new participants, measure of white identity (α = .72). Crucially, however, we predicted that the bringing the sample size at Time 3 to Nationalism was assessed using two strength of this negative association 6,884 participants. items from Kosterman and Feshbach’s would vary by the type of attachment To increase the size and diversity of the (1989) 8-item scale: (a) “Generally, the people have with their nation of sample, we conducted three additional more influence New Zealand has on other residence. Specifically, because sets of booster sampling based on random nations, the better off they are” and (b) nationalism reflects an uncritical belief in samples (without replacement) of the “Foreign nations have done some very national superiority and is rooted in the electoral roll, but oversampling hard-to- fine things, but they are still not as good preference for group-based hierarchy (see reach populations (see Sibley, 2018). The as New Zealand”. Items were averaged Osborne et al., 2017; Sidanius et al., first of these three sampling occasions together to form a measure of nationalism 1997), we expected that nationalism was in 2012 (i.e., Time 4) and used (r = .32). would strengthen the hypothesized multiple sample frames to recruit 5,108 Patriotism was assessed using two items negative correlation between white new participants into the study (with a from Kosterman and Feshbach’s (1989) identity and multiculturalism support. response rate of 9.98%). The second 12-item scale: (a) “I feel great pride in the Conversely, patriotism is rooted in a sampling occasion occurred in 2013 (i.e., land that is our New Zealand” and (b) positive, but critical, identification with Time 5) and recruited 7,581 new “Although at times I may not agree with one’s nation and correlates positively participants into the study (with a the government, my commitment to New with support for democratic values (see response rate of 10.6%), whereas the third Zealand always remains strong”. Items Blank & Schmidt, 2003). Thus, patriotism sampling occasion occurred in 2016 (i.e., were averaged together to form a measure should weaken the predicted negative Time 8) and recruited 7,669 new of patriotism (r = .57). correlation between white identity and participants into the study (with a Multiculturalism support was assessed multiculturalism support. response rate of 9.5%). Therefore, Time 8 using these three items: (a) “The unity of To investigate these hypotheses, we had 21,937 participants (i.e., 13,779 New Zealand is weakened by too many entered our mean-centred and dummy- retained from at least one prior time point, immigrants”, (b) “I feel at ease when I am coded covariates, as well as our mean- 7,669 additions from booster sampling, in a city district in New Zealand with centred predictor variables (i.e., white and 489 unmatched or unsolicited opt- many immigrants” (reverse-coded), and identity, nationalism, and patriotism), ins). By 2017 (i.e., Time 9), 17,072 (c) “There are too many immigrants into the first block of a regression model. participants remained in the study (i.e., a living in New Zealand”. Items were The second block of our regression added 77.8% retention rate from the prior wave), averaged together to form a measure of the (a) White Identity × Nationalism and 13,885 of whom solely identified as New multiculturalism support (α = .77). (b) White Identity × Patriotism Zealand European and are the focus of the Covariates included participants’ age interaction terms to the model. The full current study. (open-ended), gender (0 = man, 1 = model was then regressed onto Participants woman), employment status (0 = multiculturalism support using full Of the 13,885 sole-identifying New unemployed, 1 = employed), residential information maximum likelihood Zealand Europeans who participated in status (0 = urban, 1 = rural), education, estimates and 95% confidence intervals Time 9 of the NZAVS, we examine the and level of political conservatism. (CIs). 12,815 (Mage = 52.17, SD = 13.61; Education was coded in accordance with 63.0% women) who gave partial or the New Zealand Qualifications complete responses to our variables of Authority’s (2012) classification scheme interest (92.3% of the sample who (1 = level 1 certificate, 10 = doctoral

1 We focus on data from Time 9 collected wave of data and, as such, assessment of intergroup attitudes in because it is the most recently provides the most up-to-date New Zealand.

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Table 1. Bivariate correlations and descriptive statistics for the variables included in this study. M SD α 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 1. Gendera 0.37 0.48 ------2. Urbanb 0.81 0.39 --- −.00 --- 3. Employedc 0.78 0.42 --- .04*** -.01 --- 4. Age 52.17 13.61 --- .11*** -.04*** −.34*** --- 5. Education 5.32 2.74 --- −.04*** .09*** .15*** −.19*** --- 6. Conservatism 3.57 1.39 --- .04*** −.07*** −.03*** .15*** −.23*** --- 7. White Identity 3.19 1.41 .72 −.08*** .03** −.07*** .13*** .00 .08*** --- 8. Nationalism 3.71 1.20 --- .06*** .00 −.02* .04*** −.12*** .15*** .13*** --- 9. Patriotism 5.90 1.00 --- −.06*** −.04*** −.03** .18*** −.05*** .14*** .13*** .28*** --- 10. Multiculturalism 4.77 1.42 .77 −.04*** .09*** .06*** −.08*** .27*** −.31*** −.12*** −.20*** .00 --- a Dummy-coded (0 = woman, 1 = man); b Dummy-coded (0 = rural, 1 = urban); c Dummy-coded (0 = unemployed, 1 = employed)

Table 2. Regression analysis predicting multiculturalism support as a function of white identity, nationalism, and patriotism, as well as their interactive effects.

Model 1 Model 2 95% CI 95% CI β SE B Lower Upper β SE B Lower Upper Intercept ------4.54 (4.47 4.61) ------4.54 (4.47 4.61) Gendera −.01+ (.01) −0.04 (−0.09 0.01) −.01 (.01) −0.04 (−0.09 0.01) Urbanb .06*** (.01) 0.21 (0.16 0.27) .06*** (.01) 0.22 (0.16 0.27) Employedc .03** (.01) 0.09 (0.03 0.15) .03** (.01) 0.09 (0.03 0.15) Age .01 (.01) 0.00 (−0.00 0.00) .01 (.01) 0.00 (−0.00 0.00) Education .19*** (.01) 0.10 (0.09 0.11) .19*** (.01) 0.10 (0.09 0.11) Conservatism −.25*** (.01) −0.25 (−0.27 −0.24) −.25*** (.01) −0.25 (−0.27 −0.24) White Identity −.09*** (.01) −0.09 (−0.11 −0.08) −.09*** (.01) −0.10 (−0.11 −0.08) Nationalism −.16*** (.01) −0.18 (−0.20 −0.16) −.16*** (.01) −0.19 (−0.21 −0.17) Patriotism .10*** (.01) 0.14 (0.12 0.17) .11*** (.01) 0.15 (0.13 0.18) White Identity × Nationalism −.03*** (.01) −0.02 (−0.04 −0.01) White Identity × Patriotism .04*** (.01) 0.04 (0.02 0.05) Model Summary R2 .18*** .18*** a Dummy-coded (0 = woman, 1 = man); b Dummy-coded (0 = rural, 1 = urban); c Dummy-coded (0 = unemployed, 1 = employed)

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6.00 Low Nationalism 6.00 Low Patriotism High Nationalism High Patriotism

5.00 5.00

4.00 4.00

Multiculturalism SupportMulticulturalism SupportMulticulturalism 3.00 3.00 Low High Low High White Identity White Identity

Note: Results adjust for nationalism and the White Identity × Patriotism Note: Results adjust for nationalism and the White Identity × Patriotism interaction term, as well as our covariates. interaction term, as well as our covariates.

Figure 1. Interactive effects of white identity and nationalism on multiculturalism Figure 2. Interactive effects of white identity and patriotism on multiculturalism support. support.

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As shown in Table 2, Model 1 reveals understand the factors that influence interactive effects of white identity and that participants who lived in urban white majority group members’ attitudes national attachment on multiculturalism settings and who were employed toward diversity, particularly in a nation support, the current study makes multiple supported multiculturalism more than where the demographics are changing contributions to the literature. For one, we their counterparts who lived in rural rapidly (e.g., New Zealand). To these provide one of the first investigations into settings and who were unemployed, ends, the current study investigated the white nationalism in New Zealand and respectively (B = 0.21, 95% CI [0.16, independent and interactive effects of show that ethno-national identities (at 0.27], p < .001 and B = 0.09, 95% CI white nationalism on support for least partly) motivate opposition to ethnic [0.03, 0.15], p = .003, respectively). Also, multiculturalism—an issue central to the and cultural diversity. In this sense, our education correlated positively (B = 0.10, white nationalist ideology sweeping results demonstrate that, despite its 95% CI [0.09, 0.11], p < .001), but across the globe (see Bonikowski, 2016). geographical isolation from the rest of the conservatism correlated negatively (B = Because a preference for group-based world, New Zealand is nonetheless −0.25, 95% CI [−0.27, −0.24], p < .001), hierarchy underlies ethnic identification susceptible to the same extremist beliefs with multiculturalism support. After for high-status groups (Levin & Sidanius, that saw the rise of Donald Trump and adjusting for these key covariates, we 1999), we predicted that white identity Brexit (see Inglehart & Norris, 2016; Roy found support for our hypotheses. would correlate negatively with & McGowan, 2019, March 20; Wright, Specifically, white identity (B = −0.09, multiculturalism support. The strength of 2019, March 19). Accordingly, it is 95% CI [−0.11, −0.08], p < .001) and this negative association should, incumbent upon us, as a community, to nationalism (B = −0.18, 95% CI [−0.20, however, depend on the type of recognise that these biases exist and to −0.16], p < .001) correlated negatively, attachment people have with their nation understand how white nationalism may whereas patriotism correlated positively of residence. Given that nationalism influence our public discourse. Only by (B = 0.14, 95% CI [0.12, 0.17], p < .001), reflects an uncritical belief in national acknowledging that these prejudices exist with multiculturalism support. superiority rooted in a preference for and by recognising the potential threat Table 2 also displays our results for the group-based hierarchy (Osborne et al., this belief system holds for democracy predicted interactive effects of 2017; Sidanius et al., 1997), nationalism can we begin to make New Zealand a safe nationalism and patriotism on the should strengthen the negative correlation place for the myriad ethnic and religious negative association between white between white identity and groups who call New Zealand home. identity and multiculturalism support (see multiculturalism support. In contrast, The current study also makes an Model 2). As hypothesised, nationalism patriotism captures a positive important contribution to the literature on strengthened the negative association identification with one’s nation of national attachment. Specifically, some between white identity and residence, yet nevertheless recognises have questioned the utility of treating multiculturalism support (B = −0.02, 95% that the nation may be fallible in its nationalism as distinct from patriotism CI [−0.04, −0.01], p < .001). Simple slope pursuit to uphold democratic values (e.g., Parker, 2010). While we have analyses at + 1 SD from the mean of (Blank & Schmidt, 2003). As such, previously shown that nationalism and nationalism demonstrated that the patriotism should weaken the predicted patriotism have separate antecedents (i.e., negative association between white negative correlation between white RWA has positive cross-lagged effects on identity and support for multiculturalism identity and support for multiculturalism. both nationalism and patriotism, whereas was nearly twice as strong at high (B = As hypothesised, white identity and SDO has positive and negative cross- −0.12, 95% CI [−0.14, −0.10], p < .001) nationalism correlated negatively, but lagged effects on nationalism and versus low (B = −0.07, 95% CI [−0.09, patriotism correlated positively, with patriotism, respectively; Osborne et al., −0.05], p < .001) levels of nationalism multiculturalism support. But critically, 2017), the current study shows that these (see Figure 1). Conversely, patriotism the negative association between white two types of national attachment also weakened the negative association identity and support for multiculturalism have separate consequences. Whereas between white identity and depended on the type of attachment nationalism correlated negatively with multiculturalism support (B = 0.04, 95% people had with their nation of residence. support for multiculturalism, patriotism CI [0.02, 0.05], p < .001). Simple slope As predicted, the negative association fostered multiculturalism support. analyses at + 1 SD from the mean of between white identity and Together with other research conducted patriotism revealed that the negative multiculturalism support was nearly both locally (e.g., Greaves et al., 2017) relationship between white identity and twice as strong for those high (versus and internationally (Blank & Schmidt, multiculturalism support was nearly half low) on nationalism. Conversely, this 2003; Li & Brewer, 2004; Spry & the size at high (B = −0.06, 95% CI same relationship was reduced by nearly Hornsey, 2007), these results help to [−0.08, −0.04], p < .001) relative to low half for those high (versus low) on further differentiate nationalism from (B = −0.13, 95% CI [−0.16, −0.11], p < patriotism. Together, these results patriotism and validate their conceptual .001) levels of patriotism (see Figure 2). highlight the harmful effects of white independence. Thus, consistent with our hypotheses, nationalism on support for diversity, and Although not the focus of this study, our nationalism strengthened, whereas suggest that the ideology underlying the results also identify numerous additional patriotism weakened, the negative raft of alt-right violence sweeping across correlates of multiculturalism support. association between white identity and the globe is present—and impactful—in Consistent with research showing that multiculturalism support. New Zealand. conservative political views often Strengths, Limitations, correlate with opposition to minority DISCUSSION Implications, and Future rights (see Sears & Henry, 2005; Sidanius In light of the recent terrorist attack in Directions et al., 2008; Yogeeswaran, Verkuyten, Christchurch, it is important to By assessing the independent and Osborne, & Sibley, 2018), conservatism

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correlated negatively with support for differ for ethnic minorities in New 2015). Accordingly, Marchlewska, multiculturalism. Indeed, conservatism Zealand. Cichocka, Panayiotou, Castellanos, and was by far the strongest predictor in our We should also note that the Batayneh (2018) show that collective model, demonstrating the symbolic associations observed in the current study narcissism about the greatness of one’s nature of the multiculturalism debate. were relatively small in magnitude. nation (i.e., arguably a form of Nevertheless, education and employment Indeed, a myriad of attitudes likely nationalism) mediated the association status also correlated with contribute to people’s views toward between relative deprivation and support multiculturalism support, indicating that multiculturalism—white identity, for both Brexit (Study 2) and Donald those who are of low socioeconomic nationalism, and patriotism only being Trump (Study 3). Therefore, future status may see multiculturalism as a threat part of a larger set of variables that research should investigate both the to their (financial) wellbeing (Lane, correlate with multiculturalism support. underlying reason(s) behind the rise in 1962). Alternatively, it may be that Yet our results held after controlling for white nationalism and the consequences education fosters democratic values of the most likely alternative explanations. this alarming trend has on intergroup acceptance and appreciation of others That white identity, nationalism, and relations. (see Dee, 2004), providing a potential patriotism correlated with Conclusion solution to intergroup intolerance. multiculturalism support after accounting The terrorist attack on Christchurch’s Likewise, consistent with the vast for these other effects demonstrates the Muslim community on 15 March 2019 literature on the contact hypothesis robustness of our findings. Still, future shook the conscience of our nation and (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006; Schmid, Al research should investigate other catapulted New Zealand into the Ramiah, & Hewstone, 2014; Wagner, predictors of multiculturalism support international news cycle. Many openly Christ, Pettigrew, Stellmacher, & Wolf, alongside the variables tested here in pondered how such an atrocity could 2006), participants living in urban order to replicate and extend our results occur in an otherwise peaceful nation, settings (i.e., neighbourhoods that are (e.g., terrorism anxiety correlates whereas others noted that it was an all- likely to be ethnically diverse) supported negatively with warmth towards too-poignant reminder that racism is alive multiculturalism more than did whites Muslims; see Hawi, Osborne, Bulbulia, & and well in New Zealand (Ryan, 2019, living in rural areas where diversity is Sibley, 2019). March 24). Regardless of the position one likely to be low. These latter potential It is also important to note that we takes in this debate, it is impossible for us interpretations of our data offer some examined the negative impact of white to carry on as things were before the hope for improving intergroup relations nationalism on support for attack—we are a nation forever changed by suggesting that education and contact multiculturalism. As such, our results by the vile hatred displayed towards our with minorities may increase New cannot directly speak to the motivations Muslim brothers and sisters on 15 March Zealand Europeans’ support for ethnic behind the terrorist attack in 2019. diversity. Christchurch, nor terrorism in general. The current study—and, indeed, the Despite the strengths and implications Indeed, while opposition to immigration papers that comprise this special issue of of our results, it is important to note and other forms of multiculturalism is a New Zealand Journal of Psychology— limitations to the current study. Given the main feature of the ideology behind white sought to pay tribute to the Muslim cross-sectional nature of our study, nationalism (Bonilla-Silva, 2000; Swain, community of New Zealand by inferences about the causal direction of 2002), we cannot, nor do we wish to, attempting to answer a seemingly these associations must be made with equate opposition to multiculturalism unanswerable question (namely, how caution. That said, some longitudinal with support for terrorism. Future could someone take the lives of 50 panel research reveals that nationalism research must address this sensitive, innocent people and injure 50 more?). and patriotism predict hostile intergroup albeit timely, topic. While our results uncover the harmful attitudes over time, rather than vice versa Finally, the current study investigated effects of white nationalism on support (Wagner et al., 2012). Second, given our the deleterious effects of white for diversity, we also identify a potential focus on white nationalism, we nationalism. Although this is necessary to solution to this problem. By emphasising necessarily restricted our analyses to New increase understanding of how white the patriotic aspects of national Zealand Europeans. As such, our results nationalism may shape New Zealand attachment (i.e., a positive attachment to cannot speak to the effects of ethnic politics in the years to come, it does little New Zealand that recognises its faults), identity on intergroup attitudes among to explain why some New Zealand white identity need not always conflict minorities. Indeed, there are reasons to Europeans endorse such views. with the ideals of multiculturalism. believe that our results would differ if we Accordingly, Sengupta, Osborne, and focused on minorities. For example, Sibley (in press) argued that nationalism Osborne and colleagues (2019) reveal may appeal to some members of ethnic that, although ethnic identity correlates majority groups because it offers a positively with collective action aimed at positive identity for those who think that redressing inequality amongst minorities, their group is losing their relatively whites’ ethnic identity predicts support advantaged position in society. Indeed, for protests that seek to reinforce the others have noted that right-wing populist status quo. That is, ethnic identity has movements benefit from leaders who are different (and often opposing) political able to transform whites’ objective implications for ethnic minorities and structural advantage during times of whites. Thus, future research should prosperity into a narrative of (perceived) investigate the extent to which our results relative deprivation (e.g., Mols & Jetten,

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Preparation of this manuscript was supported by a PBRF grants jointly awarded to the first and fifth authors, and a Templeton Religion Trust grant (#0196) awarded to the fifth author. Correspondence regarding this manuscript can be directed to Danny Osborne, School of Psychology, University of Auckland, Private Bag 92019, Auckland 1142, New Zealand. Email: [email protected]

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Civic engagement, well-being and resilience

Encouraging flourishing following tragedy:

The role of civic engagement in well-being and resilience Jill G. Hayhurst, John A. Hunter and Ted Ruffman University of Otago, New Zealand

The present study explores the potential of well-being and resilience benefits for people who are civically engaged in the context of the Christchurch terror attacks. Young people (n = 530, mean age = 20.9) completed one civic engagement, well-being, and resilience questionnaire. Results showed that people who were flourishing had significantly higher levels of civic engagement compared to those who were doing just ok. A hierarchical regression showed that civic engagement predicted 35% of the variance in well-being, controlling for age and SES. Civic intentions, community belonging, social trust, generosity, and helping a neighbour made unique contributions to well-being. A second hierarchical regression showed that civic engagement predicted 5% of the variance in resilience, controlling for well-being and age. Civic intentions, helping a neighbour, and volunteering made unique contributions to resilience. How civic engagement promotes well-being and resilience, and how to promote civic engagement following adversity, are discussed.

Keywords: Civic engagement; Well-being; Resilience

Introduction (Let’s Collaborate, 2019). In the weeks goals are connected to others, and they Evidence of human excellence – following the attack people continue to are committed to creating a better society generosity, love, community and offer their support to the Muslim (Flanagan & Christens, 2013; Sherrod & flourishing - is perhaps most remarkable community through donations and Lauckhardt, 2009). The importance of when evident in contexts of significant volunteering for organisations that engagement to healthy societies and adversity and challenge (Ryff & Singer, support refugees and Muslims (Morris, democracies cannot be understated - it is 2003). In the aftermath of the 2019). The acts of compassion and through civic engagement and the Christchurch terror attacks on March contribution can be described as civic exercise of citizen rights and 15th, people have reported they feel sad, engagement – “individual and collective responsibilities that democracy is angry, and fearful, but people have also actions designed to identify and address sustained (Hayhurst, 2017). In the reported they feel gratitude, love, respect, issues of public concern” (American present study the definition of civic compassion, and belonging (Fouda, Psychological Association n.d.). While engagement is left intentionally broad, as 2019; O’Connell Ripara, 2019). the Muslim community have noted and people from different groups, cultures, While Aotearoa New Zealand given thanks to the people of New and countries have their own means of continues to grieve for the 50 lives lost in Zealand for their leadership, help, love showing and understanding citizenship. the terror attack, there has also been an and compassion (Fouda, 2019), civic For example, in some contexts voting is outpouring of support for the survivors engagement can also benefit the people considered the highest expression of and the Muslim community. Seventy who are participating – making not just civic engagement (Vowles, 2004). In thousand people signed a gun law reform our communities and nations better Aotearoa New Zealand, people under the petition, tens of thousands of New places, but improving individuals’ well- age of 18 are not allowed to vote, so by Zealanders have donated to survivor and being and resilience as well. some measures they would not be families of victims support organisation, The present paper examines the types considered engaged. However, we know thousands of people have formed human of civic engagement that can lead to that New Zealand youth do contribute to chains of solidarity around mosques higher well-being, resilience, and human their communities and work to address while people prayed, and tens of flourishing. We argue that the acts of key challenges of their generation thousands have attended vigils, held in kindness and community participation (Hayhurst, 2014). For example, on the every centre around Aotearoa New shown by New Zealanders following the same day as the Christchurch terror Zealand (O’Connell Ripara, 2019). Christchurch terror attacks will not only attacks, tens of thousands of young Directly following the attack, volunteers “guide us to creating a more just and people in 40 centres around the country flocked to Christchurch to help (Martin, inclusive Aotearoa,” (O’Connell Ripara, took to the streets demanding action on 2019), taxi drivers offered their services 2019) but also improve the well-being of climate change – the largest youth protest for free, (RNZ, 2019), people have the people who are being good citizens. in New Zealand history (Walls, 2019). brought food and flowers to mosques Civic Engagement Generally, researchers and (Fouda, 2019), and organised donations The term civic engagement describes a practitioners use the term civic of goods, vouchers, and care packages to collection of values and behaviours that engagement to describe a collection of survivors and the Muslim community suggest that people believe their lives and values and behaviours. For the purpose of

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the present study, we have selected strongly linked to predictors of well- outcome of contribution (Lerner et al., several civic engagement variables that being such as SES and education levels 2005). Keyes (2012) recommends that are relevant to Aotearoa New Zealand (McCollum, 2016). People who are we don’t just need to shift our attentions following the Christchurch terror attack: civically engaged are likely already on a away from mental illness to mental civic participation, civic values, civic path towards health and well-being health, but also away from focusing on intentions, community belonging, social (Ballard, Hoyt & Pachucki, 2018), and the individual to focusing on others and trust, and interpersonal generosity. Civic the relationship between the two is likely communities. participation describes diverse acts such bi-directional (Lerner, Dowling & Civic Engagement & Resilience as protesting, but also volunteering at Anderson, 2003). Generally, resilience is defined as the organisations, helping neighbours, and Despite these complications, there is ability to react to adversity and challenge working to make communities better still considerable evidence that civic in an adaptive and productive way, and is (Flanagan, Syvertsen, & Stout, 2007). engagement promotes well-being therefore considered crucial to healthy Civic values include believing that (Pancer, 2015). Civic engagement development (Hayhurst et al., 2015; people can make a difference and contributes to identity, sense of Rutter, 1987). While there is a dearth of wanting to make a difference, as well as belonging in communities and society, research specifically exploring the role of feeling that helping other people, purpose, positive relations to others, civic engagement in resilience, drawing equality, and making the world a better feelings of mastery, and personal from related areas of research, we can place are important (Hayhurst, 2017). growth– all of which are related to well- expect that civic engagement may Civic commitment describes intending to being outcomes (Duke, Skay, Pettingell, contribute to resilience for several contribute in the future, such as voting in & Borowsky, 2009; Flanagan et al., reasons. For example, belonging and the next election or volunteering to help 2007; Keyes, 2012; Putnam, 2001; social support both predict resilience people (see Sherrod et al., 2010). Wilson, 2012). In this paper we look at (Hayhurst et al., 2015) and civic Community belonging is considered a more direct evidence that civic engagement (Duke et al., 2009; Youniss “seedbed for the development of active engagement can predict well-being, et al., 1998). Likewise, positive citizenry,” as it predicts civic intentions, controlling for factors that often predict emotions, such as kindness, joy and love, helping, and involvement in groups both, such as socio-economic status both motivate generosity towards others (Duke et al., 2009, p. 167). Social trust is (SES). Moreover, we explore the high (Hayhurst, 2010), and predict resilience vital to democracy, and means that end of well-being – flourishing, and how (Fredrickson, 1998). people have “a positive view of it relates to civic engagement. Of particular relevance to the present humanity… the belief that most people Civic engagement & flourishing study, Frederickson and colleagues did are fair, helpful and trustworthy,” Flourishing describes people living an in-depth study of a small group of (Flanagan, 2003, p. 165). Finally, within the optimal range of human people following the 9/11 terror attacks although there is a dearth of research functioning (Fredrickson, 2006). in the United States (Fredrickson, linking interpersonal generosity to civic Individuals who are flourishing “like Tugade, Waugh, & Larkin, 2003). They engagement, it does describe many of the most parts of themselves, have warm and found that following the attack, positive acts of contribution and helping shown trusting relationships, see themselves as emotions such as gratitude, interest, and by people following the terror attacks, developing into better people, have love, protected resilient people from and is therefore included as a potential direction in life, are able to shape their depression and promoted positive mental predictor of well-being and resilience. environments to satisfy their need, and health. Civic engagement & well-being have a degree of self-determination,” Amidst the grief and anger following Beyond the importance of civic (Keyes, 2002, p. 208). the Christchurch terror attacks, talking engagement to democracy, healthy While there are many predictors of about the benefits of civic engagement communities, and addressing social and flourishing, including positive emotions may seem incongruous or inappropriate. environmental challenges, it is also and strong support networks, However, it is when individuals and linked to individual well-being. The contribution and civic engagement are communities are tested that we learn research on why this is remains unclear especially relevant to the present context. about human strength – how it is for several reasons. First, as mentioned, Keyes (2006) has found that while youth nourished and how it is undermined (Ryff there are many definitions of civic who are languishing (with poor mental & Singer, 2003). People in Aotearoa New engagement, making it hard to compare health) help people a couple times a Zealand report feeling grateful and findings across groups, studies, and month, youth who are flourishing help interested in the country’s unfolding disciplines. Second, as there are diverse others at least once a week. Further, political, social and spiritual response. forms of civic expression and eudaimonia (i.e. striving toward But are civic responses to tragedy participation, it is likely that not all civic excellence based on one’s unique tokenistic or fleeting? We argue they are engagement is beneficial to well-being. potential; see Ryff & Singer, 2008) is not. Instead, we argue that civic People’s motivations for engagement, the enhanced when people work to create engagement is an active ingredient in sense of belonging to the group they are positive change and their behaviours are promoting well-being and coping working with, positive emotions, as well congruent with their values (Waterman, following adversity. as the success of the civic acts, may all 1993), strengths (Seligman, 2002), and The present paper explores this impact the personal outcomes for people prosocial selves (Steger, Kashdan, & possibility with a group of young people who are contributing (Stukas, Hoye, Oishi, 2008). A large research who completed one civic engagement Nicholson, Brown & Aisbett, 2016; programme run by Lerner and colleagues and well-being questionnaire at the start Youniss, McLellan & Yates, 1997). has shown that positive youth of a tertiary class or a youth event. We Third, predictors of civic engagement are development is both a predictor and an predict that not only will levels of civic

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engagement distinguish those who are the present study, majority/minority was Civic values. Civic values were flourishing from those who are doing just the most appropriate group distinction. measured using a nine-item shortened ok or languishing, but also that civic One hundred and eleven participants version of Zaff and colleagues’ (2010) engagement will predict well-being and were taking part in a youth event that civic duty scale, part of the Active resilience. We hope to show that civic focused on supporting young people to Engaged Citizenship (AEC) measure. engagement is salutary and important make positive change in their The scale asks participants to responds to following tragedies such as the communities. They completed the questions such as, “I believe I can make Christchurch terror attack, not just to questionnaires on the first day of their a difference in my community,” on a 1 show support and love for survivors and event. Four hundred and nineteen (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree) their community, but also as an effective participants were tertiary students Likert scale. The present findings coping mechanism and to promote well- (psychology, physical education, or supported the scale’s reliability, being and heal a nation. surveying), who completed the Cronbach’s α = .87. Thus, we have three main research questionnaire on the first day of class. Civic intentions questions: Only a portion of the participants (n = Civic intentions were measured using 1. Do people who are flourishing have 147) completed the resilience scale three items taken from the CIRCLE stronger civic engagement? alongside the well-being scales. They (Centre for Information and Research on 2. Can civic engagement predict well- were psychology students who Civic Learning and Engagement) being? completed the questionnaire for course expectations for engagement in 3. Can civic engagement predict credit. community issues scales (Flanagan et al., resilience? 2007). The scale included questions such Measures as, “(w)hen you think of the next few

METHOD Well-being years, how likely are you to do volunteer Well-being was measured using work to help needy people?” Answers Participants and Procedure Keyes’ (2009) 14-item Mental Health were scored on a 1 (not at all likely) to 5 Participants were 530 young people Continuum Short Form (MHC-SF, see (extremely likely) Likert scale. The (192 males, range: 16-32 years, M= 20.9 also Keyes, 2006). This scale is designed present findings supported the scale’s years, SD = 2.76) taking part in a youth to measure three facets of well-being: reliability, Cronbach’s α = .79. event or a tertiary class (psychology, emotional (e.g., “How often do you feel Civic participation physical education, or surveying). The happy?”), social (e.g., “How often do you For the purpose of the present present participants are a convenience feel that you had something important to study, civic participation was measured sample selected from a larger parent contribute to society?”), and using three items drawn from CIRCLE’s study on civic engagement in Aotearoa psychological (e.g., “How often do you civic behaviour scale (Flanagan et al., because they had completed a wide range feel that you liked most parts of your 2007). The items are relevant to the of well-being and civic engagement personality?”). Participants responded to present exploration of the types of measures. items on a 1 (never) to 6 (every day) behaviours New Zealanders have been Three hundred and sixty-seven Likert scale. The present findings doing following the terror attacks. identified as New Zealand supported the scale’s reliability, Participants responded to the question, European/Pākeha and 151 as Māori, Cronbach’s α = .87. “during the last 12 months, how many Pasifika, Asian, or another ethnic group. Resilience was measured using a 15- times have you: 1) helped make your city For the purpose of the present analysis, item (shortened) version of Wagnild and or town a better place for people to live? people who identified as Pākehā/ New Young’s (1993), modified by Neill and 2) helped a neighbour? and, 3) Zealand European were categorised as Dias (2001) to measure levels of volunteered your time (at a hospital, day the majority group, and people who resilience in young people. Participants care centre, food bank, youth program, identified as Māori, Pasifika, Asian, responded to items such as, “(w)hen I community service agency)?” on a 0 ‘Other’, or with more than one ethnic make plans I follow through with them,” (never) to 4 (5 or more times) Likert group were categorised as a minority on a 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly scale. ethnic group. The present method of agree) Likert scale. The present findings Community belonging categorisation is far from perfect as supported the scale’s reliability, Participants’ sense of community Aotearoa New Zealand is a bicultural Cronbach’s α = .91. belonging was measured using a slightly nation that recognises Māori as the Mother’s education modified version of Sheldon and tangata whenua (first people, people of Level of mother’s education was Bettencourt’s (2002) three-item group the land). Also, there are likely measured as a proxy for socio-economic inclusion scale. The participant considerable differences in cultural status (SES). Asking for mother’s responded to three statements such as, “I conceptualisations and relationships to education is standard practice in research feel included in my community”, on a 1 civic engagement between different with young people, as they are much (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree) minority ethnic groups (Jagers et al., more likely to respond, and respond Likert scale. The present findings 2017; Raihania & Walker, 2007). accurately, than when asked about supported the scale’s reliability, However, substantial civic engagement parental income (Entwisle & Astone, Cronbach’s α = .89. research has highlighted different levels 1994). Furthermore, many participants Social trust of participation between majority and were tertiary students, meaning that their Social trust was measured using two minority ethnic groups (Foster-Bey, current income may not reflect their items from the CIRCLE civic measures 2008), and because of the sample size of background or living conditions as well paper (Flanagan et al., 2007). Participants as level of mother’s education. responded to items such as, “(in) general,

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most people can be trusted,” on a 1 Interpersonal generosity (hereafter down and give them the time and help (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree) referred to as generosity) was measured they need”, on a 1 (strongly disagree) to Likert scale. The present findings using Smith and Hill’s (2009) generosity 5 (strongly agree) Likert scale. The supported the scale’s reliability, scale. Participants responded to items present findings supported the scale’s Cronbach’s α =.83. such as, “(w)hen one of my loved ones reliability, Cronbach’s α =.83. Interpersonal generosity needs my attention, I really try to slow

RESULTS (see Table 1). Well-being was positively community belonging, social trust, correlated to all civic engagement interpersonal generosity, or helping to Correlations measures collected in this study. Well- make the city a better place, helping a In order to assess the relationships being was also positively correlated to neighbour, and volunteering in the past between well-being, resilience and civic age and SES (measured by level of year. Resilience was not correlated to engagement, we performed a series of mother’s education). Resilience was SES. Pearson product-moment correlations positively correlated to age, as well as civic values, civic intentions, sense of

Table 1. Correlations between Demographic, Well-being, Resilience, and Civic Engagement Variables

Age 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

1. SES .11* 2. Well-being .15** .16** 3. Resilience .24** .11 .71*** 4. Values .14** .16** .36*** .23** 5. Intent .14** .13** .36*** .31*** .59*** 6. Belong .00 .09 .37*** .30*** .20*** .18*** 7. Trust .12* .01 .39*** .27** .25*** .11* .14** 8. Generosity .09 .07 .36*** .27** .51*** .40*** .16** .11* 9. City Better .10* .10* .30*** .15* .33*** .44*** .21*** .15** .18*** 10. Neighbour -.04 .01 .23*** .23** .14** .10* .16** .04 .17*** .28*** 11. Volunteer .08 .10* .28*** .10* .35*** .45*** .17** .15** .25*** .50*** .23*** Note. *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001. SES = levels of mother’s education; WB = well-being; Values = civic values; Intent = civic intentions; Belong = community belonging; Trust = social trust; City/City Better = helped make the city a better place in past year; Neighbour = helped a neighbour in past year; Volunteer = volunteered in past year.

Comparing Groups Engagement & Flourishing significantly different. Flourishers had We performed a series of t-tests in Based on Keyes’ (2002) significantly higher resilience, civic order to explore whether there were recommendations, we split the values, civic intentions, community differences between young men and participants into three groups as a belonging, social trust, generosity, and young women, and people who identified function of their scores on the well-being been more likely to have helped to make with the majority or a minority ethnic scale: Languishers, moderates and their city a better place, helped a group, and well-being and resilience. flourishers. There were only five neighbour, and volunteered in the past There were no differences between participants who fit the languishing year. Flourishers also had significantly young men (M = 62.69, SD = 9.42) and profile, who were excluded from the higher SES (measured by levels of young women (M = 63.71, SD = 9.00) in following analysis due to small numbers. mother’s education) compared to terms of well-being, t(441) = 1.14, p = We were left with two groups: those who moderates. Flourishing was not related to .26. Young men scored significantly Keyes and colleagues define as people age. higher (M = 84.00, SD = 9.20) than young who were doing moderately well at life Civic Engagement & Well-being women (M = 79.66, SD = 13.34) on (neither languishing nor flourishing, n = In order to assess whether civic resilience, t(145) = 2.00, p < .05. 180) and those who were flourishing (n = engagement could predict well-being, There were no differences between 244). We performed a series of t-tests in controlling for common predictors of people who identified with a minority order to compared moderates and well-being such as age and SES, we ethnic group (M = 63.06, SD = 9.14) and flourishers in terms of civic engagement performed a hierarchical regression. people who identified with the majority (see Table 2). Mother’s education (SES) and age were ethnic group (M = 63.42, SD = 9.18) in As shown in Table 2, there were entered in the first step, and civic terms of well-being, t(440) = 0.39, p = significant differences between engagement variables were entered in the .70. There were no differences between moderates and flourishers on every civic second (civic values, civic intentions, people who identified with a minority engagement measure included in this community belonging, social trust, ethnic group (M = 78.18, SD = 12.39) and study, as well as resilience. Even after generosity, making the city better, people who identified with the majority controlling for multiple comparisons helping a neighbour, and volunteering). ethnic group (M = 82.00, SD = 12.21) in using the Holms Bonferroni correct terms of resilience, t(145) = 1.66, p = .10. factor, every comparison was

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Table 2. t-Test Results Comparing Differences between Flourishers and Moderates

Moderate Mean/SD Flourish Mean/SD t df Age 20.68 2.70 21.03 3.14 1.18 422 SES 2.97 1.25 3.34 1.19 3.12** 414 Resilience 74.36 10.44 88.03 9.33 8.12*** 136 Values 36.32 4.91 39.32 4.28 6.23*** 363 Intent 12.80 4.24 15.23 4.39 5.27*** 406 Belong 14.87 3.00 16.35 2.66 5.36*** 421 Trust 6.15 1.86 7.32 1.57 6.53*** 379 Generosity 39.19 5.00 40.95 4.91 3.61*** 417 City 2.05 1.51 2.85 1.67 5.02*** 408 Neighbour 2.46 1.55 2.82 1.51 2.44*** 410 Volunteer 2.10 1.89 2.88 1.92 4.09*** 411 Note. **p < .01, ***p < .001. SES = levels of mother’s education; Values = civic values; Intent = civic intentions; Belong = community belonging; Trust = social trust; City = helped make the city a better place in past year; Neighbour = helped a neighbour in past year; Volunteer = volunteered in past year.

Table 3. Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Variables Contributing to Well-being

Variable B SE B β t R R2 ΔR2 F Change Step 1 .21 .04 .04 8.72*** Age .45 .17 .14 2.66 SES 1.08 .37 .15 2.90 Step 2 .63 .39 .35 26.34*** Age .22 .14 .07 1.59 SES .68 .31 .09 2.21* Values -.02 .11 -.01 -.21 Intent .52 .19 .15 2.68** Belonging .73 .13 .23 5.41*** Trust 1.47 .21 .30 6.91*** Generosity .35 .09 .19 4.00*** City better .34 .29 .06 1.21 Neighbour .73 .26 .12 2.79** Volunteer .05 .24 .01 .20 Note. *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001. SES = levels of mother’s education; Values = civic values; Intent = civic intentions; Belonging = community belonging; Trust = social trust; City Better = helped make the city a better place in past year; Neighbour = helped a neighbour in past year; Volunteer = volunteered in past year.

Table 4. Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Variables Contributing Resilience

Variable B SE B β t R R2 ΔR2 F Change Step 1 .72 .52 .52 72.94*** Age .63 .27 .14 2.34* Well-being .92 .08 .68 11.36*** Step 2 .75 .57 .05 1.95 Age .68 .37 .15 2.58* Well-being .88 .10 .65 8.86*** Values -.26 .20 -.10 -1.28 Intent .89 .37 .19 2.40* Belonging .28 .27 .07 1.05 Trust .13 .43 .02 .30 Generosity .04 .17 .02 .26 City better -.62 .55 -.08 -1.13 Neighbour 1.05 .51 .13 2.07* Volunteer -1.11 .46 -.17 -.24* Note. *p < .05, ***p < .001. Values = civic values; Intent = civic intentions; Belonging = community belonging; Trust = social trust; City better = helped make the city a better place in past year; Neighbour = helped a neighbour in past year; Volunteer = volunteered in past year.

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Table 3 shows the unstandardised trust, β = +.30, p < .001, civic intentions, being accounted for 51.6% (adjusted R2 = regression coefficients (B) and intercept, β = +.15, p < .01, and helping a .51) of the variation in resilience. the standardised regression coefficients neighbour, β = +.12, p < .01. Inspection of the beta weights revealed (β), the R, R2, R2 change and F change at In contrast, age, β = +.07, p = .11, civic significantly positive effects for age, β = Step 1 (age and SES entered into the values, β = -.01, p = .83, making the city .14, p < .05 and well-being, β = .68, p < prediction equation) and Step 2 (with better, β = +.06, p = .06, and .001. civic engagement variables entered into volunteering, β = +.01, p = .20, did not The overall model at Step 2 was the prediction equation) of the make unique contributions to the model. significant, F (10,129) = 16.96, p < .001. hierarchical regression. The regression Civic Engagement & Resilience Together, age, well-being, civic values, revealed that the overall model at Step 1 In order to assess whether civic civic intentions, community belonging, was significant, F(2,377) = 8.72, p < engagement could predict resilience, social trust, generosity, making the city .001. Together, age and SES accounted controlling for age and well-being, we better, helping neighbours, and for 4.4% (adjusted R2 = .04) of the used hierarchical regression. Age and volunteering, accounted for 56.8% variation in well-being. Inspection of the well-being were entered at the first step, (adjusted R2 = .53) of the variation in beta weights revealed significantly and civic engagement variables that were resilience. Civic engagement explained positive effects for age, β = .14, p < .01 correlated to resilience (civic values, an additional 5.2% of the variance in and SES, β = .15, p < .01. civic intentions, community belonging, resilience, after controlling for age and The overall model at Step 2 was social trust, generosity, making the city well-being, R2 change = .35, F change (8, significant, F(10,369) = 23.75, p < .001. better, helping a neighbour, and 129) = 1.95, p =.05. Together, age, SES, civic values, civic volunteering) were entered at the second In the final model, inspection of the intentions, community belonging, social step. beta weights revealed significantly trust, generosity, making the city better, Table 4 shows the unstandardised positive effects for age, β = +.15, p < .05, helping neighbours and volunteering, regression coefficients (B) and intercept, well-being, β = +.65, p < .001, civic accounted for 39.2% (adjusted R2 = .38) the standardised regression coefficients intentions, β = +.19, p < .05, helping of the variation in well-being. Civic (β), the R, R2, R2 change and F change at neighbours, β = +.13, p < .05, and engagement explained an additional Step 1 (age and well-being entered into volunteering, β = -.17, p < .05. In 34.7% of the variance in well-being, after the prediction equation) and Step 2 (with contrast, civic values, β = -.10, p = .21, controlling for age and SES, R2 change = civic engagement variables entered into community belonging, β = +.07, p = .30, .35, F change (8, 369) = 26.34, p < .001. the prediction equation) of the social trust, β = +.02, p =.77, generosity, In the final model, inspection of the hierarchical regression. β = +.02, p = .80, and making the city beta weights revealed significantly The regression revealed that the overall better, β = -.08, p = .26, did not make positive effects for SES, β = +.09, p < .05, model at Step 1 was significant, F (2,137) unique contributions to resilience. community belonging, β = +.23, p < .001, = 72.94, p < .001. Together, age and well- generosity, β = +.19, p < .001, social

DISCUSSION volunteering or helping others in the One strength of the present study is When the Al Noor Mosque , future), sense of community belonging, that we used measures that explored both Gamal Fouda, spoke to a crowd of social trust, generosity, and helping a past civic acts (e.g., helping to make the thousands at Hagley Park in Christchurch neighbour in the past year, made unique city a better place, helping a neighbour, on March 22nd, he said: and significant positive contributions to or volunteering in the past year) as well “Last Friday I stood in this mosque and well-being. Second, we showed that as future civic intentions (e.g., planning saw hatred and rage in the eyes of the civic engagement predicted resilience, to volunteer in the future). Both past terrorist who killed 50 people, after controlling for age and well-being. engagement and future commitment wounded 48 and broke the hearts of In particular, civic intentions, helping a predicted well-being and resilience. millions around the world. Today, neighbour and volunteering in the past Civic intentions are linked to people’s from the same place I look out and I see year uniquely and positively contributed civic identity – their values and beliefs the love and compassion in the eyes of to resilience. Third, we showed that about themselves as citizens. While thousands of fellow New Zealanders people who were flourishing had people may not have been able to and human beings from across the significantly higher levels of civic contribute in the past year for any number globe who fill the hearts of millions.” engagement – across every variable we of reasons, simply wanting to help can

As Gamal Fouda (2009) described, measured – compared to people who make a difference to people’s well-being people across New Zealand and were just doing ok. Taken together these and resilience. worldwide have responded with love and findings suggest that it is likely that the There are several reasons why civic compassion to the survivors and those tens of thousands of people who engagement may contribute to well-being affected by the attacks. We argue that contributed to help the survivors and and resilience. We know that civic these high levels of civic engagement families of victims following the engagement can nurture feelings of will not just help those in need, but also Christchurch terror attacks will effectiveness, an important part of well- help those who are contributing. We experience improved well-being and being (Ryan & Deci, 2000) and resilience provided evidence for this argument in resilience, especially if they helped a (Hayhurst et al., 2015). This may be three ways. First, we showed that civic neighbour, volunteered, showed especially crucial to deal with feelings of engagement predicted well-being, while generosity, social trust, or a sense of hopelessness in the face of senseless controlling for age and SES. In particular, community belonging. tragedies such as the Christchurch terror civic intentions (planning on attack. Further, civic engagement

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encourages a sense of belonging (Duke et we can heal as a community and a nation, Conclusions al., 2009), which is another key aspect of and the likely outcomes people will The present study explored the benefits well-being and positive intergroup experience when they show love and of civic engagement to an individual’s behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000; Hunter et support for the survivors and their well-being and resilience. Results al., 2017). In the present study, community. It is also important to note showed that something as simple as community belonging was a unique that the present study found that past helping a neighbour can buffer people predictor of well-being. Finally, civic civic behaviours contributed to well- from adversity and promote well-being. engagement is one way of showing a being and resilience – meaning that While all civic engagement measures positive social identity (Sherrod et al., helping a neighbour now can buffer were positively correlated to well-being, 2010; Hayhurst, 2017). A compelling and people from challenges in the future. and people who were flourishing showed growing literature explores the many A second limitation is that although we significantly higher levels of civic health and well-being benefits of social had an adequate sample size who engagement, our results suggest that identity (see Haslam, Jetten & Haslam, completed civic engagement and well- specific acts made unique contributions 2012) including resilience (Scarf at al., being measures, only 147 people also to well-being. In particular, civic 2016). Future research should explore the completed the resilience scale. Therefore, intentions (planning to volunteer and potential influence of community while resilience and well-being were help the community in the future), belonging and social identity on civic strongly correlated, we were unable to community belonging, social trust, engagement in terms of well-being show whether resilience predicted well- generosity, and helping a neighbour were outcomes. being. Further, participants only especially important to well-being. Limitations & Future Research completed the questionnaire at one time Likewise, civic intentions, helping a Despite the strengths of the study, point. While hierarchical regressions can neighbour, and volunteering in the past there are several limitations. First, we do show whether a variable can predict year were especially important to not have data from the people who are another variable, a longitudinal design people’s resilience. Future research presently contributing to their would provide more convincing should explore people’s levels of civic communities and supporting survivors evidence. engagement and well-being in response following the terror attack. Instead, the Therefore, future research exploring to terror attacks specifically, use a present participants are a convenience the links between levels of civic longitudinal design, and explore the roles sample of young people that had engagement, well-being and resilience of that community belonging and social completed questionnaires that included people following terrorist attacks is identity play in civic engagement behaviours such as those shown by New clearly warranted, and a longitudinal outcomes. Zealanders following the terror attacks design is recommended. In times of challenge and tragedy it can (e.g., helping neighbours, volunteering). Pursuing salutary well-being and be easy to consider our own well-being as There will likely be several differences resilience outcomes begs the questions of unimportant or trivial, especially between the people in the present study how to cultivate civic engagement compared to those who directly suffered and the people who are contributing as following crises. There is mixed evidence from the terror attack. However, in order this paper is written. The most important concerning the psychological benefits of to effectively support other New difference is that following the terror civic engagement programmes, such as Zealanders, make the appropriate attacks people may have lower levels of community service through schools, or changes to our communities, policy, and well-being, or higher levels of mental requests for donations following natural government, and make Aotearoa safer for health issues. Research suggests that disasters (Hayhurst, 2010). As mentioned everyone, we need to be well and we need most people recover fully following in the introduction, motivation may play to be resilient. We argue, based on the terror attacks, however some may an important role as to why some literature and the results from the present experience persistent mental health programmes are successful while others study, that contributing to society and issues such as anxiety, depression, PTSD, are not (Stukas et al., 2016). Other supporting our own well-being are two health issues, and behavioural changes important features of successful civic sides of the same coin – by being engaged (Braun-Lewensohn et al., 2009; engagement programmes are a sense of and contributing we bolster our well- DiMaggio & Galea, 2006). Importantly, belonging, social identity, and positive being and become more resilient. In this paper is not intended for people in emotions (Fredrickson et al., 2003; short, in so much that people who are crisis, or the survivors or families of Hayhurst, 2017; Scarf et al., 2016), flourishing are also highly engaged, it victims of the Christchurch terror attack. although further research is needed. appears that we are designed to be good Instead this paper describes one way that to each other and care for our communities.

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Terrorism anxiety and attitudes towards Muslims

Terrorism Anxiety and Attitudes toward Muslims Diala Hawi1, Danny Osborne2, Joseph Bulbulia2, & Chris G. Sibley2 1 Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Qatar, 2 University of Auckland, New Zealand

Many communities in New Zealand were left shaken following the terrorist attack against two Muslim mosques in Christchurch on March 15, 2019. However, historical records and expert assessments warned of a far-right anti-Muslim act of violence for some time. Our study examined people’s reported anxiety about the possibility of a terrorist attack in New Zealand using data from the 2017/2018 New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (N = 17,072). Although anxiety regarding a potential terrorist attack was low, warmth toward Muslims correlated negatively with terrorism anxiety. Numerous other socio-demographic and attitudinal variables (e.g., age, gender, political orientation, nationalism, and aspects of personality) also correlated with terrorism anxiety. Collectively, our results reveal a relatively strong association between terrorism anxiety and attitudes toward Muslims. It remains an open question as to whether this association will endure over time, despite growing evidence of terrorism stemming from the far-right.

Keywords: terrorism, terrorism anxiety, Muslim attitudes, Christchurch, New Zealand

Introduction supremacy and violence, particularly attack occurring in their country prior to On March 15, 2019, a sole gunman against minority religious and ethnic the terrorism incident in Christchurch? with professed connections to white groups (e.g., Blazak, 2001; Freilich, According to most media reports, New nationalism and supremacy attacked two Chermak, & Caspi, 2009). While Freilich Zealanders were not deeply concerned mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand et al. (2009) acknowledge the threat of about mass shootings or terror attacks (Coaston, 2019; Koziol, 2019). The international terrorist groups such as Al happening in the country (Campbell, terrorist attack (George, Berlinger, Qaeda, their work also draws attention to 2019).1 Indeed, given that New Zealand Whiteman, Kaur, Westcott, & Wagner, the danger and threat that homegrown far- was ranked as the second safest country 2019), which killed 50 Muslims and right groups pose (see also Bonilla‐Silva, in the world and the 114th impacted by injured 50 more, left the city of 2007). In a survey of 37 states in the terrorism (Institute for Economics and Christchurch—and the rest of the United States (US), far-right groups like Peace, 2018), such a sense of security was world—in a state of shock (Savage, Neo-Nazis, skinheads, and militias each understandable. Moreover, the last mass 2019). However, within days of the outnumbered Islamic Jihadist extremists killing in New Zealand occurred 22 years incident, news articles and opinion pieces (Freilich, Chermak, & Simone, 2009). In ago (Leask, 2017). Therefore, we would emerged that described the growing fact, the number of violent attacks or expect that only a small percentage of presence of white supremacy in threats from the far-right in the US had non-Muslim New Zealanders would be Christchurch as early as the 1970s (Ainge increased between 2007 and 2012 (i.e., worried about terrorism occurring in New Roy & McGowan, 2019; Wright, 2019). the time of publication), while Muslim- Zealand. Moreover, this was not the first time the American terrorism declined Second, the present study aims to Muslim community in New Zealand had precipitously over a similar timespan (i.e., identify the group(s) that New Zealanders been attacked over the years (Kabir, between 2001 and 2012; Perliger, 2012). associate with terrorism, and specifically 2016; Shaver, Troughton, Sibley, & Relatedly, fatalities from far-right groups whether attitudes toward Muslims Bulbulia., 2016). Nevertheless, have outnumbered those from Muslim predicts anxiety about terrorist attacks. immediately after this latest attack, extremist groups between 2001 (right Although the March 15 Mosque attacks academics and experts highlighted the after the 9/11 attacks) and 2012 were carried out by a white male who spread of white supremacist and (Kurzman, 2013). Finally, according to publicly expressed support for white nationalist groups that were left FBI reports, more suspected far-right supremacy, and historical records suggest uninvestigated and under the radar while domestic terrorists have been arrested that there is a growing threat of far-right “New Zealand’s security agencies than those “inspired by international terrorism led by whites (at the global investigated and infiltrated the Muslim terror groups” (Barrett, 2019), and most level; Perliger, 2012; Wright, 2019), it is community, animal rights groups and far-right extremist suspects have been unclear whether New Zealanders could environmental organisations” (Ainge Roy White men (Gruenewald, 2011). have imagined a white terrorist in their & McGowan, 2019). The purpose of this study is to address midst.2 Despite the growing evidence to Outside of New Zealand, research has two questions: First, to what extent did the contrary, past research on media and also found connections between white New Zealanders worry about a terrorist prejudice would suggest that most people

1 However, this may not be the case for against further attacks repeatedly over the years al., 2016), the possibility of a white terrorist is Muslims, who have suffered a number of attacks (Ainge Roy & McGowan, 2019). objectively more plausible. But this is not to say against their community and mosques for over 2 Given that most group-based violence in New that the public’s perceptions reflect this two decades (Kabir, 2016) and have warned Zealand has been targeted against (rather than likelihood. perpetrated by) Muslims (Kabir, 2016, Shaver et

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Terrorism anxiety and attitudes towards Muslims would picture a terrorist with a Muslim one study, individuals who viewed relevant measures for the analysis. The (rather than a New Zealand European) Muslims more negatively, particularly mean age of the sample was 51.27 (SD = background (Kabir, 2006; Pedersen, when it came to “warmth” stereotypes 13.73), where 63.4% of the sample were Watt, & Griffiths, 2007; Shaver, Sibley, (e.g., violence and trustworthiness), were women (36.6% were men), 81.6% Osborne, & Bulbulia, 2017). more likely to support the “War on identified as primarily New Zealand Although far-right white supremacist Terror” (Sides & Gross, 2013). Similarly, European, 11.6% identified as primarily violence (i.e., terrorism) is on the rise, the German participants implicitly perceived Māori, 2.7% identified as primarily public and state-level reaction has Muslims to be more aggressive and Pacific Islander, and 4.1% identified as seemingly failed to take notice (Bouie, supportive of terrorism than Christians primarily Asian. In addition, 63.9% of the 2019). Unfortunately, media coverage has (Fischer, Greitemeyer, & Kastenmüller, sample did not identify with any religion similarly downplayed the threat of 2007). Another study that examined data or spiritual group, 31.5% identified as terrorism from far-right white nationalists from five major Western countries Christian, while the rest identified with (Aly, 2007). One study found that similarly found that participants other religious or spiritual groups, “attacks by Muslims received perceived Muslims as violent and including 0.2% who identified as Muslim. significantly more coverage than attacks supportive of terrorist groups (Ciftci, by non-Muslims” (Kearns, Betus, & 2012; Shaver et al., 2017). Materials Lemieux, 2019, p.10). Another study on Based on the recent reports and Feeling Thermometer New Zealand mainstream newspapers evidence on New Zealand, we predicted To measure our focal predictor, found that hard news tended to portray that only a small portion of New Zealand participants were asked to indicate how Muslims as “dangerous others” (Kabir & participants would be highly worried over warm they felt toward a number of groups Bourk, 2012). Indeed, the media – in its a terrorist attack occurring in their using a “feeling/affective thermometer” various types – has perpetuated, if not country in 2017/2018 (when our data was for each group. The groups included here created, a stereotypical link between collected). Despite the hypothesized low were Muslims, Indians, Chinese, Arabs and/or Muslims and terrorism levels of concern over a terrorist attack Immigrants (in general), Refugees, (Karim, 2003; Saleem & Anderson, 2013; though, lower warmth toward Muslims Pacific Islanders, Asians, Māori, and New Shaheen, 2009). Moreover, previous should still predict terrorism anxiety Zealand Europeans. Responses were research from the New Zealand Attitudes among our sample. Finally, to rated on a scale ranging from 1 (“feel and Values Study has found a link demonstrate the robustness of our results, LEAST WARM toward this group”) to 7 between media exposure and anti-Muslim we also include a number of demographic (“feel MOST WARM toward this attitudes in New Zealand (Shaver et al., and attitudinal covariates. group”). 2017). Covariates

To what extent, then, do attitudes METHOD To better identify the specific role of toward Muslims predict fear of terrorist Sampling Procedure warmth toward Muslims in predicting attacks in New Zealand? According to Data for this study came from Time 9 Terrorism anxiety, our statistical model various studies across the world, the (2017) of the New Zealand Attitudes and adjusted for demographic variables such perception of an association between Values Study (NZAVS) – a multi-year as age, gender (0=female, 1=male), terrorism and Muslim or Middle Eastern study based on a national probability household income, and ethnicity (Maori, groups is quite robust (Park, Felix, & Lee, sample of New Zealand adults. Sample Pacific Islander, and Asian, relative to NZ 2007; Saleem & Anderson, 2013) and recruitment is based on the New Zealand European), as well as whether they are intensified after the September 11, 2001 electoral roll, which represents all citizens religious, employed (0=unemployed, terrorist attacks on the US (Harmon- and permanent residents over 18 years of 1=employed), born in New Zealand, have Jones, Greenberg, Solomon, & Simon, age who are eligible to vote. The Time 9 children, are in a romantic relationship, 1996; Hitlan, Carillo, Zárate, & Aikman, sample contained responses from 17,072 and live in a rural or urban area (0=rural, 2007; Hutchison & Rosenthal, 2011). participants. Participants were mailed a 1=urban). Deprivation was measured Numerous studies have also copy of the questionnaire, with a using the 2013 New Zealand Deprivation demonstrated a strong relationship reminder posted to non-respondents after Index, which uses census information to between anxiety and intergroup attitudes two months. Participants who provided an assign a decile-rank index from 1 (least (e.g., Hutchison & Rosenthal, 2011; email address were also emailed and deprived) to 10 (most deprived) to each Stephan & Stephan, 1985). For instance, offered the option to complete an online meshblock unit (Atkinson, Salmond, & one study found that Australian media version of the survey. All respondents Crampton, 2014). Socioeconomic status fostered associations between “Muslims were posted a Season’s Greetings card (SES) was measured using the New with the threat of terrorism” (Ally, 2007). from the NZAVS research team and were Zealand socio-economic index, with a An experimental study showed similar offered a prize draw for a grocery voucher score ranging from 10 to 90, where 90 effects, whereby participants who played in exchange for their participation (see indicates high socio-economic status video games with a terrorist theme later Sibley, 2018, for details). Full details for (Milne, Byun, & Lee, 2013). Education reported higher anti-Arab attitudes than the NZAVS sampling procedure for this was coded into an eleven-level ordinal did those who played a nonviolent game, and other waves of the study are available variable (0 = no qualification, 10 = even when those games contained no at: www.nzavs.auckland.ac.nz. doctorate). Arab characters (Saleem & Anderson, To adjust for other variables that 2013). Participants might also explain terrorism anxiety, a Other research has also found a link Of the 17,072 participants included in number of attitudinal covariates were also between attitudes toward Muslims and a Time 9 of the NZAVS, 16,328 (i.e., included in the model, such as the Big-Six fear of terrorism (e.g., Kabir, 2007). In 95.6% of the full sample) completed the personality factors, measured through the

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Mini-IPIP6 (Sibley et al., 2011). Each Zealanders’ concern about a terrorist For instance, with the exception of trait is measured using 4 items rated from attack happening in their country. At the Conscientiousness, all personality factors 1 (very inaccurate) to 7 (very accurate) time the data for this paper was collected predicted terrorism anxiety. and averaged to give scale scores for (i.e., 2017), the average mean score for Honesty/Humility (b = -.174) and Extraversion (α = .76), Agreeableness (α terrorism anxiety was 2.64 (SD = 1.61; Neuroticism (b = .127) were the two =.72), Conscientiousness (α = .69), with mode and median = 2). Further strongest personality predictors of Neuroticism (α = .74), Openness to analysis confirms that this mean score is terrorism anxiety, revealing that those Experience (α = .71), and significantly lower than the midpoint of higher on honesty/humility and those Honesty/Humility (α = .77). Since the scale, t(16327) = -107.66, p < .001, lower on neuroticism worried about neuroticism can measure anxiety indicating that terrorism anxiety in New terrorist attacks less. tendencies (e.g., “Am relaxed most of the Zealand was relatively low. Indeed, Political orientation and national time”), we expected a relatively stronger 30.1% of participants “strongly identification also played a strong role in relationship between that trait and disagreed” with the statement and thus predicting terrorism anxiety. For instance, terrorism anxiety. reported no anxiety. Nevertheless, a the higher their nationalism and the more In addition, two separate political considerable percentage of participants conservative their political orientation, orientation items were included as expressed some concern over terrorist the higher their terrorism anxiety (b = relevant control variables for this study. attacks, as a total of 16.1% of the sample .133 and b = .105, respectively). Right- These were measured by asking agreed somewhat (9.7%), moderately wing political orientation predicted participants to “rate how politically (4.3%), or strongly (2.1%) that they terrorism to a lesser extent (b - .041), liberal versus conservative [they see worried about a terrorist attack happening whereas patriotism was not associated themselves] as being” (from 1 = in New Zealand. with terrorism anxiety. “Extremely conservative” to 7 = When it comes to other Terrorism Anxiety Predicted by “Extremely liberal”) and to “rate how demographic variables, higher anxiety Warmth toward Groups politically left-wing versus right-wing about terrorist attacks was predicted by A multiple regression analysis was [they see themselves] as being (from 1 = being female, being older, lower income, conducted, predicting terrorism anxiety “Extremely left-wing” to 7 = “Extremely lower socioeconomic status, being from feelings of warmth toward different right-wing”). Finally, two national religious, and living in an urban area. groups, as well as from various identity measures, Patriotism (r = .32) and There was no significant relationship demographic, personality, political, and Nationalism (r = .57), were also entered between neighbourhood deprivation national identity measures. Missing data into the model. Patriotism was assessed levels, employment, having children or a for the 34 predictor variables were using two items from Kosterman and partner, or being born in New Zealand. estimated using Rubin’s (1987) Feshbach (1989): “I feel great pride in the Finally, results showed that those who procedure for multiple imputation, by land that is our New Zealand” and identified as Māori, Pacific, and Asian generating 100 datasets (thinned using “Although at times I may not agree with expressed more anxiety about terrorist every 100th iteration). Table 2 displays the the government, my commitment to New attacks than did those who identified as results of this analysis. Zealand always remains strong.” New Zealand European. After adjusting for the effects of Nationalism was assessed using two various relevant demographic variables items from Kosterman and Feshbach and covariates, warmth toward Muslims (1989): “Generally, the more influence negatively correlated with terrorism New Zealand has on other nations, the anxiety. Relative to the other groups that better off they are” and “Foreign nations participants expressed feelings toward, have done some very fine things but they warmth toward Muslims had the strongest are still not as good as New Zealand.” (negative) association with terrorism Responses to these items ranged from 1 anxiety, b = -.111, SE = .016, p <.001. Put (“Strongly Disagree”) to 7 (“Strongly another way, the less warmth participants Agree”). felt toward Muslims, the more worried Terrorism Anxiety they were about a terrorist attack To measure anxiety about terrorism, happening in New Zealand. The effect participants were asked to rate a single size for this predictor was more than item, “I often worry about terrorist attacks double that of any other ethnic or happening in New Zealand”, on a scale religious group assessed (the second ranging from 1 (“Strongly Disagree”) to 7 strongest was warmth toward refugees, b (“Strongly Disagree”). This item was = -.050, SE =.016, p = .002). On the other developed specifically for use in the hand, warmth toward New Zealand NZAVS. Europeans did not significantly predict RESULTS terrorism anxiety (b = .007, SE = .012, p = .587). The Extent of Terrorism Anxiety Descriptive statistics and bivariate Terrorism Anxiety Predicted by correlations for terrorism anxiety and all Other Covariates predictors included in the regression Several other variables also played a model are presented in Table 1. The first significant role in predicting anxiety purpose of this paper is to estimate New about terrorist attacks in New Zealand.

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Table 1. Descriptive statistics and correlations for all variables

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Table 1 (continued). Descriptive statistics and correlations for all variables

Note. Correlations above .025 are significant at p < .001; correlations above .015 are significant at p < .05

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Table 2. Multiple regression with demographic predictors for the dependent variable of terrorism anxiety (N=16,328)

DISCUSSION in 2017. After identifying the mean level analyses showed that anxiety over a The purpose of this paper was two-fold. of concern within the population, we terrorist attack was relatively low and that First, we set out to examine how worried sought to investigate the factors only a small proportion of the sample was people in New Zealand were about a associated with terrorism anxiety in New worried about a potential terrorist attack terrorist attack occurring in New Zealand Zealand. Accordingly, descriptive in New Zealand in 2017/2018. Bearing in

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mind that only .2% of the sample Zealand Europeans are independent from religion and/or religious group expressed identified as Muslims (a population that their anxiety over terrorism. more worry about terrorist attacks. may have expressed some concern due to Analyses also show that terrorism Limitations past incidents of violence directed toward anxiety correlated with several other Although our study makes multiple them), such low levels of anxiety were predictors. As expected, socio-political contributions to the literature, it is seemingly well-justified, as New Zealand beliefs correlated with anxiety over a important to note that our analyses utilize was the second safest country in the world potential terrorist attack. Specifically, cross-sectional data and cannot speak to and ranked low on terrorism impact conservatism, nationalism, and (to a the causal direction of these relations. (Institute for Economics and Peace, lesser extent) right-wing orientation Indeed, anxiety about terrorism may 2018). The relative absence of concern positively predicted terrorism anxiety, either decrease warmth toward Muslim or helps to partly explain the shock over the even after adjusting for our key predictors refugee groups (Navarrete, Kurzban, terror attacks of March 15, 2019. and other covariates. This is consistent Fessler, & Kirkpatrick, 2004; Ward & However, it also demonstrates a potential with previous studies showing that Masgoret, 2006) or foster conservative disconnect between the information that perceived threat from terrorism correlates attitudes (Echebarria-Echabe & members of the community had versus with political ideology (left/right-wing or Fernandez-Guede, 2006; Jost, Glaser, the warnings that came from experts, liberal/conservative; Cohrs, Kielman, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003). As such, scholars, and members of the Muslim Maes, & Moschner, 2005; Crowson, future research will be needed to community who stated that this sort of Debacker, & Thoma, 2006; De Zavala, investigate the causal direction of the attack was “inevitable” (e.g., Ainge Roy Cislak, & Wesolowska, 2010) and associations identified here. & McGowan, 2019; Campbell, 2019; national identity (Sekerdej & Kossowska, Another limitation to the current study Shaver et al., 2017). 2011). is that it does not include other reference Next, and despite the non-Muslim Our results also demonstrated that groups in the feeling thermometer scale. public’s relatively low levels of concern personality predicted terrorism anxiety. Specifically, if “Muslim” is considered to about terrorism in New Zealand, we Specifically, honesty/humility (and to a be a religious identity, we did not ask nevertheless found that anxiety toward lesser extent, open-mindedness and participants to report their warmth toward terrorist attacks were strongly predicted extraversion) correlated negatively, other religious groups like Christians (i.e., by (the absence of) warmth toward whereas neuroticism (and to a lesser the religion endorsed by most far-right or Muslims. Indeed, compared to warmth extent, agreeableness) correlated white nationalist groups; see Fletcher, toward eight other groups including positively, with anxiety toward terrorism. 2017; McDaniel, Nooruddin, & Faith immigrants, refugees, Asians, and other The strong association between terrorism Shortle, 2011).3 Future research could major ethnic groups in New Zealand, anxiety and neuroticism was expected examine first whether Muslims are warmth toward Muslims was more than since this trait is typically considered to perceived as a religious or ethnic group, twice as strong of a predictor of terrorism be closely related to anxiety in a number and second, whether attitudes shift as a anxiety. This implies that the association of domains (Muris, Reolofs, Rassin, function of how the reference group is between Muslims and terrorists remains Franken, & Mayer, 2005; Twenge, 2000). perceived (e.g., Muslim vs. Muslim quite strong—even when the perceived The strong negative association between fundamentalists, White vs. White threat of terrorism is low. The next honesty/humility and terrorism anxiety supremacist, Christian vs. Christian strongest group to be associated with was less expected in this context, but nationalist). terrorism anxiety was refugees, whereas research reveals that honesty/humility Implications feelings toward immigrants did not seem correlates negatively with conservatism A news piece by Time, published the to be associated with this anxiety. It is and right-wing political orientation day after the March 15 attack, quotes a possible that participants distinguish (Chirumbolo & Leone, 2010). Moreover, bystander near the Al Noor Mosque as between immigrants and refugees, other work has found that humility in saying, “I thought it would be the other whereby the latter group is more likely general buffers anxiety over death way around, the Muslims attacking, that’s perceived to come from Middle (Kesebir, 2014). what everyone was waiting for” Eastern/Muslim countries (Pedersen, A number of other demographic (Campbell, 2019). Yet, the latest data on Watt and Hansen 2006). Indeed, the latest variables also predicted terrorism anxiety. violence stemming from extremist statistics show that over half the refugees For instance, women and older ideology would argue otherwise, whereby arriving in New Zealand between 2015- participants reported more anxiety than violence stemming from whites against 2017 came from predominantly Muslim did men and younger participants. Those minorities such as Muslims has been on countries (New Zealand Immigration, with lower income, lower education, and the rise, particularly in Western countries. 2019). A recent study in New Zealand has lower socio-economic status also worried Despite these statistics, a data-based also found that anti-Muslim sentiment is more about the possibility of a terrorist review by the Intercept found that, relatively higher than anti-immigrant attack. Living in an urban area also although approximately 268 right-wing sentiment (Shaver et al., 2016). Finally, it correlated with terrorism anxiety, perhaps extremists met the legal definition of is worth noting that feelings toward New because of the higher likelihood of terrorism, only 34 were treated under Zealand Europeans did not significantly terrorist attacks happening in more anti-terrorism laws by the U.S. Justice predict terrorism anxiety. This suggests densely populated areas (Beall, 2007). Department. Notably, this is a number far that respondents’ feelings toward New Finally, those who identified with a less than that of alleged international

3 However, if Muslims are perceived as an ethnic identity, then the comparison group would be “New Zealand Europeans”.

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terrorists (Aaronson, 2019). Even when participants do not associate New Muslims are seen to pose a terrorist threat examining responses from the FBI and Zealand Europeans with terrorism, which or support terrorism, they are more likely other counterterrorism groups, terror acts could partially be due to the fact that the to be discriminated against, both perpetrated by white supremacists are majority of participants identify as personally and institutionally (Doosje, treated as local incidents rather than part European and, thus, may be displaying a Zimmerman, Küpper, Zick, & Meertins, of a larger threat of violent extremism—a form of ingroup favoritism (Tajfel & 2009; Fischer et al, 2007). Ironically, this downplaying of terrorism that is also Turner, 1986). By itself, the fact that may provide the needed justification or reflected among the public (Ackerman, Europeans are not stereotyped as violent endorsement that white nationalist or Woodruff, & Banco, 2019). Accordingly, extremists should be viewed positively. supremacist groups need to plot violent while multiple scholars have critiqued the However, when juxtaposed with the attacks against Muslim communities, the media’s role in perpetuating the (unfounded) association between warmth very groups that are perceived as violent. perception of Muslim threat (e.g., Kearns toward Muslims and terrorism anxiety, it The bigger threat is when it leads to a et al., 2019; Saeed, 2007) including New becomes problematic. Therefore, our goal vicious cycle of animosity between Zealand (Shaver et al, 2017), other as researchers should not be to foster a Muslims (or Middle Easterners) and scholars note that systematic fear of all “Whites”, but rather, to find predominantly “Christian Whites” investigations into far-right criminal ways to reduce the fear of all “Muslims”. through a self-fulfilling prophecy that is activities remain neglected and It is also notable that those who scored marked by ongoing violence. Hope can be selectively biased (e.g., see Chermak, high on nationalism were more likely to found, though, within the Muslim Freilich, Parkin, & Lynch, 2012; Simi, worry about terrorist attacks, despite the community’s response of forgiveness and 2010). fact that the terrorist attacker of March 15, fraternity, despite the provocation and Therefore, unless the media actively 2019, was a white nationalist himself. insecurity threatening their existence. ends its selective coverage and unless This finding, however, does not imply Hope can also be found in the response of formal investigations begin to give other that all nationalists are violent, but rather, New Zealand as a whole. Starting with the extremist/violent groups their share of that some of those who subscribe to a media, the government, and New attention, terrorism anxiety may continue nationalist ideology may ignore or Zealanders at large, the horrific hate- to correlate negatively with warmth discount the violent and extreme filled attack that took the lives of 50 toward Muslims. Although the tendencies that can be entangled with this Muslims on March 15th has unified the associations identified here are relatively ideology (Srenshaw, 1988). community and foiled – at least for now – small, it is worth noting that they remain any long-term intentions to spread hate significant in a model of 34 predictors and Conclusion and violence in the country. Perhaps there covariates—a point that speaks to the Research has consistently shown that is a lesson to be learned here on how we strength of the (seemingly implicit) the association drawn between Islam and can escape the perceptions that cripple association between Islam and terrorism terrorism, whether by the media or other our communities. (Fischer et al., 2007; Park et al., 2007). figures, implies that Muslims continue to The current data also indicate that be perceived as a threat. Moreover, when

Acknowledgements: This research was supported by a grant from the Templeton Religion Trust (TRT0196). The funders have no role in NZAVS study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of scientific reports or manuscripts for publication using NZAVS data. Syntax for the analyses reported in this manuscript is available at: www.nzavs.auckland.ac.nz Correspondence regarding this manuscript can be directed to Diala Hawi, School of Psychology and Social Work, Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Al Tarfa Street, Zone 70, Doha, Qatar. Email: [email protected]

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https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/news/arti community's and the federal zealand-attitudes-and-values- cle.cfm?c_id=1&objectid=11788645. government's attitudes toward Australian study/nzavs-tech-docs.html McDaniel, E. L., Nooruddin, I., & Faith asylum seekers. Australian Journal of Sibley, C. G., Luyten, N., Purnomo, M., Shortle, A. (2011). Divine boundaries: Social Issues, 41, 105-124. Mobberley, A., Wootton, L. W., How religion shapes citizens’ attitudes Perliger, A. (2012). Challengers from the Hammond, M. D., ... & McLellan, L. toward immigrants. American Politics sidelines: Understanding America's (2011). The Mini-IPIP6: Validation and Research, 39(1), 205-233. violent far-right. Military Academy West extension of a short measure of the Big- Milne BJ, Byun U, Lee A. New Zealand Point Ny Combating Terrorism Center. Six factors of personality in New socio-economic index 2006 [Internet]. Retrieved from Zealand. New Zealand Journal of 2013 [cited 2019 Mar 26]. 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Belonging threats and intergroup discrimination

Ingroup Favouring Evaluations in Response to Belonging Threats in Public and Private Contexts Kathryn H. Fahey, John A. Hunter, Damian Scarf, and Ted Ruffman University of Otago, New Zealand

In the present investigation, we sought to examine the association between threats to belonging and intergroup discrimination in private and public contexts. To this end, participants (men) received either inclusion or ostracism feedback via a Cyberball game, and then were given the opportunity to differentially evaluate ingroup (i.e., men) and outgroup (i.e., women) members whilst believing these evaluations were to remain private or be shared publicly with other ingroup members. It was found that ostracised men whose evaluations were to be shared publicly and included men whose evaluations were to remain private evaluated the ingroup significantly more positively than the outgroup. Ostracised men whose evaluations were to be shared publicly and included men whose evaluations were to remain private evaluated the ingroup and the outgroup fairly. The ramifications of these findings are discussed.

Keywords: belonging; ostracism; inclusion; intergroup discrimination; ingroup favouritism; intergroup evaluations

Introduction individual psychology is influenced by social identity, much of the research On Friday the 15th of March 2019, at group membership. The meta-theoretical investigating intergroup behaviour in the 1:40 in the afternoon, a lone gunman basis of SIT lies in the distinction discipline of social psychology has since entered the Masjid Al Noor Mosque in between personal identity and social focused on the need for self-esteem, as Christchurch, New Zealand. He carried a identity. Personal identity is active and posited by the SEH. The shift in focus to semi-automatic weapon, and opened fire drives behaviour in interpersonal self-esteem stems from conceptualization on the Muslims holding Jumu’ah (Friday contexts. Social identity (the component problems with social identity and a study Prayer) inside. By the time he was of an individual’s self-concept that is by Oakes and Turner (1980) that first arrested, just 36 minutes after the attacks derived from their group memberships stressed the role of self-esteem under the began, the gunman had killed 50 Muslims together with their associated emotional framework of SIT. The conceptual at two separate Mosques and injured at significance) drives behaviour in problem with social identity stems from least 50 more. This makes the shooter, to intergroup contexts (Tajfel & Turner, its vague definition. Moscovici and date, the perpetrator of the deadliest mass 1979; see also Hewstone & Cairns, 2001). Paicheler (1978, p. 256) point out that killing in modern New Zealand history. A further assumption of SIT is that “identity is as indispensable as it is The aftermath of such an attack was people are motivated to evaluate the self unclear”. The lack of clarity of the devastating and widespread. What could positively in the drive to attain positive concept of social identity has led to some have possibly motivated such hate? How social identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, contention and disagreement about the could one man kill another so heartlessly, 1986; but see Turner, 1999). One way to meaning and implications of social simply because of differing religious accomplish this goal is by engaging in identity, none more prominent than the beliefs or skin colour? One important way favourable intergroup comparisons emergence of the concept of self-esteem to begin to understand such occurrences (Turner et al., 1987). Successful (see Turner, 1999). Oakes and Turner’s is through research carried out on group intergroup comparisons are possible (1980) focus on self-esteem as a behaviour. Groups are regularly bound by through ingroup bias (e.g., bias favouring component of SIT, with their repeated common or shared beliefs like religion the ingroup), outgroup derogation (e.g., reference to the need for self-esteem as a and political ideology. When members discriminating against an outgroup), or a motivation, led to a plethora of further from one group encounter members of a combination of both (e.g., intergroup studies formulating, investigating, and group with differing beliefs and values, discrimination). SIT, therefore, proposes refining self-esteem’s role within conflict is a likely outcome. A vast body that intergroup discrimination can be intergroup discrimination. of research investigating the hostility and construed as a behavioural outcome of an To provide clarity regarding self- violence observed between groups, posit individual’s attempt to attain or maintain esteem within a SIT framework, Abrams such intergroup discrimination arises a positive social identity. and Hogg (1988) formulated the self- from the intergroup dynamics of, and Whilst much research has sought to esteem hypothesis (SEH). The SEH between, the conflicting groups. investigate links between social identity contains two specific corollaries. The first Social identity theory (SIT; Tajfel, and intergroup discrimination, a vast is that acts or displays of intergroup 1978; Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986) has amount of research attended to the latterly discrimination will enhance social guided much of the research on developed self-esteem hypothesis (SEH; identity and thus self-esteem. The intergroup relations over the past 40 Abrams & Hogg, 1988). Though SIT second, based on the assumption that years, providing an account of how directly addresses the need for positive people are motivated to achieve and

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Belonging threats and intergroup discrimination maintain a positive sense of self-esteem, discrimination is somewhat unexpected. Noel et al. (1995) examined strategic is that low or threatened self-esteem will When fulfilled, a sense of belonging is responding in peripheral group members enhance intergroup discrimination. associated with a range of psychological by looking at differences in public versus Multiple studies have since explored benefits, including lower rates of anxiety private outgroup derogation. The findings one or the other of the corollaries of SEH. and depression, an enhanced sense of showed peripheral group members The findings outlined in subsequent self-worth and self-confidence, and derogated a relevant outgroup only when reviews (e.g., Rubin & Hewstone, 1998) heightened feelings of self-esteem, their opinions were to be made public to together with research emerging control, and meaningful existence fellow ingroup members. Peripheral afterwards (e.g., Aberson, Healy & (amongst others; see Cruwys, Haslam, group members showed no such Romero, 2000; Fein & Spencer, 1997; Dingle, Haslam, & Jetten, 2014; Fiske, derogating behaviour when these Gramzow & Gaertner, 2005; Houston & 2004). Conversely, a dissatisfied sense of opinions were to remain private. This Andreopoulou, 2003; Hunter et al., 2004; belonging is associated with a wealth of suggests that rather than reflecting Long & Spears, 1997; Verkuyten & negative psychological, behavioural and personal opinions and beliefs, publicly Hagendoorn, 2002) are largely physical outcomes (Baumeister & Leary, displayed intergroup bias may instead inconsistent and contradictory. Though a 1995; Williams, 2009). Given the clear reflect the drive or desire to increase few studies provide support for the SEH implications of a fulfilled or thwarted inclusionary status (or re-inclusion in the in its entirety (e.g., Branscombe & Wann, sense of belonging (see Baumeister & case of ostracism) with the ingroup (see 1994; Fein & Spencer, 1997; Hunter et Leary 1995 for an in-depth discussion), also Branscombe et al., 1999). This is al., 2004, expt 2; Hunter et al., 2005), the the trifling number of studies supported by the lack of bias shown by bulk of the evidence reveals merely investigating the relation between this peripheral group members when their moderate support for the first corollary, and intergroup discrimination is opinions were to remain private, as it and much less support for the second. especially surprising. would be of little benefit in terms of To overcome such inconsistencies, The studies that have examined the solidifying inclusion with the ingroup researchers have generally taken one of effect of threats to belonging (either via (Noel et al., 1995). Indeed, it seems that two routes. Some have attempted to social exclusion or social ostracism), displays of intergroup discrimination may overcome conceptual and methodological however, have found mixed results. Some be utilised strategically by peripheral flaws of the SEH (see Abrams & Hogg, studies have found rejection by an group members, in order to demonstrate 1988; Hunter et al., 1996; Rubin & ingroup to increase aggression. For they are worthy and good group members Hewstone, 1988; Turner, 1999; Hunter et example, in one study, ostracised and solidify their acceptance or inclusion al., 2004; Hunter et al., 2005; Long & (compared to included) participants in the ingroup. Spears, 1998; Scheepers, Spears, allocated more hot sauce to a stranger Similarly, other researchers have found Manstead & Doojse, 2009). Others even though they knew that the stranger that when peripheral group members suggest the motivational role of self- strongly disliked hot and spicy foods anticipated future ostracism by the group, esteem has been over-stated with respect (Warburton, et al., 2006). Other research, they showed less loyalty and to intergroup discrimination and argue however, has found that ostracism leads identification with the group. When that other motives may provide greater (at to pro-social behaviour such as increased peripheral group members expected the very least, additional) explanatory conformity (Williams et al., 2000) and increased future acceptance, those who value (Abrams & Hogg, 1988; Hogg & increased social mimicry (Lakin & highly identified with the group Abrams, 1993). Chartrand, 2005, 2008). In fact, demonstrated more loyalty (Jetten, Research assessing the contribution of ostracised participants have been shown Branscombe, Spears, & McKimmie, motives other than self-esteem to our to work harder on a group task even when 2003). Therefore, current group understanding of intergroup their efforts would benefit the very group behaviour depends on what group discrimination have so far tended to that ostracised them (Williams & members expect might happen in the emphasize uncertainty reduction (e.g., Sommer, 1997). future. This again supports the idea of Grieve & Hogg, 1999), control (Hayhurst, These divergent results may be clarified strategic responding by peripheral group Iverson, Ruffman, Stringer, & Hunter, by examining how rejected group members, in so far as they will show 2014), fear of death (Solomon, Greenberg members may strategically utilise intergroup bias if they believe this may & Pyszczynski, 2001), group-based intergroup discrimination to restore their lead to greater ingroup inclusion in the dominance (Duckitt, 2001), or position within the group. Indeed, some future. distinctiveness and inclusion (Brewer, research suggests that the display of These studies look at the behaviour of 1991). The importance of distinctiveness ingroup favouritism following some form peripheral group members. Noel et al. and inclusion is captured by the optimal of exclusion from the ingroup serves as a (1995) utilised a realistic group in terms distinctiveness theory (ODT; Brewer, kind of identity management strategy, a of sorority pledges, whereas Jetten et al. 1991). ODT is, to date, the only view we way to enhance or restore inclusion (2003) manipulated peripheral status via are aware of that promotes a central role within the ingroup (Noel et al., 1995). As bogus personality test feedback. Whilst of belonging. such, perhaps ingroup favouritism will peripheral group members have not Given that belonging is generally only increase following ostracism received an explicit belonging threat per considered fundamental to the human feedback if such behaviour could se, they are marginal group members and condition and a core motive in social potentially restore ingroup inclusion. are motivated to enhance connectedness psychology (e.g., Fiske, 2004; Biased behaviour may be utilised by to the group, as ostracised members may Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Williams, ostracised group members to reinforce be motivated to do. Therefore, we might 2009), this lack of focus on belonging as their commitment to, and shared values expect a similar pattern of strategic a motivational construct of intergroup with, the ingroup. responding in participants who have

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Belonging threats and intergroup discrimination received a threat to belonging via do so (i.e., such that any displays of game was ostensibly played with other ostracism feedback: reporting bias ingroup favouritism were to be shared members of the men group, however in decisions publicly in front of the other publicly with the ingroup), would reality the participant was the only person ingroup members may influence evaluate the ingroup significantly higher playing the game. The other ‘players’ ostracised participants to show increased than the outgroup. were avatars pre-programmed to either bias. This display of bias would include or ostracise the participant. The theoretically function to demonstrate METHOD participant’s avatar was labelled Man 2 loyalty to the group and potentially Participants (me), whilst the computer-controlled increase the perceived likelihood of Participants were recruited through the avatars were labelled Man 1, Man 3, and reconnecting with the group. In keeping website, https://app.prolific.ac, in return Man 4. See Figure 1 for a screenshot of with such theorising, ostracised for a £3.50 payment. The only inclusion the Cyberball game as seen from the participants have been shown to work criteria were that participants identified as participants point of view. harder on a group task even when their men. The final pool of participants Inclusion/ostracism efforts would benefit the very group that included 207 men with an age range of 16 The computer-programmed players (or ostracised them, perhaps to prove their to 57 years (M = 26.70, SD = 7.58). In virtual confederates) were scripted to loyalty and worth to the group (Williams terms of participants’ highest level of either include or ostracise the participant. & Sommer, 1997). education, 2.4% of the participants had Upon receiving a ball toss, the participant Therefore, the present study aims to not completed high school, 40.8% had clicked on one of the three other players investigate the role of self-presentational completed high school (or equivalent they wished to throw the ball to, and the concerns relating to displays of ingroup secondary education), 37.4% had computer animated the pass. The favouritism following belonging threat. completed an undergraduate degree (or computer then dictated the throws of the To this end, participants received other tertiary education), and 19.4% had digital avatars, depending on the inclusion or ostracism feedback via a completed some form of postgraduate condition the participant was assigned to. Cyberball game. Following the threat to degree. Fifty-one participants currently The game was scripted so that belonging, participants evaluated ingroup lived in the USA, 32 in Canada, 21 in participants assigned to the inclusion and outgroup members whilst believing Portugal, 16 in each of Mexico and the condition received a fair share that these evaluations were to remain UK, 11 in Spain, 10 in Australia, eight in (approximately a quarter) of all ball private or to be shared publicly with other each of Chile and Poland, six in Greece, tosses. Those in the ostracism condition members of the ingroup. four in England, three in each of Germany received two throws at the beginning of It was hypothesised that, due to self- and Hungary, two in each of the Czech the game to become familiar with presentational concerns and a wish to Republic, Japan, and New Zealand, and gameplay and to supplement its realism. increase their belonging within the one in each of Estonia, Finland, Israel, Ostracised participants were then denied ingroup (Noel et al., 1995), participants Italy, Norway, Sweden, and Wales. Five the ball for the remainder of the game. All who received ostracism feedback and participants declined to state the country games consisted of 30 throws. believed that their intergroup evaluations they currently lived in. Belonging would be shared publicly with members Design Following the Cyberball game, of the ingroup would display ingroup Our study utilised a mixed-model participants were presented with a scale favouritism (i.e., evaluate the ingroup design. The target-group of evaluations of belonging devised by Sheldon and more positively than the outgroup). (i.e., ingroup vs outgroup) was within Bettencourt (2002). This scale (adapted Displays of ingroup favouritism privately groups. Belonging feedback (i.e., slightly to become specific to the men would be of little benefit in terms of inclusion vs ostracism) and the nature of group of interest in the current study) was solidifying inclusion (Noel et al., 1995), favouritism (i.e., public vs private) were comprised of three items; ‘I feel that other and so it was anticipated that ostracised between subjects. Allocation of men have included me’, ‘I feel well participants who expected their participants to each condition was integrated with other men’, and ‘I feel a intergroup evaluations to remain private, random. The number of participants sense of belongingness with other men’ would not evaluate the ingroup and the allocated to each condition is presented in (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.95). Participants’ outgroup differently. Participants who Table 1. responses were scored using a 7-point received inclusion feedback should have Likert scale (1 – strongly agree, 7 – felt secure with their status within the Procedure strongly disagree), and were specific to ingroup and thus no self-presentation Following a procedure similar to how participants felt ‘right now’. concerns were anticipated (Noel et al., Williams et al. (2000), participants were Public/private bias task: 1995). Therefore, participants who told they would be playing a Cyberball Evaluations received inclusion feedback were not game with other members of the all-male Following the belonging scale, all expected to rate the ingroup and the group. It was made clear that performance participants were given the opportunity to outgroup differently whether they in the game was not important, rather, the differentially evaluate ingroup (i.e., men) believed their evaluations would remain game was a chance to practice their and outgroup members (i.e., women) private or be shared publicly with the visualisation skills. Participants were using 20 pairs of 11-point trait rating ingroup. encouraged to visualise themselves, the scales. Participants assigned to the private In other words, it was hypothesised that environment, and other players. It was condition were told that their evaluations only participants who wished to increase emphasised that the results of the game of ingroup and outgroup members would their inclusionary status within the group were of no importance, but it was remain private. Those assigned to the (i.e., ostracised participants), and who paramount they participate in the game public condition were informed their believed there was a reasonable chance to and focus on their visualisation skills. The evaluations would be made public and

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Belonging threats and intergroup discrimination were to be shared with other men during humble-arrogant, confident-shy, what they thought the study was about, a group discussion, ostensibly occurring aggressive-non-aggressive, ignorant- (b) if they noticed anything odd or later in the experiment. well informed, straight forward- unusual about the study, (c) if they had The 20 pairs of evaluative traits were hypocritical). Counterbalancing was used taken part in similar studies before, (d) if taken from Platow, McClintock, and to rule out ordering effects, and reverse they took the study seriously, and (e) if Liebrand (1990; cooperative-competitive, scoring was employed where necessary they normally consider themselves to be helpful-unhelpful, selfish-unselfish, such that higher scores indicated more men. Information was also gathered on intelligent-unintelligent, strong-weak, positive ratings. participants’ age, highest level of warm-cold, flexible-rigid, manipulative- Manipulation checks education, and current country of sincere, fair-unfair, honest-dishonest, In the final step of the experiment, residence. Finally, participants were fully friendly-unfriendly, trustworthy- participants were presented with a series debriefed, thanked for their time and untrustworthy, consistent-inconsistent), of manipulation checks and demographic interest in the study, and paid. and Oakes et al. (1994; pushy-reticent, questions. Participants were asked (a)

Table 1. Number of men per condition.

Nature of Favouritism Belonging Feedback Private Public Total Inclusion 53 53 106 Ostracism 50 51 101 Total 103 104 207

Figure 1. Screenshot of Cyberball game as seen from the participant’s point of view.

RESULTS 2 (nature of favouritism: private vs feedback had lower belonging scores than Belonging public) between groups’ analysis of participants who received inclusion In order to assess the effectiveness of variance (ANOVA) (analysis of variance) feedback (M = 7.95, SD = 4.83 vs M = the Cyberball paradigm to manipulate as a function of belonging was conducted. 15.36, SD = 3.71). No other significant levels of belonging in participants, a 2 A main effect was found for feedback main or interaction effects were found. (feedback type: inclusion vs ostracism) x type, F(1, 203) = 154.18, p < .001, ɳ2 = .432. Participants who received ostracism

Table 2. Evaluations of ingroup (i.e., men) and outgroup (i.e., women) members that were to remain private or be shared publicly for participants who received either inclusion or ostracism feedback.

Intergroup Evaluations Feedback Type Nature of Favouritism Ingroup Outgroup N Inclusion Private 158.68 (22.09)** 147.87 (22.29) 53 Public 153.70 (17.36) 147. 94 (21.09) 53 Ostracism Private 147.50 (21.29) 146.76 (21.97) 50 Public 151.02 (20.25)** 132.43 (24.03) 51 Overall 152.82 (20.57)** 143.82 (23.14) 207 Note. Higher scores indicate more positive evaluations. Note. ** p < .005, significantly higher evaluations of ingroup than outgroup.

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Belonging threats and intergroup discrimination

Ingroup favouritism be shared with the ingroup), will evaluate and are to remain private, the ingroup To assess the extent to which men who the ingroup significantly higher than the remains unaware of any displays of received either inclusion or ostracism outgroup. This hypothesis was not favouritism. As such these responses have feedback differentially evaluated supported. Men who received ostracism no chance of increasing their acceptance members of the ingroup (i.e., men) and feedback and shared their intergroup status within the group and thus we do not outgroup (i.e., women) either publicly or evaluations publicly did evaluate the see the same levels of ingroup privately, a 2 (feedback type: inclusion vs ingroup significantly more positively favouritism. ostracism) x 2 (nature of favouritism: than the outgroup, as expected. Men who Men who receive inclusion feedback private vs public) x 2 (target group: received inclusion feedback and shared show a different pattern of results than ingroup vs outgroup) mixed model their evaluations publicly, and men who men who received ostracism feedback. ANOVA was conducted. The first two received ostracism feedback and their Privately, included men unexpectedly variables were between groups. The third evaluations remained private, did not show significant levels of ingroup variable was within groups. Cell means significantly differentiate between the favouritism. It may be that the inclusion are presented in Table 2. ingroup and the outgroup in their feedback fosters feelings of respect, A significant main effect was found for intergroup evaluations, also as expected. reassurance, and satisfaction with respect target group, F(1, 203) = 18.27, p < .001, Somewhat unexpected, however, was the to one's position in the group. Such ɳ2 =.083. Overall, participants evaluated fact that men whose evaluations remained feelings may have, in turn, resulted in ingroup members (i.e., men) more private and who received inclusion group members acting in accordance with positively than outgroup members (i.e., feedback did evaluate the ingroup more group norms (Smith & Tyler, 2007), women; M = 152.82, SD = 20.57 vs M = positively than the outgroup. being supportive of other in-group 143.82, SD = 23.14). A significant main With respect to men who received members (Schmitt & Branscombe, 2001), effect was also found for Cyberball ostracism feedback, the ostracised men in and showing in-group favoritism feedback, F(1, 203) = 13.15, p < .001, ɳ2 the private bias task condition did not (Leonardelli & Brewer, 2001; Spears, = .061. Included participants gave discriminate, whilst the ostracised men in Ellemers, Doosje, & Branscombe, 2006). evaluations that were overall more the public condition did. This supports This ingroup favouritism is not present, positive than evaluations given by theories of intergroup discrimination however, when included men were to ostracised participants (M = 152.05, SD = outlined by Leary (2005; Leary et al., share their evaluations publicly with other 17.13 vs M = 144.43, SD = 12.83). 1995) and Noel et al. (1995). Leary and men. It may well be that in public settings A significant 3-way interaction effect his colleagues argue that people who are these men fall back on a general social was found between feedback type, nature motivated to increase their inclusionary norm of fairness. This tendency to of favouritism, and target group, F(1, status (e.g., people whose acceptance by discriminate when evaluations were to 203) = 7.441, p = .007, ɳ2 = .035. Planned the group has been threatened) will try to remain private may have been restrained comparisons using repeated measures t- increase their value to the group (Leary, by a reluctance to behave in a way tests (and incorporating the Bonferroni- 2005; Leary et al., 1995). One way this potentially construed as discriminatory Holm correction) revealed that included might be achieved is through intergroup (in this case, sexist). Whilst the social participants whose evaluations remained differentiation where the ingroup is norm of fairness in a public context may private (M = 158.68, SD = 22.09 vs M = favoured over the outgroup. Noel et al. be overridden by the need to belong in 147.87, SD = 22.29), t(52) = 3.49, p = (1995) suggests that showing intergroup certain circumstances (as evidenced by .004, and ostracised participants whose bias publicly demonstrates that one is significant levels of ingroup favouritism evaluations were to be shared publicly (M working in the best interests of the group. in public by ostracised males), included = 151.02, SD = 20.25 vs M = 132.43, SD Conceivably, therefore, publicly men have no motivation to act in any way = 24.03), t(50) = 3.25, p = .006, evaluated displaying ingroup favouritism following incongruent with the fairness norm. These the ingroup significantly more positively ostracism feedback may function to men have received inclusion feedback than the outgroup. No significant demonstrate one’s value to the ingroup such that their position within the group is differences between evaluations for the and therefore increase their inclusionary secure, and therefore they are not ingroup versus the outgroup were found status. motivated to publicly display their loyalty for included participants whose The current study reinforces this to the ingroup through ingroup evaluations were to be shared publicly (M proposition. Indeed, following ostracism favouritism. Their belonging needs are = 153.70, SD = 17.36 vs M = 147.94, SD feedback from the ingroup, these men fulfilled, and any public displays of bias = 21.09), t(52) = 1.72, p = .184, nor for have a threatened sense of belonging. offer no benefit. ostracised participants whose evaluations When their intergroup evaluations are to Clearly the behavioural outcomes were to remain private (M = 147.50, SD be shared publicly, they have an examined in this study (intergroup = 21.29 vs M = 146.76, SD = 21.97), t(49) opportunity to show other ingroup evaluations) are vastly different from = .175, p = .862. No other significant members that they are worthy and deserve those that occurred in Christchurch on main or interaction effects were found. to be accepted into the group. They favour March 15. It is key to note that the present the ingroup as an attempt to demonstrate study examines how men might publicly DISCUSSION their commitment and loyalty to the favour the ingroup following belonging This study tested one hypothesis; that ingroup, and therefore convince other threat, opposed to the public violence only participants who wish to increase group members to accept them. The exhibited against an outgroup on March their inclusionary status within the group public context of their evaluations offers 15. Comparatively, favouring an ingroup (i.e., ostracised participants), and believe hope for a chance of acceptance in the via intergroup evaluations is fairly mild. there is a reasonable chance to do so (i.e., future (Jetten et al., 2003). When their Previous research has suggested that such any displays of ingroup favouritism will evaluations are not to be shared publicly intergroup evaluations may be unrelated

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Belonging threats and intergroup discrimination to more negative forms of discrimination potentially be true for belonging also. the only possible motivation of such (e.g., blasts of white noise, or the Therefore, we must be extremely careful behaviour, nor that this was necessarily allocation of hot sauce; Struch & when drawing any conclusions that a related to what motivated the events of Schwartz, 1989). It has also been threat to belonging may have been a March 15. But the present findings point suggested that explanatory constructs contributing factor to what motivated the to threatened belonging as a potential (e.g., group identity, self-esteem) that are events of March 15. explanation of why intergroup associated with milder forms of Nevertheless, the present findings do discrimination might occur in some intergroup discrimination may be contribute to a growing body of research contexts. If we can begin to understand unrelated to more negative forms of suggesting that a threatened sense of why something is happening, there is a discrimination (Amoit & Bourhis, 2005; belonging may indeed motivate displays possibility we can work together to Hodson, Dovidio, & Esses, 2003). As this of intergroup discrimination (or at least prevent its reoccurrence in the future. is true for some constructs, it may ingroup favouritism). By no means is this

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They Are Us? The mediating effects of compatibility-based trust on the relationship between discrimination and overall trust Mariska Kappmeier1, Bushra Guenoun 2 and Remaya Campbell1 1 University of Otago, New Zealand, 2 Independent Scholar

The tragic Christchurch massacre brought the dangers of social ‘othering’ to the forefront of public attention. While the extreme nature of the attack shocked majority and minority groups alike, overt and latent discrimination are common experiences for many minorities in Aotearoa. Focusing on the impact of discrimination, this research examines the mechanism through which discrimination negatively affects intergroup trust, utilizing the multidimensional Intergroup Trust Model. We investigate trust through a study of police-minority relations, comparing the Aotearoa Māori perspective with the Black American perspective. Mediation analysis, based on a multidimensional approach to trust, suggests a similar mechanism across both groups: Perceived discrimination’s impact on trust is mediated by a lack of compatibility-based trust, the perception that they are ‘others’ to the police. Taken together, the results provide insight on how discrimination erodes intergroup relations and indicate that its damaging impact can be repaired by strengthening groups’ perceived compatibility with one another and highlighting shared parallel similarities.

Keywords: discrimination; trust; Intergroup Trust Model; minority perception; police relations; Otherness

With modern societies seeing a minorities groups in Aotearoa, including generalized trust, or “a general belief in dramatic increase in heterogeneity, Muslim Kiwis, refugees, and visitors the trustworthiness of most people” than questions around social equality and (Harris et al., 2012; Rahman, 2018). individuals who experienced less (p. cohesion become increasingly pressing. Recent influxes of East and Southeast 567). Similarly, Bowling, Parmar, and Perceptions of unfairness and inequality Asia immigrants have resulted in Phillips (2003) concluded that in the treatment of different groups in increasingly visible instances of ‘benign’ discriminatory policing practices, such as society erode trust and threaten social anti-Asian racism (Ng, 2017). Within excessive use of stop and search, cohesion and stability. Such perceptions academic discourse surrounding negatively impact trust of minority are typically held by minorities groups, immigration and refugee intake in communities in the police. who are more likely to inhabit a space of Auckland and other major cities Although causality between perceived social ‘otherness’. throughout Aotearoa, Muslim discrimination and bias and trust is Otherness is an abstract social immigration raises questions about difficult to establish, longitudinal condition that implies difference and/or security, terrorism, and foreign religion research indicates that perceived categorical separation. Its social (see Stephens, 2018), while resettlement discrimination may breed lower trust. connotations suggest a contrast against intake of white South Africans prompts Gordon, Street, Kelly, and Souchek an accepted standard and often results in questions about ‘finding home’ (eg. (2006) found that while there was no the devaluation of individuals and groups Winbush & Selby, 2015). Meanwhile, difference in the level of trust displayed that do not meet the parameters for other minority group members are by Black and White patients in their ‘standard’ membership in society. To marginalized and/or entirely ignored in physician before their initial visit, Black inhabit a space of social otherness is to be Kiwi social categorization. patients reported less trust after the visit. relegated to social isolation and The bias and discrimination faced by The difference in trust between Black and vulnerability. Therefore, the act of minority groups, like the Muslim, Māori, White patients was predicted by Black ‘othering’ is fundamentally dangerous. and Pasifika communities in Aotearoa, patients’ perceptions that their physician The Christchurch Shooting highlights are often used to explain their lower displayed less supportiveness, less the devastating result of social othering levels of trust (e.g., Born et al., 2009; partnership, and less information during and otherness. Systemically and Dovidio et al, 2008). The trust minority the visit. culturally, Muslim residents of Aotearoa groups have in their society and Taken together, current research suffered from being made ‘other’ prior to institutions is negatively linked to their suggests that when individuals the tragedy. In the aftermath, their place perceptions of bias and discrimination. participate in a society or institution as a in society, though sentimentally Douds and Wu (2018) reported a minority, how they are treated can shape reaffirmed by widespread and repeated negative relationship between perceived the trust they have for those around them. declarations of inclusion, remains racial discrimination and generalized When they encounter bias and functionally on the outskirts of trust in Texas, such that individuals who discrimination, their trust decreases, ‘standard’. Bias and discrimination are had experienced more racial negatively affecting social cohesion, part of the lived experiences of many discrimination reported lower levels of social capital, and general intergroup

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They are us? relations (Hooghe, Reeskens, & Stolle, to bring these recent developments in the five dimensions of competence, 2007). trust literature to the study of the integrity, compassion, compatibility, and As the literature on the relationship relationship between perceived security. (refer to Figure 1 for between perceived discrimination and discrimination and bias and trust descriptions of each of the dimensions)1. bias and trust has grown, our (Kappmeier & Guenoun, 2018). These dimensions are interdependent understanding of trust has been evolving. such that one may correlate with another. While most of the research on this link Introduction to the Intergroup For instance, a decrease in competence- captures trust using unidimensional Trust Model based trust may be associated with a scales with a few general items, the field The Intergroup Trust Model unifies the decrease in integrity-based trust. has come to understand trust as a existing literature on the Additionally, trust along each of these complex, multidimensional construct that multidimensionality of trust to provide a dimensions is conceptualized as a requires context-specific measures common foundation in the context of continuum such that groups can have (Balliet & Van Lange, 2013; intergroup conflict or tension varying levels of trust along each of the Bhattacherjee, 2002; Roy, Eshghi, & (Kappmeier, 2016). The model posits dimensions. Shekhar, 2011). The present research that intergroup trust is the aggregate of seeks to use the Intergroup Trust Model

Figure 1. Dimensions of the Intergroup Trust Model.

Minority Trust in the Police and their modes of operation with the police as well as the belief that a The current research used trust suspicion or contempt (Tyler, 2005). particular group belongs within the relations between the police and minority Minorities consistently report less trust in policed society (Rosenbaum, Schuck, communities in Aotearoa and the United police than majorities, and they are less Costello, Hawkins, & Ring, 2005). While States as case studies through which to likely to view the police a legitimate a great deal of research and media examine the relationship between institution (Tyler, 2010; 2011). Minority attention has been devoted to strained perceived discrimination and bias and lack of trust in the police often stems police-minority relations in the USA, a trust. The police as a institution is a from historical antagonism between the similar pattern is evident in Aotearoa: relevant context in which to investigate police as an oppressive force and Māori communities are less likely than minority trust. They have many minorities as victims of violence and/or Pākehā communities to report that they interactions across different groups in a prejudice. In societies with a history of trust the police (e.g. Panditharatne, et al., society but they represent the beliefs and group-based law enforcement 2018). Furthermore, Te Whaiti and power of the more dominant groups discrimination, the police can be Roguski (1998) highlights the negative (Sidanius, Liu, Shaw & Pratto, 1994). perceived by minorities as heavy-handed consequences of the police’s bias and Trust in the police is integral to the agents of existing, unjust power discrimination towards Māori stability and security of a society. dynamics rather than as peacekeepers. communities on Māori trust. Minority trust in the police is particularly Past and present experiences of brutality, This article centers on the relationship important to the development of a sense harassment, and bias create perceptions between perceived discrimination and of belonging in the wider society. of the police as racially and/or culturally bias and intergroup trust. Through two International research on the interactions discriminatory, procedurally prejudiced, studies, we conceptualized intergroup between police and minority and ultimately untrustworthy (Schuck, trust as trust in the police to tap into communities reveal the police as a Rosenbaum & Hawkins, 2008). Repeated minority perceptions of their relationship polarizing institution. Some view the experiences of police prejudice, with their broader society. We explored police as peacekeepers and a helpful discrimination or violence (or vicarious the relationship between perceived fixture of a secure society. Others, experiences shared among members of a discrimination and bias and trust using particularly minorities, view the police community) negatively impact trust in working scales based on the Intergroup

1 The original article, using qualitative indicate a stronger support for the five research speaks of seven dimensions, dimensional model however quantitative follow-up work

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Trust Model. Study 1 was conducted in dimensions in face of discrimination and trust the police, with 0 indicating no trust Aotearoa and Study 2 was conducted in bias. and 100 signifying complete trust. the United States. Trust dimensions. We used a working While we expected to replicate the METHOD version of the revised Intergroup Trust established finding that there is a Participants Scale (Kappmeier & Guenoun, 2018) negative association between perceived Study 1 was conducted in Aotearoa which consisted of 26 items on 7-point discrimination and bias and trust, the through an online Qualtrics survey and scales anchored at 1 (‘Strongly disagree’) primary goal of this research was to get a exclusively recruited participants from a and 7 (‘Strongly agree’). The items more nuanced understanding of the minority group: Māori (n = 320). captured the five dimensions of mechanism through which perceived Intergroup Trust Model: five items discrimination and bias lower intergroup Measures measured competence-based trust (α = trust. Unlike the trust measures used to Perceived discrimination was .83), five items measured integrity-based study the relationship between perceived measured with three items, including trust (α = .82), five items measured discrimination and bias and trust in “People who share my racial identity are compassion-based trust (α = .71), seven previous studies, the Intergroup Trust discriminated against by the police”. items measured compatibility-based trust Scale (Kappmeier & Guenoun, 2018) can Ratings were made on 7-point scales (α = .72), and four items measured provide an understanding of which of the anchored at 1 (‘Strongly disagree’) and 7 security-based trust (α = .72). Items were five dimensions of intergroup trust are (‘Strongly agree’) (α = .78). framed as if-then statements in order to most relevant to this relationship. Such Perceived bias was measured via two tap into the perceived relevance of the insight can be utilized to guide future items which assessed police bias, e.g. dimensions to trust. The structure of research into the link between “The police consistently apply the same conditional statements allows for a more discrimination and bias and trust. rules to different people.” Ratings were concrete causal link between the Additionally, this research can support made on 7-point scales anchored at 1 attributes of the outgroup introduced by the development of trust-building (‘Strongly disagree’) and 7 (‘Strongly each item and trust (Borsboom, interventions between the police and agree’). The final scale was reversed Mellenbergh, & van Heerden, 2004; their communities, given our context of coded so that ‘Strongly agree’ Mischel & Shoda, 1995). An example of police trust relations. corresponded with the perception that the an item created to assess integrity-based police display bias (α = .71). trust is “If the police are honest, then my STUDY 1 Overall trust in the police was trust in them will increase”. Study 1 investigated minority trust in measured on a scale from 0 to 100. the police in the context of Aotearoa by Participant were asked how much they examining the relevance of the five trust

Table 1. Study 1 Descriptive Statistics and Bivariate Correlations

1 2 3 4 5 Mean SD

Overall Trust --- 73.81 21.03

Relevance of: Competence-based trust -.022 --- 5.39 1.06 Integrity-based trust -.069 .57** --- 5.83 0.92 Compassion-based trust .021 .73** .65** --- 5.51 0.93 Compatibility-based trust .152** .37* .36** .35** --- 5.04 0.96 Security-based trust .01 .58** .7** .68** .4** 5.64 0.98 ** p < .001

RESULTS trust dimensions correlated positively the five trust dimensions in this with each other (ps < .001), only relationship. Descriptives and correlations compatibility-based trust was also We conducted a multiple parallel Overall, the Māori participants reported significantly associated with overall trust mediation analysis through ordinary least trusting relationships with the police with (See Table 1). squares regression using perceived M = 73.81 (sd = 21.04), but they also discrimination as the predictor, overall Relationships between perceived reported perceived bias (M = 4.85; Sd = trust in the police as the outcome, and the discrimination, trust, and the five 1.25) and bias (M = 3.25; Sd = 1.36) to five trust dimensions as mediators. The trust dimensions in Aotearoa some degree from the police. Before analysis was conducted in SPSS, using First, we examined the relationship further analysis, we examined the Haynes process tool 3.3, Model 4. between perceived discrimination and correlations between the mediator Figure 2 presents the model. The direct variables and overall trust. While all five overall trust in the police and the role of

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They are us? path from perceived discrimination to police discrimination increases the relevant to the relationship between and overall trust was significant (c’ = - relevance of competence-, integrity-, perceived police discrimination and 4.8, p = .00, CI [ -6.36; -3.25]), indicating compassion- and compatibility-based overall trust, only integrity- and that perceived police discrimination trust. However, the only indirect paths compatibility-based trust mediate the negatively impacts overall trust in the from perceived police discrimination to relationship. In summary, integrity- and police. Additionally, as outlined in Table overall trust that were significant where compatibility-based trust play primary 2, the direct paths from perceived police those through integrity- and mediating roles in the relationship discrimination to four dimensions - compatibility-based trust (integrity- between perceived police discrimination competence, compatibility, compassion, based trust: β = -.6253, βse = .36, CI [- and overall trust. and integrity - were significant. Only the 1.46, -.07], compatibility-based trust: β path to security-based trust was not = 1.53,βse = .52, CI [.66, 2.7]). This significant. This suggests that perceiving indicates that of the four trust dimensions

Table 2. Study 2 OLS path analysis for the indirect effects of discrimination on overall trust

Predictor Mediator a ase LCI UCI Outcome b bse LCI UCI

discrimination Competence .1* .04 .01 .19 Overall -1.96 1.59 .-7 .16 Trust in Integrity .14** .04 .06 .22 the Police -4.41* 1.8 -1.4 -.08 Compassion .1* .04 .02 .18 3.3 2.02 -.08 1 Compatibility .24** .04 .16 .32 6.36** 1.33 .66 2.67 Security .08 .04 -.005 .17 .32 1.78 -.4 .43

** p < .001; * p < 0.05; 5000 Bootstraps, Seed=190323

Relationship between perceived 7,24; -4.03]), indicating that perceived discrimination or bias predicts lower trust bias, trust, and the five trust police bias negatively impacts overall in the police. The data further suggest, dimensions in Aotearoa trust in the police. However, as seen in that this lower trust is mediated by an Next, we examined the relationship Table 3, unlike perceived discrimination, increased need for compatibility-based between perceived bias and overall trust perceived bias was only negatively trust— a trust based on the perception in the police and the role of the five trust associated with compatibility- and that one relates to the police or that police dimensions in this relationship. security-based trust, indicating that are similar to one’s own group. While We again conducted a multiple parallel perceived bias reveals a higher need for integrity-based trust was also relevant for mediation analysis using ordinary least compatibility- and security-based trust. the relationship between perceived squares regression with bias as the From these two trust dimensions, only discrimination and overall trust, only predictor, overall trust in the police as the the indirect path from perceived bias to compatibility- based trust had significant outcome, and the five trust dimensions as overall trust through compatibility-based indirect effects for both perceived mediators. The analysis was conducted in trust was significant (β = 2.75, βse = 1.27, discrimination and perceived bias. Thus, SPSS again, using the Haynes process CI [.26, 5.24]). This suggests that only of the five dimensions of the Intergroup tool 3.3, Model 4. Figure 3 presents the compatibility-based trust mediates lower Trust Model, it was compatibility-based model. trust in the police in the face of perceived trust that gave the most insight into the Just as with perceived discrimination, bias. relationship between perceived the direct link from bias to overall trust Taken together, the correlation results discrimination and bias and trust. was significant (c’ = -5.63, p = .00, CI [- and analysis, shows that perceived police

Table 3. Study 1 OLS path analysis for the indirect effects of bias on overall trust

Predictor Mediator a ase LCI UCI Outcome b bse LCI UCI

Bias Competence -.03 .04 -.12 .05 Overall -1.05 .81 -5.09 1.16 Trust in Integrity -.02 .04 -.1 .05 the Police -4.33* .01 -8 1.16 Compassion -.06 .04 -.14 .01 2.5 1.96 -.68 7.28 Compatibility -.15** .04 -.23 -.08 2.75** 1.27 3.73 9.00 Security -.11* .04 -.18 .03 -.15 .93

** p < .001; * p < 0.05; 5000 Bootstraps, Seed=190323

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Figure 2. Study 1. Mediation model from discrimination to overall trust Figure 3. Study 1. Mediation model from bias to overall trust

Figure 4. Study 2. Mediation model from discrimination to overall trust (USA) Figure 5. Study 2. Mediation model from bias to overall trust (USA)

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While the research in the Aotearoa competence-based trust (α = .53), five .45, p = .77, CI [-2.67; 3.58]). This was context indicates that compatibility- items measured integrity-based trust (α = unexpected given the evidence of based trust is relevant in the face of .66), three items measured compassion- perceived discrimination in this perceived discrimination and bias, there based trust (α = .66), two items measured community, and our own prior findings is still the question of whether this is compatibility-based trust (α = .5), and regarding minority–police relations in specific to the minority relations in three items measured security-based trust Aotearoa. However, given that our Aotearoa or whether similar pattern (α = .7). The lower alpha derives from the Black-American sample reported very would be found in other minority fact that the scale was developed for both low levels of trust in the police, there contexts as well. White- and Black-American respondents, might be a floor effect at play. We collected similar data in the United but only the data for Black-American As outlined in Table 5, the direct paths States, where minority relations tend to participants is retained for the purpose of from perceived police discrimination to be more strained than in Aotearoa (AP- this paper. The items were displayed on all five trust dimensions were significant. NORC Center for Public Affairs scales with opposite anchors on both This suggests that perceived police Research, 2015). In the US, the killings sides, and participants indicated where on discrimination is negatively associated of unarmed Black citizens have the continuums their perceptions of the with competence-, integrity-, deteriorating the relationships between police fall. (E.g. a security statement compassion-, compatibility- and minority community and police so much read, “We have nothing to fear from security- based trust. Additionally, the that a presidential task force was formed them” paired with “We have something direct paths from compassion- and in 2014 to address the lack of trust in the to fear from them”.) This unusual form compatibility-based trust to overall trust police (President’s Taskforce on 21st was selected for its ability to mitigate were significant. However, only the Century Policing, 2015). multicollinearity between the trust indirect path from perceived police Does compatibility-based trust still dimensions. Also, unlike Study 1, it discrimination through compassion- play a similar role in the relationship allowed the items to assess trust in the based trust was significant (β = -2.23, βse between perceived discrimination and police along each of the dimensions. = 1.34, CI [-5.3, -.05]). The confidence bias and in this different context where interval for the indirect path via there is a higher perceived risk to RESULTS compatibility-based trust included a zero minorities’ physical security? (β = -.91, βse = .72, CI [-2.64, .15]), Descriptives and correlations indicating that compatibility-based trust STUDY 2 Noticeably, the Black-American does not influence overall trust after sample reported much lower levels of Study 2 inquired about trust in the perceived discrimination. trust in the police compared with the police from both the minority and In conclusion, unlike in the context of Aotearoa Māori participants sample (M = majority group perspective in Boston, Aotearoa, perceived discrimination does 47.62 (sd = 29.27)). Unsurprisingly, USA. Only the responses of the minority not predict lower overall trust. However, Black-American participants also participants are reported in the current perceived discrimination does lower reported perceived police bias (M = 5.1, study as the goal was to compare their overall trust via compassion-based trust. sd = 1.8), but to a greater degree than the experiences with those of minority group The role of compatibility-based is less Aotearoa Māori participants (M = 4.89, members in Aotearoa. conclusive: even though the two direct sd = 1.64). Prior to further analysis, we paths for compatibility–based trust were examined correlations between the METHOD significant, its indirect path was not. mediating variables and overall trust. As Participants Thus, while there are relationships seen in Table 4, all five trust dimensions Study 2 was conducted in in three between perceived discrimination, correlated positively with one another demographically diverse Boston overall trust, and compatibility-based and with overall trust. neighborhoods: Mattapan, South Boston, trust, it does not appear to mediate the Relationship between perceived and Hyde Park. Participants were influence of perceived discrimination to discrimination, trust and the five approached and invited to complete a overall trust. trust dimensions, USA context survey that investigated trust in the Relationship between perceived As in Study 1, we examined the police. A total of 136 Black-American bias, trust and the five trust relationship between perceived residents completed the survey across the dimensions, USA context discrimination and overall trust in the three neighborhoods. Next, we examined the relationship police and the role of the five trust between perceived bias and overall trust dimensions by conducting a multiple in the police and the role of the five trust Measures parallel mediation analysis. Again, we Study 2 utilized the same measure for dimensions. Again, we conducted a used perceived discrimination as the multiple parallel mediation analysis with perceived discrimination (α = .86), predictor, overall trust in the police as the perceived bias (α = .5), and overall trust bias as the predictor, overall trust in the outcome, and the five trust dimensions as police as the outcome, and the five trust in the police as Study 1. mediators. The analysis was conducted in Trust dimensions. We used a dimensions as mediators. The analysis SPSS, using the Haynes process tool 3.3, was conducted in SPSS, using the simplified working scale based on the Model 4. Figure 4 presents the model. Intergroup Trust Model, which consisted Haynes process tool 3.3, Model 4. Figure Surprisingly, the direct path from bias 5 presents the model. of 19 items that capture the five trust to overall trust was not significant (c’ = dimensions. Three items measured

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Table 4. Study 2 Descriptive Statistics and Bivariate Correlation

1 2 3 4 5 Mean SD

1. Overall Trust --- 46.99 29.82 2. Competence .49** --- 3.95 1.29 3. Integrity .52** .46* --- 3.46 1.26 4. Compassion .57** .62** .68** --- 3.38 1.44 5. Compatibility .52** .42** .6** .57** --- 3.49 1.46 6. Security .37** .46** .73** .7** .47** 3.45 1.55

**p < .001

Table 5. Study 2 OLS path analysis for the indirect effects of discrimination on overall trust

Predictor Mediator a ase LCI UCI Outcome b bse LCI UCI

discrimination Competence -.18* .07 -.32 -.03 Overall 3.6 2.59 -2.67 3.58 Trust in Integrity -.18* .07 -.32 -.03 the Police 4.78 3.29 -154 8.75 Compassion -.36** .08 -.51 -.20 6.23* 2.99 -1.77 11.33 Compatibility -.18* .09 -.36 -.003 4.94* 2.04 .26 12.2 Security -.32** .09 -.49 -.14 -3.75 2.68 -9.08 1.58

** p < .001; * p < 0.05; 5000 Bootstraps, Seed=190323

Again, the USA study differed from compassion- and compatibility-based while the direct path was not significant, the Aotearoa study in that the direct path trust were also significant and the the total effect from perceived from bias to overall trust was not confidence intervals excluded zero discrimination to overall trust, including significant (c’ = 1.06, p = .54, CI [-2.44; (compassion-based trust: β = -2.32, βse = all five mediators was significant (β = - 4.57]). However, as outlined in Table 6, 1.28, CI [-5.27, -.36], compatibility- 3.92, se = 1.8; p<.05; CI [-7.55; -.28]). the direct paths from bias to all five trust based trust: β = -1.97, βse = 1.04, CI [- In analyzing both studies jointly, dimensions were significant. This 4.38, -.32]). This suggests that the compatibility-based trust appears to play indicates that perceived police bias is negative impact of perceived bias on an instrumental role in the relationship negatively associated with competence-, overall trust is mediated by the erosion of between perceived discrimination, integrity-, compassion-, compatibility-, compatibility-based trust (the perceived bias, and trust. The findings and security- based trust. Additionally, expectation that the police differ from indicate a strong need for compatibility- the direct paths from compassion- and them minority group) and compassion- based trust for minority group members compatibility-based trust to overall trust based trust (the expectation that the in the face of discrimination and bias. were significant. With perceived bias as police do not care about the well-being of an indicator, both indirect paths through the minority group members). Lastly,

Table 6. Study 2 OLS path analysis for the indirect effects of bias on overall trust

Predicator Mediator a ase LCI UCI Outcome b bse LCI UCI

Bias Competence -.18* .08 4.1 5.67 Overall 2.76 2.63 -2.44 4.57 Trust in Integrity -.38** .07 -.52 -.24 the Police 4.74 3.41 -2.05 11.52 Compassion -.34** .09 -.51 -.17 6.8* 2.9 1.35 9.5 Compatibility -.36** .09 -.55 -.17 5.44* 2.05 1.35 9.54 Security -.37** .09 -.55 -.19 -4.28 2.66 -9.59 1.03

** p < .001; * p < 0.05; 5000 Bootstraps, Seed=190323

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DISCUSSION overall conclusions, other results may police relationships with other minority Consistent with the current literature, have been influenced. groups (such as Muslims, Pasifkia and/or we found a negative relationship between Another limitation is that we only Asians) are similar. Additionally, future perceived discrimination and intergroup explored the relationship between research might also examine the trust in the police such that the more an perceived discrimination and bias and importance of compatibility-based trust individual believes their group is trust in one context: minority in the police from the Pākehā discriminated against by the police, the communities’ relationships with the perspective, although prior research in less they trust the police. Our results police. It is possible that different the US did not reveal a similar need for strongly suggest that this relationship is dimensions of the Intergroup Trust compatibility-based trust among White mediated by compatibility-based trust, Model are important to the relationship Americans (Kappmeier, 2017). which indicates that when faced with between perceived discrimination and Taken together, this and previous discrimination and bias, minority bias and trust in different contexts. For works highlights the necessity of members are less likely to report example, compassion-based trust may be strategies that improve intergroup compatibility-based trust. as important to this relationship as relations and reduce institutional and This exploratory finding provides compatibility-based trust in relationships systemic prejudice; these strategies will further insight into how the treatment of between minority communities and be particularly important for government minority groups in a society affects their physicians. Similar research must be institutions, whose mandate to treat all relationships with majority groups and conducted across various intergroup persons fairly and equally under the law their institutions. Communities and settings in order to understand whether is fundamental to the sense of belonging institutions should focus on highlighting our findings can be generalized across all of a diverse citizenry. The police, as a how the identities of all community contexts where there exists an association government institution that reserves the members are compatible with one between perceived discrimination and right to use force in order to protect the another. In order to productively bias and trust. However, even if different safety and rights of citizens, must carry acknowledge and appreciate diversity dimensions prove to be useful in different an extra burden of duty in the pursuit of across groups, societies can create a settings, the results of this research are social cohesion and equality. Because of foundation of shared similarities and a still noteworthy for two reasons. First, the this added burden, the police must common sense of belonging. Such Intergroup Trust model was used to consistently strive not to endorse or interventions have been proposed generate a more nuanced understanding legitimize spheres of ‘otherness’ through previously to mitigate bias and increase of the relationship between perceived differential treatment or attitudes toward intergroup trust. For instance, Gaertner & discrimination and bias and trust. minorities. Dovidio (2000) suggest that a common, Second, even if the importance of In Aotearoa, development of these superordinate identity can be created compatibility-based trust to this strategies will require a recognition of across groups using an alternative relationship is limited to the context of historical and present spaces of social dimension of identity to reduce bias and police-community relations, it can still be otherness and of those who have been foster trust. Kappmeier & Mercy used to guide future policing forced to inhabit them (Sibley & (accepted for publication) propose that interventions and research. Osbourne, 2016), whether those spaces the creation of a Shared Collective be overtly endorsed by ideological Memory, which takes into account the Conclusion extremists or latently maintained by different presentation between groups, This rapid response article for the New unequal/unfair treatment from contributes to social harmony and Zealand Journal of Psychology responds government institutions. Here lies the intergroup trust. Similarly, Hooghe, to the senseless horror of the value of our research in intergroup trust, Reeskens, & Stolle (2007) found that Christchurch mosque massacre. We are perceived bias and discrimination: individuals in countries where hopeful that this tragedy will pass into Despite the need for more research on immigrants are given the most extensive history as an extremist singularity in this topic, our findings suggest that voting rights were more trusting than Aotearoa, however, as New Zealand approaching intergroup trust via the countries where they were not integrated society grows increasingly more diverse multidimensionality of the Intergroup into the citizenry as smoothly. and shifts to a multicultural intergroup Trust Model may prove useful for While this research uses a unique, arrangement, issues of positive social intervention, particularly in creating a multidimensional approach to generate integration, intergroup bias and/or greater sense of compatibility between insights into the relationship between discrimination, and reduction of the police and the policed. Otherness is perceived discrimination and bias and ‘otherness’ will only grow in scope and an ever-evolving social category. trust, there were several limitations: importance. Overtime, what once was ‘other’ can First, these results are correlational. Our data reveals that the Māori become the new normative Accordingly, they do not speak to the community may have perceptions of representation and, vice versa, what once causal relationship between perceived dissimilarity between themselves and the was standard may fall from dominant discrimination, bias and trust. Second, police force. The importance of grace, such as racist and oppressive the items used to assess trust along the compatibility-based trust formed a views becoming ‘othered’. However, this five dimensions of the Intergroup Trust consistent pattern of ‘otherness’ does not happen without intentional Model in Study 2 slightly differed from displayed by minority difficulty to relate effort, and strategies to develop a those used in Study 1 and they possessed to the police and the belief that the police common ingroup identity or shared sense a slightly different focus. While we do do not share the same culture or values. of belonging across group lines need not believe the differences affected the Further research can investigate whether society-wide supported interventions.

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Bushra Guenoun and Remaya Campbell contributed equally to this manuscript. Correspondence regarding this manuscript can be directed to Mariska Kappmeier, National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Otago, 462 Leith Walk, Dunedin 9054, New Zealand. Email: [email protected].

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Parental talk and younger children’s empathy

Parent talk about the wellbeing of others in disciplinary situations relates to younger children’s empathy Kangning Du, Mary Buchanan, Jill G. Hayhurst, and Ted Ruffman University of Otago, New Zealand

It has been argued that parent talk about the emotions/wellbeing of others correlates with children’s empathy, at least up to the age of 6 years. The present study used a sticker sharing task to examine the empathy of 51 children (aged 5 to 12 years), and how children’s empathy relates to parenting disciplinary strategies and parents’ general attitudes (empathy, SDO). There was a significant effect indicating that participants feel more empathy for a victim who was seriously hurt than a victim who experienced a minor hurt. Also, there was a significant positive correlation between parent talk about the wellbeing of others and younger children’s empathy, but not in the older age group. In contrast, parents’ general attitudes (empathy, SDO) were not related to children’s empathy.

Keywords: Empathy; Parenting disciplinary strategies; Parent emotion talk; Social dominance orientation (SDO).

Introduction Development of empathy as social dominance orientation) or, more New Zealand is a relatively peaceful Empathy refers to the ability to specifically, to parent talk (e.g., the country, with most inhabitants feeling far understand and share others’ emotion and things parents say to children when the from the racial, religious and sectarian plays a key role in social behaviour, child transgresses). violence that has stained much of the affecting people’s attitudes toward a Some studies that examine changes in world in recent years. Therefore, the target (Batson, 1991). It has previously empathy over middle childhood indicate shocking murders in two Christchurch been concluded that empathy is present at general increases between the ages of 7 mosques of so many helpless individuals birth (Eisenberg et al., 1991) although and 12 years (Litvack-Miller, McDougall, by a single gunman raises many questions such assumptions have recently come & Romney, 1997), or increases in about the origins of such an extreme lack under scrutiny given newborns’ uneven neurological markers for empathy of empathy. While it is impossible to say performance when listening to different (Cheng, Chen, & Decety, 2014). On the with certainty why one individual acts in crying stimuli (Ruffman, Lorimer, & other hand, Michalska, Kinzler, and a particular manner, it is possible to Scarf, 2017). In toddlers, empathy is Decety (2013) examined 65 children aged explore such issues more generally. measured via helping behaviour, pupil between 4 and 17 years of age, giving Allely, Minnis, Thompson, Wilson, and dilation, or facial responses to the them a self-report measure of empathy Gillberg (2014) provided a rare academic suffering of another. Yet positive and measuring their pupil dilation and exploration of the risk factors for mass findings can be interpreted as surprise or arousal when viewing videos of another murderers or serial killers, arguing that a heightened attention (pupil dilation), person being hurt either intentionally or complex combination of neurochemical desire for approval (helping), or aversion unintentionally. Michalska et al.’s imbalance (e.g., neurotransmitters, (negative affect when listening to findings did not indicate an age-related testosterone, monoamine oxidase, suffering) (Ruffman, Then, Cheng, & increase in empathy. Indeed, they found a hormones), genetics, and childhood Imuta, 2019). Consistent with the latter decrease in participants’ reports of their experiences (psychological or physical idea, Ruffman, et al. (2019) found that own sadness for both intentional (r = -.20) abuse, rejection) are most likely at play. adults responded empathically (with and unintentional (r = -.25) harm. In contrast to the dearth of research more sadness) when watching a crying Nevertheless, the sample was relatively examining mass murderers, there is a infant compared to when watching a small for such a broad age range, leaving great deal of research that has examined neutral infant accompanied by white few children of different ages. Given such empathic versus unempathic behaviour noise, whereas toddlers responded considerations, it is important to examine more generally. This research might also similarly. Toddlers’ similar response to age-related changes in empathy more shed light on the motivations of the the two different kinds of stimuli is more carefully within the middle childhood Christchurch accused because some of parsimoniously interpreted as a response period. the same explanations (e.g., adverse to an aversive stimulus rather than Other researchers have also examined childhood experiences) again feature empathy. Moreover, even if empathy is empathy for those harmed intentionally prominently. In the present study, we present early in development, it is likely versus unintentionally. Decety, examined the way in which parenting that it evolves throughout childhood. Michalska, and Akisuki (2008) found behaviour and parent attitudes can affect Thus, the aim of the present study was to that children aged 7-12 showed brain the development of empathy. For this investigate how children’s empathy responses as if they were feeling pain reason, we outline research on children’s develops over age, and whether it is when watching others come to harm. empathic development below. related to general parent attitudes (such Likewise, Michalska, Zeffiro, and

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Decety (2016) found a similar pattern in analysis also sheds light on the effect of children were to look towards the 9- to 11-year-old children. Explicit parenting style on children, indicating average-weight people and away from the ratings of sadness when viewing that positive parenting (warmth, firm obese individuals. Thus it is important to intentional versus unintentional harm control and clear standards of conduct) is examine how children’s empathy relates also appear to indicate greater empathy associated with less relational aggression to their parents’ general attitudes. when viewing intentional harm. Decety, in children. Conversely, harsh parenting, One such general attitude measured in Michalska, and Kinzler (2012) found that uninvolved parenting and fathers’ adults is social dominance orientation child (4 to 12 years) and adult controlling parenting are associated with (SDO). SDO is a measure of endorsement participants tended to rate themselves as increased relational aggression for unequal social relationships (Pratto, feeling more sad when viewing (Kawabata, Alink, Tseng, van Ijzendoorn, Sidanius, Stalworth, & Malle, 1994), that intentional than unintentional harm (see & Crick, 2011). is, the belief that inequalities are justified also, Michalska, Kinzler, & Decety, Yet, children tend to be socialised not by virtue of advantaged individuals being 2013). only by the general style of parenting, but more deserving (e.g., “Some groups of These findings are important and also by modelling their parents’ attitudes people are just more worthy than others”). interesting, and suggest that children are, and cognitive styles. For instance, Allport SDO is inversely related to empathy in by and large, more empathic toward (1954) argued that the home was the most adults (Pratto et al., 1994). In the present intentionally harmed individuals than important source of ethnic bias, with study, we examined parents’ SDO to those who are accidentally harmed. children adopting their parents’ views to determine whether it influenced However, individual differences in the extent that they desire affection and children’s empathy. empathy remain of interest, such as approval from their parents. According to Besides basic parenting style and whether certain kinds of parenting tend to a recent meta-analysis examining a broad children’s modelling of parent be more clearly linked to empathy. Thus, range of parent and child prejudice, behaviours, different kinds of parental the present study adopted the prejudice is learnt, with children’s talk can more directly affect outcomes in intentional/accidental harm paradigm to attitudes closely resembling those of their children. For instance, parents who talk examine whether and when children feel parents (Degner & Dalege, 2013). To this about the wellbeing of a victim when a empathy toward victims who have been end, Sinclair, Dunn, and Lowery (2005) child transgresses have children with a hurt, while examining parents’ general examined Allport’s (1954) contention more advanced theory of mind (Ruffman, attitudes and specific strategies as a that the extent to which children like their Perner, & Parkin, 1999). Also, the degree potential means for facilitating children’s parents, and wish to emulate their parents, to which parents discuss the mental states empathy. would affect the intergenerational of others is predictive of children’s Extent of Harm transmission of prejudice. Fourth- and behaviour. This includes their child’s Common sense suggests that empathy fifth-grade children completed measures cooperation with other children, moral will vary positively with the degree of of implicit and explicit pro-white/anti- development, emotion understanding, perceived harm. Indeed, when black bias, and also filled out a survey and a greater inclination to help others in considering the New Zealand public’s about child-parent identification. distress (Ruffman et al., 2006; Hoffman, response to events in Christchurch, it Meanwhile, parents completed a survey 1975; Dunn, Brown & Beardsall, 1991; might be that a combination of an that measured their attitudes toward Zahn-Waxler, Radke-Yarrow & King, intentional act (deliberately killing blacks. As hypothesised, parents’ racially 1979). Denham, Zoller and Couchoud unarmed individuals) coupled with prejudiced attitudes had a positive (1994) found that when mothers massive harm (50 dead, including association with children’s spontaneously discussed their own children), led to the highly salient discrimination, with a more substantial mental states, children had increased outpouring of grief and empathy for the correlation among children who were emotional understanding 15 months later, Muslim community witnessed in New highly identified with their parents compared to mothers who did not. Thus, Zealand. Thus, in addition to examining compared to less identified children. it is clear that maternal talk about mental intentional versus unintentional harm, in A study by Ruffman O’Brien, states is beneficial for the development of the present study we also examined how Taumoepeau, Latner, and Hunter (2016) emotion understanding, which in turn, the severity of harm influenced provided evidence that this link between likely facilitates empathy. children’s empathy toward a victim. parent and child attitudes begins earlier Brownell, Svetlova, Anderson, Parent Contributions than was previously thought. They tested Nichols, and Drummond (2013) obtained Children tend to adopt the attitudes and 70 mother-child dyads with the children more direct evidence for this idea. cognitive styles of their parents. For aged between 6 and 34 months. Children Parents read age-appropriate picture example, mothers showing negativity were presented with 10 pairs of photos, books to their children aged between 18- early in their child’s life tend to have less each pair including an average-weight and 30-month-olds, and the content and compliant children (Kochanska, Aksan, and an obese individual. Amongst the structure of their emotion-related and & Nichols, 2003). Davidov and Grusec oldest group of children (aged 31 to 34 internal state discourse were coded. (2006) found that maternal months, M = 2.67 years), there was a clear Children who were better at helping in a responsiveness to distress predicted bias to look away from the obese task requiring complex emotion children’s empathy and prosocial individual and towards the average- understanding, had parents who more behaviour toward distressed others, with weight person. Interestingly, they also often asked them to label and explain the measures of empathy and prosocial found a positive association between the emotions depicted in the books, behaviour including behavioural anti-fat attitudes of mothers and children; providing evidence that parents’ talk assessment, child interview, as well as the more prejudiced parents were toward about emotions with their toddlers related reports from mothers and teachers. Meta- obese individuals, the more likely to early prosocial behaviour. A similar

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study was conducted by Drummond, economic status, mother education was “always”) (M = 5.66, SD = 0.57,  = Paul, Waugh, Hammond and Brownell coded on a five-point scale: 1: less than .632). (2014). They assessed children’s helping high school, 2: high school or equivalent, Parent disciplinary strategies were behaviour with two tasks: an 3: technical or vocational training, 4: measured by four questions obtained instrumental helping task and an university degree, and 5: postgraduate from Ruffman et al. (1999) asking how emotion-based helping task that differed degree. Mean mother education in the parents would respond to situations in in whether there was a need for children younger age group was 3.26 (SD = 1.10) which their child transgressed. Their to understand the helpee’s emotional and 3.67 (SD = 1.11) in the older age responses were coded into three response state (emotion-based: yes; instrumental: group. types: wellbeing talk (e.g., “How would no). Drummond et al. found that parents’ Materials you feel if he did that to you?”; “That emotion and mental state discourse only Participants were tested at a table in a makes me feel sad”), discipline (e.g., “I’d related to children’s emotion-based small experimental room. The stories say we don’t do that”; “I’d send her to her helping behaviour but not to their were given within subjects. Besides room”), and discussion (e.g., “I’d talk instrumental, action-based helping differing in intent and damage severity, about it and try to find out what behaviour (Drummond, Paul, Waugh, each story had a different narrative, happened”). There were too few Hammond and Brownell, 2014). In a varying the way the character was hurt discussion responses to be meaningful so second study, a similar pattern of results (either by a bat, being kicked, by a this category was not analysed further. was obtained with children with aged 3 to bowling ball, or being pushed off a One coder coded all of the parent 6 years old (Rollo & Sulla, 2016). swing). The order in which these four responses and the second coded 25%. Nevertheless, what is unclear is whether narratives were presented followed the Inter-rater reliability for the two such talk would be more helpful for same order, whereas the intention and categories was good – wellbeing:  = children 6 years and under versus those damage severity were counterbalanced. 914; general reprimand:  = 843. older than 6 years. We examined this Each story was accompanied by four Procedure question in the present study. pictures, with a text printed below that the Parents were given an information sheet Present Study experimenter read aloud. For instance, the describing the experiment and a consent The current study aimed to determine first drawing showed two story characters form to sign. After parents signed the whether: (a) children show more empathy pre-event (e.g., two kids playing baseball consent form, the experimenter gave towards a victim harmed intentionally and looking happy), the second and the parents the questionnaires on a laptop. than a victim hurt accidentally, (b) third drawings showed the mishap (e.g., The experimenter then explained the task children show more empathy when the showed whether one child pushed the to the child, explaining that they would harm was severe versus mild, (c) victim (child) on purpose or by accident), read a story and then ask the child to give children’s empathy related to their and the last drawing showed the victim the character stickers. They explained that parent’s self-rated RWA, SDO and post-event, that is, showed whether the the stickers would make the character feel empathy, (d) children’s empathy related resulting harm was severe (broken better, and the more stickers they gave, to the things parents said to children when arm/leg) or minor (sore arm/leg but the better the character would feel. The their child transgressed, and (e) children’s okay). experimenter said to the child, “First, I’ll empathy changed over time. There were five red floral stickers on show you four pictures and tell you a To this end, we varied harm (severe the table, and after each story, the story about the pictures. Then, we will versus mild) and intention (intentional experimenter asked participants to share play a sharing game after each story". versus accidental), thus resulting in four stickers with the story victim. According After each story, the experimenter said, stories for each child: severe intentional to Moberly, Waddle and Duff (2005), “As you can see, (victim character’s harm, mild intentional harm, severe sticker sharing is one of the most common name) is very sad. Now, you have five accidental harm, or mild accidental harm. ways for teachers to provide positive stickers, I’m wondering if you want to Four pictures accompanied each story, rewards in early childhood classrooms, give some of the stickers to (name of the with the experimenter narrating the and is regularly used to measure character). The more you like him/her, the storyline. After each story, the empathy/prosocial behavior in more stickers you can give him/her”. The experimenter then gave the participant experiments with children (e.g., experimenter then placed five floral five stickers and, as a measure of Williams, O’Driscoll, & Moore, 2014). stickers on the table in front of the child, empathy, asked her/him to share them We tested parents on their self-rated along with the last picture (e.g., the with the story character. level of SDO and empathy, and also, on character’s broken arm/leg). Ethics METHOD their disciplinary strategies in four approval for the study was granted by the hypothetical situations. SDO was University Human Ethics Committee Participants measured using the SDO7, a short, 8-item (#F17/008), “Interactions Within a Fifty-one mother-child dyads scale, as found in Ho et al. (2015) (M = Virtual Reality Environment”. participated in this study. Children were 5.62, SD = 0.84,  = .733). Responses to between the ages of 5 and 12 years. the SDO7 were on a 7-point likert scale, RESULTS Children were split into two age groups: ranging from 1 (strongly oppose) to 7 Descriptive statistics for the main 5- and 6-year-olds (n = 29, M = 5.76 (strongly favour). Empathy was measured variables are displayed in Table 1. The years, 16 boys) and 7- to 12-year-olds (n using the Toronto Empathy data were analysed with a 2 (Age Group: = 22, M = 8.73 years, 9 boys). Children Questionnaire (TEQ), which consists of young, older) x 2 (Damage: severe, mild) were healthy and typically-developing, 16 questions (Kourmousi et al., 2017), x 2 (Intention: intentional, accidental) and recruited from a medium-sized city in each rated on a five-point scale (“never”, mixed analysis of variance. Age Group New Zealand. As a measure of socio- “rarely”, “sometimes”, “often” and was a between-subjects variable, whereas

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Damage and Intention were within- sticker difference score (stickers given the parent discipline variable correlated subjects variables. The dependent after severe damage minus stickers given with and parents’ self-ratings of their variable was the number of stickers after mild damage). As hypothesised, the empathy, r = -.461, p = .035, such that children gave to the story character. Only correlation between parent talk about the parents who said they would discipline one effect was significant, the main effect victim’s wellbeing (wellbeing talk) and their child or tell their child not to do it for Damage, F(1, 49) = 16.72, p < .001, the sticker difference score was when the child transgressed, rated 2 p = .254. The interaction between significant in the younger age group, r = themselves as having lower empathy. Damage and Age Group approached .382, p = .041. In contrast, it was not Second, parent self-ratings of empathy significance, F(1, 49) = 2.77, p = .102, significant (and was negative rather than and SDO correlated, r = .473, p = .026. 2 p = .053. All other effects were not positive) in the older age group, r = -.199, We discuss this latter correlation further significant (all Fs < 1.14, all ps > .29). p = .387. These two correlation in the Discussion. Given a priori interest in whether parent coefficients were significantly different Given that the sticker difference score talk would be beneficial for both young from each other, p = .046, and are and the parent emotion talk variables and older children, we then split the illustrated in Figures 1 and 2. The only correlated differently in the two age children into two age groups (young and other significant correlations in both age groups, we then used linear regression to older) and examined correlations between groups were between the parent explore the data further. The dependent the main variables in each age group. wellbeing talk variable and the parent variable was the sticker difference score Tables 2 and 3 include this information. discipline variable (uninteresting because and the predictors were age group, parent Given the main effect for Damage in the these are logically intertwined). In wellbeing talk, and the interaction analysis of variance above, we created a addition, in the older age group, there between age group and parent wellbeing were two significant correlations. First, talk.

Table 1. Descriptive statistics for main variables in the study

Younger Older Children Children Mean (SD) Mean (SD) Child Transgressions: Wellbeing 0.43 (0.37) 0.34 (0.33) Child Transgressions: Discipline 0.43 (0.38) 0.55 (0.36) Stickers Unintentional Severe 2.97 (1.68) 3.77 (1.23) Stickers Unintentional Mild 2.69 (1.61) 2.55 (1.34) Stickers Intentional Severe 3.03 (1.61) 3.59 (1.40) Stickers Intentional Mild 2.28 (1.60) 2.36 (1.79) Parent Empathy 5.65 (0.56) 5.68 (0.60) Parent SDO 5.53 (0.82) 5.74 (0.87)

Table 2. Correlations between the sticker difference score and main variables in the younger age group

1 2 3 4 5 6 1. Parent Education - 2. Child Sex .282 - 3. Parent SDO .085 .066 - 4. Parent Empathy .091 .041 .220 - 5. Child Transgressions: Wellbeing .198 -.177 -.132 .011 - 6. Child Transgressions: Discipline -.319 .073 .050 -.181 -.819** - 7. Sticker Difference Score -.088 -.037 -.097 -.044 .382* -.386* Note. *p < .05. **p < .01.

Table 3. Correlations between the sticker difference score and main variables in the older age group

1 2 3 4 5 6 1. Parent Education - 2. Child Sex .533* - 3. Parent SDO .356 .487* - 4. Parent Empathy .023 .262 .473* - 5. Child Transgressions: Wellbeing .219 .160 .039 .432 - 6. Child Transgressions: Discipline -.389 -.320 -.132 -.461* -.886** - 7. Sticker Difference Score .087 .149 -.175 -.157 -.199 .140 Note. *p < .05. **p < .01.

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Given the a priori prediction that parent in the sticker difference score. Thus, after parent wellbeing talk predicted unique emotion talk would never be more highly controlling for parent wellbeing talk, variance in the sticker difference score, t related to empathy in the older age group older children showed more empathy by = -1.98, p = .027, pr = -.28, in older age than the younger age group, we used one- giving more stickers to the severely hurt group. The interaction shows that the tail when evaluating the interaction. With character than the mildly hurt character. relation between parents’ talk about the all variables in the prediction equation, In addition, after controlling for child age, wellbeing of the victim and the child’s age group, t = 2.83, p = .007, pr =.385, parents who gave more wellbeing talk had empathy was significantly larger in the and parent wellbeing talk, t = 2.03, p = more empathic children. In addition, the younger than the older age group. .048, pr = .287, predicted unique variance interaction between child age group and

Figure 1. Scatterplot showing sticker difference score for younger age group.

Figure 2. Scatterplot showing sticker difference score for older age group

DISCUSSION childhood in an attempt to fill these gaps their parent’s self-rated SDO and Previous research indicated that parent in the literature. Empathy was empathy, as well as parenting disciplinary talk about the emotions/wellbeing of investigated by measuring sticker sharing strategies. Our interest was in whether others correlated with children’s behaviour in response to a character in a parent talk about the wellbeing/emotions empathy, at least up to the age of 6 years. story being hurt, with manipulations of of others correlated with children’s The present study aimed to investigate the damage and intent. We also examined the empathy, or whether more general way in which empathy develops in middle relation between children’s empathy and

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parental attitudes (SDO, empathy) took regarding it as an all-or-none it may not be the true empathy (i.e., precedence. phenomenon. empathy toward others). Instead, parents’ We obtained three major findings. First, The third major finding concerns how SDO could be accompanied by on the basis of common sense, we parent emotion talk relates to children’s grandiosity in which they have an inflated expected that participants would feel empathy. The results (Tables 2 and 3) view of themselves. Consistent with our more empathy for the victim who was indicated that the correlation between hypothesis, Chichocka, Dhont, and seriously hurt than the victim who parent wellbeing talk and empathy Makwana (2017) found a relation experienced a minor hurt. The results (sticker sharing difference score) was between narcissistic self‐evaluation and supported this idea, as participants gave significantly larger in the younger age SDO, even after controlling for self‐ more stickers with greater damage. group than the older age group. As such, esteem. Second, based on research by Decety et it can be concluded that younger Limitations al. (2012) and Michalska et al. (2013), we children’s empathy is more likely to be We acknowledge some limitations in predicted that participants would show linked to parents’ talk about a victim’s the current study. First, as mentioned more empathy for a victim who was hurt feelings (Figure 1). Nevertheless, our above, the last frame in which the damage intentionally than unintentionally. results are correlational rather than was made clear could have overshadowed However, children did not distinguish longitudinal or stemming from an the intent in the story. This is particularly between intentional and unintentional intervention. On the face of it, then, it is likely because the participant could have harm. A reasonable explanation for this difficult to discern causality. Does parent been able to detect the pattern that was finding is that the stickers were given talk about the wellbeing of others arising, as the last pictures of each of the after the last picture, which focused solely facilitate children’s empathy, do more stories were all very similar. They could on the extent of damage caused. Thus, the empathic children encourage parents to have noticed that they were asked if they intent, which was expressed in the first talk about the wellbeing of others, or is a wanted to give any stickers straight after three pictures, was less salient and may third variable involved? they found out the extent of the damage, have been forgotten. Future research One result consistent with the idea that and only focused on that aspect of the could aim to investigate empathy for parent talk facilitates children’s empathy story. intentional and unintentional harm, is that the correlation amongst older Further, the sample size was relatively without manipulation of other factors to children was significantly less than that small. We had 51 parent-child pairs in directly examine the role of intent in for younger children. If parents’ total in this study. Also, the study tested children’s empathy. wellbeing talk was simply a response to only one ethnic group (Caucasian). It will Although it might be that children in our child characteristics, then it should have thus be necessary to extend the results to study would have differentiated between related to empathy in the older age group children from other ethnic groups to intentional and unintentional behaviour too. The results suggest that parent assess whether these findings can be had we not also manipulated the severity wellbeing talk might have helped younger generalised across all ethnic groups. of damage, it nevertheless remains the children to be empathic because they Conclusion case that they did not do so. It is also the could learn from such talk, but that it The present study investigated empathy case that once we controlled for parent wasn’t helpful for older children because development in middle childhood and wellbeing talk (in the regression), older they should have known better already. aimed to determine the way in which it children had a larger sticker difference Wellbeing talk (e.g., “How would you developed over age, as well as its score than younger children (i.e., gave feel if he did that to you?”) encourages relationship to parent disciplinary more stickers to the severely hurt simulation and follows the golden rule, strategies. The results suggest that there character than the mildly hurt character). ‘treat others as you wish to be treated’. were connections between parenting This suggests that there might be Knowing oneself and the way that you disciplinary strategies and younger development in empathy over middle normally respond, in conjunction with an children’s empathy. In contrast, parents’ childhood and it might be too soon to say understanding of others’ mental states, general attitudes (empathy, SDO) were that children fully understand empathy, may aid in simulating how someone else not related to children’s empathy. If even in middle childhood. Perhaps might feel. Thus, introspection parents’ emotion talk about a victim’s empathy is a more complex phenomenon contributes to theory of mind feelings facilitates children’s empathy, than previously hypothesised. The understanding, and is related to empathy there is an opportunity for future research observed effects highlight that children (Gonzales, Fabricius, & Kupfer, 2018). In to examine both how these processes may not yet understand the social and addition, longitudinal results are also develop, and how we can encourage moral processes behind the distinction of consistent with the idea that parent children to employ them when confronted intentional and unintentional harm in that wellbeing talk facilitates children’s with a person who has been hurt. For they do not integrate intention with empathy because such talk at an early instance, parents could be trained to damage severity. It is possible that time point is related to children’s employ wellbeing responses and empathy develops gradually, with subsequent cooperation with others children’s empathy could be monitored empathy for physical hurt developing (Ruffman et al., 2006). over time. This possibility opens up a before, and taking precedence over, Finally, a fourth finding was that in the promising area of research into what empathy for moral transgressions such as older age group, parent empathy was developmental mechanisms may intentional hurt. Therefore, the present related to parent SDO. This result is contribute to the progression of empathy findings provide opportunity for future perhaps surprising at first because SDO is development. research in some of the more specific inversely related to empathy (Pratto et al., Our results are also important in that mechanisms of empathy, rather than 1994). However, we note that parents’ they set the standard for future studies empathy was measured by self-ratings, so with children who exhibit social cognitive

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disorders (e.g., antisocial personality oriented strategies) is a relatively simple hierarchy. The present results suggest that disorder, conduct disorder) who are often means of potentially facilitating empathy. if we want our children to grow into deficient in experiencing empathy or Parents helping children to put adults who are empathic and treat others guilt. Intervening to encourage parents to themselves in the position of another may as equals, then we should encourage them discuss the wellbeing of others (rather encourage them to feel more empathy for to think about the feelings of others, and than employing more punishment- those who are at the bottom of a put themselves in their position.

Correspondence regarding this article should be sent to Kangning Du at: Department of Psychology, University of Otago, PO Box 56, Dunedin, New Zealand. Email: [email protected].

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Experiences of women wearing hijab in New Zealand

Representing Islam: Experiences of women wearing hijab in New Zealand Eileen Ash, Keith Tuffin and Ella Kahu Massey University, New Zealand

An increase in commentary on the hijab, or Muslim headscarf, in Western countries can be attributed to multiple factors, not least among them the current political discourse relating to Islamic terrorism (Green, 2015). Despite Islam being a rapidly expanding religion in New Zealand, there is a dearth of research pertaining to Muslims. Here we aim to understand the everyday experiences of hijabi women in New Zealand. Six women were interviewed, and the data were analysed using an interpretive phenomenological framework. Three themes were identified: explanations for wearing hijab, interpersonal experiences, and the responses to these interpersonal experiences. Research findings point to a complex interplay of individual and socio-cultural factors which influence the everyday experiences of hijabi women.

Keywords: hijab; Muslim; Islam; discrimination; prejudice

Introduction (Green, 2015). While political opposition (Fredette, 2015). Similar legislation has The intersection of private religious often focuses on the more substantive been passed in Belgium, Bulgaria, and the beliefs and practices, and the public Muslim veils of niqab and burka, all Netherlands (Bilsky, 2009). As illustrated appraisal of those beliefs and practices, is forms of the veil, including hijab, can by these examples, messages relating to a fascinating and at times contentious draw negative attention (Hyder et al., wearing hijab in Western countries are at dynamic. A group who are particularly 2015). The United States-led “war on times contradictory and are influencing familiar with this intersection are those terror” was sparked by the 2001 terror environments in which hijabi women are who visibly affiliate with religion through attacks in New York City, known as 9/11. visible. identifiable garments such as the Sikh This war inflamed historically tense Research consistently documents that turban, the Catholic nun’s habit, or the relations between “the West” and “the hijabi women encounter discrimination, Jewish kippah or skullcap (Homberger & East” with various political, media, and menacing looks, angry shouting, and acts Bradley, 2015). Wearing religious popular culture sources creating a of violence (Cherney & Murphy, 2016; symbols signals one’s affiliation and dichotomy of “us” and “them”. Everett et al., 2015; Fayyaz & Kamal, exposes the individual to society’s views Misunderstandings, such as non-Muslims 2014; Ghumman & Ryan, 2013; Hyder et and stereotypes about the wearer’s failing to distinguish between the al., 2015). In addition, hijabi women face religion (Baerveldt, 2015; Cherney & behaviours of extremist and mainstream discrimination in employment and career Murphy, 2016). The intertwining of Muslims, have major negative development, such as a reduced religion, politics, culture, and humanity, consequences for Muslims, who are often likelihood of a call back after an interview against the backdrop of current public and subject to prejudice and discrimination. compared with someone not wearing political discourse, makes the individual This is particularly so for veiled Muslim hijab (Ghumman & Ryan, 2013; experience of this interaction politically women, due to their overt visual Robinson, 2016). Further, a study from and sociologically important. representation of Islam. the United Kingdom highlighted that Within Western countries, the most Increased focus on hijab-wearing has Muslims have been treated as a “suspect frequently discussed form of religious led to a growing tension between the community” since 9/11 through increased dress is the hijab (Fournier, 2013). Hijab normalisation of wearing hijab and its use of counter-terrorism strategies is the scarf covering the head and neck of marginalisation. The increasing visibility (Bonino, 2013). Hijabi women, who are Muslim women which, within Islam, and normalisation of hijab in the Western visibly identifiable as Muslim, are at signifies the upholding of respect world was evident at the 2016 New York greater risk of this ethnic profiling and between men and women (Hyder, Fashion Week, which included the first targeting by police. Parrington, & Hussain, 2015). It is an collection incorporating hijab in every Additionally, the hijab contradicts what exclusively public symbol of religion that outfit (Roberts, 2016). Alongside such is traditionally viewed as feminist in is not worn in private with family progressive events are acts of Western countries (Al Wazni, 2015). This members. Modest dress was prescribed marginalization. For instance, image of feminism has been based on for both men and women in the Qur’an, contentious and widely debated laws politics and capitalist marketing, and the Muslim holy book, to prevent concerning Islamic dress have been within this hijab has symbolised attraction to anyone other than their implemented in parts of Europe (Scott, oppression towards women. The “second- spouse. 2007). In 2004, a ban on wearing any wave” feminism beginning the 1960s This is a critical time for hijabi women conspicuous signs of religious affiliation advocated for women to reclaim their living in Western countries due to fear of within the French public-school system bodies and their sexuality; including fundamental Islam and of terrorism disproportionally affected Muslims encouraging Muslim women to remove

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their hijabs (Al Wazni, 2015, p. 327). context, such as a deciding to wear, or not were diminished through the goal of This form of feminism became another wear, hijab. constructing assimilative goals as part of the ever-present dichotomy New Zealand is distinctive from other positive. Such goals seek to homogenise between Islam and the West (Saadallah, Western nations in several ways, rather than celebrate cultural diversity. 2004). However, the evolution of highlighting the importance of Despite the growth in the Muslim Western feminist movements into the researching women in New Zealand. community, there is little research “third-wave” allow for non-white First, New Zealand is a bicultural nation examining Muslim experiences in New feminist ideas, a pluralistic approach that based on a partnership between Zealand. While, in a rare counter- advocates for women’s choice of life indigenous Māori and Pākehā/New example, Jasperse, Ward, and Jose (2012) paths, rather than a mono-cultural Zealand Europeans (Mein Smith, 2011). reported interactions between Muslim definition of freedom (Snyder-Hall, While, in practice, the national culture and non-Muslim groups as mostly 2010). remains dominated by the majority peaceful, there is evidence of attacks The intersectionality of gender and Pākehā group, government and public towards the Islamic community through feminist identity with religious and discourse include efforts to create a harassment and vandalism (Kolig, 2010). cultural identity is central to the national narrative that is both Māori and Further, greater discrimination has been experience of hijabi women in Western Pākehā. Second, New Zealand has found with visibility, that is, wearing countries. Hopkins and Greenwood progressive and tolerant social ideals, as hijab (Jasperse et al., 2012). In 2010, the (2013) used Self-Categorisation theory to evidenced by being the first country to majority of recorded religious consider the relationship between self- provide women with voting rights, and discrimination complaints to the New identification and behaviour through one of the first countries to legalise gay Zealand Human Rights Commission were analysing interview accounts of hijabi marriage (Dann, 2015; Henrickson, directed towards Muslim women based women in Scotland. They identified 2010). Third, New Zealand is strongly on attire (HRC, 2010). Lastly, Dobson (among other things) complexity in the secular with religion being neither (2012) analysed Muslim women’s performance of the participants’ Muslim privileged nor barred (Kolig, 2016). In the narratives and found that their context identity and other identities such as 2013 census, 41.9 percent of people shaped their experience of their faith, gender or nationality. For example, a reported that they affiliated with no with influences including their minority hijabi woman is faced with a religion (Statistics New Zealand, 2014). status, migration, and resettlement. Islam contradiction when she anticipates that Muslims constitute the fastest served as a structure and support in the hijab is seen as national dis-identification expanding religious group in New face of such challenges. or viewed as a mark of oppression which Zealand with a 27.9 percent increase In this study, we aim to build on this may go against her gender identity. In between 2006 and 2013 (Statistics New small foundation to deepen our opposition to this, wearing the hijab may Zealand, 2014). Within this group, more understanding of the experiences of hijabi represent values of religious freedom and than a quarter were born in New Zealand, women living in New Zealand. A cultural gender equality (Scott, 2007). For some, 27 percent were born in Asia, 23 percent context of biculturalism, strong hijab also serves as an emblem of in the or Africa, and 21 secularism, and a government known for resistance when a vocal majority seek to percent in the Pacific Islands. In recent progress and tolerance, makes the marginalise it. decades, immigration has been a experiences of hijabi women in New Theories considering identity and contentious and polarized topic in New Zealand interesting. We use Interpretative behaviour are central to understanding the Zealand (and other Western countries), as Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) of in- experiences of hijabi women in New policy changes have meant a rapid rise in depth qualitative interviews to explore the Zealand. Identity Process Theory views immigrants from various ethnic and meaning of wearing hijab, how the identity as both a structure and a process, cultural backgrounds (Johnston, Gendall, women feel their hijab-wearing is focussing on the interaction of Trlin, & Spoonley, 2010). While non- perceived by non-Muslims, and whether psychological and social factors in its Muslim New Zealanders generally have they have experienced prejudice and production (Jaspal & Breakwell, 2014). more positive attitudes towards discrimination. IPA allows in-depth Identity is regulated through processes of immigrants than Australian and European exploration of how the women make assimilation-accommodation and citizens, survey research has also found sense of their experience wearing hijab in evaluation. Assimilation-accommodation New Zealanders are more biased against New Zealand (Larkin & Thompson, refers to responses to new information immigrants from predominantly Muslim 2012). (e.g. hijabi women being aware of the countries than others (Ward & Masgoret, “Muslim terrorist” stereotype) and how 2008). METHOD this is adjusted to (e.g. presenting as Similarly, the discursive literature on Participants polite or pious in order to avoid racism in New Zealand suggests racist Participants were recruited through the association between their religious discourse has become increasingly subtle Facebook page of an Auckland mosque. practice and Islamic terrorism). This and ambivalent (Tuffin, 2008). Research The six participants were between 20 and process is followed by evaluation of their exploring young adults’ views of 50 years old, spoke English fluently, and own identity (e.g. a Muslim having a immigration and diversity indicate much were born overseas but now lived more negative or positive view of their agreement around the notion of “one” permanently in New Zealand. Countries own religion due to how Islam is society, dominated by nationalistic of origin were Fiji, India, Palestine, and perceived in that context). If this process discourses affirming the stereotype of Indonesia. Five of the six participants identifies a threat to identity, a coping New Zealanders as white and English always wore hijab in public, and one on a strategy is used in response to the social speaking (Lyons, Madden, Chamberlain, part-time basis, for example, during the & Carr, 2011). The rights of the “other” Muslim fasting month of Ramadan. One

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of the participants wore both hijab, and dominant themes are presented with Amal stated that she wears hijab so occasionally niqab. extracts from the interviews to illustrate “people see you as you are,” providing Data collection the themes. Participants are identified by insight into the function of hijab to In-depth, semi-structured interviews pseudonyms. express her religious identity. were conducted in November and Reflexivity Despite the sense of hijab being a December of 2016 in locations chosen by Active consideration of personal simple expression of an inner reality, the the women including libraries, cafes, and assumptions and cultural background is process to reach this decision was not in one case, the participant’s home. Probe pivotal to sound research. The simple. Lina’s conviction to wearing questions, such as “What does wearing interviewer, the first author, is Pākehā hijab required deep consideration: hijab represent to you?” were used to (the dominant ethnic group in New So uh I studied and I also read articles facilitate talk, and then follow-up Zealand: Statistics New Zealand, 2014). about hijab and things like that. Then questions encouraged more depth. That she is a non-Muslim member of the after two years of contemplating Interviews were conducted consistent majority group will have created a discussions with my husband, with with IPA principles; that is, probing, different dynamic than if she had been my sisters, with different people, I open-ended questions were aimed at Muslim. For instance, participants may decided I want to wear hijab. generating detailed descriptions of what it feel less able to be critical of non-Muslim While some participants came to the is like to wear hijab in New Zealand New Zealanders. Such concerns are part decision after much consultation with (Smith & Eatough, 2012). The mode of of the IPA process of “double family and friends, others reached the interviewing allowed for unexpected hermeneutics” or the dual interpretation decision without the approval of issues to arise in the talk, and to be process (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2012, p. significant others. Dalia said: “Actually, followed up with further questions. The 361). While striving for neutrality is not a my family didn’t want me to wear it, they study received ethical approval from the goal IPA research, it was still a goal to weren’t into religion. So my father was Massey University ethics committee, remain grounded in participant accounts. against it. I wanted to. It was like a participants were advised that they could challenge.” refuse to answer any question, and ANALYSIS Unequivocally, the women expressed interviews were audio-recorded and Three themes were identified from the that the act of wearing hijab was transcribed. analysis: explanations for wearing hijab, personally chosen. Nabila states: Data Analysis interpersonal experiences, and responses It’s just that it’s personal choice. You IPA emphasises the importance of to these interpersonal experiences. know. Some people think that respecting the experience of individuals husbands shove it down your wife’s and the ways in which they make sense of Explanations for wearing hijab throat – you have to cover, you have their experiences. This approach also The analysis suggested that religious to cover. emphasises the importance of talk and commitment was the basis on which the Nabila’s description highlights how her interpretive work that accompany women wore hijab. Alongside obligation personal choice and freedom contrasts individual accounts, while openly to God, wearing hijab was also a personal against the stereotypical (negative) view acknowledging the extent to which choice. This dual reasoning revealed of Muslim women dominated by reading of participant experiences is also tension in how the women expressed overbearing husbands. dependent on the researchers’ Western ideas of personal choice and This analysis highlighted a tension interpretation (Shinebourne, 2011). freedom compared with their religious around women’s reasoning for wearing Consistent with this approach, we sought requirement to follow Qur’anic hijab. On one hand, the women drew to capture rich and detailed accounts of prescription. upon individualistic Western ideals such interpretations of the experiences of a Responses to the questions of why they as personal choice, while also expressing small number of hijabi women. wore hijab and what it represented were an obligation to God as outlined in the The stages of analysis followed an IPA consistent in that it was a religious Qur’an. After being asked why she wears framework; the first stage entailed decision as prescribed in the Qur’an for hijab, Farah described an incident of reading and re-reading the transcripts and modesty. Lina states: discrimination that illustrates this noting initial thoughts and observations I say to myself if I want to wear it, I contradiction: without forcing any adherence to theory, have to make sure that I understand Farah: We were walking from enabling familiarity with each interview about the meaning of hijab for Countdown to home, there was like and the identification of significant parts Muslims and I understand that it is some people his hair was like red, of the transcript that may have relevance important to me to wear it and I want green, something like that, yellow, a later (Harper & Thompson, 2012). The to wear it because of God alone. lot of rainbow colours in his hair, with second stage was more structured, Lina stresses her singular reasoning for his girlfriend I guess, with a lot of identifying patterns of meaning or wearing hijab. The strength of her piercings. Then he said, this is New psychological themes in the transcripts, conviction is represented in such phrases Zealand, this is not Arab. Take it off! and focusing on more abstract concepts as “I have to make sure”. Her statement “I Stuff like that. such as power, respect, or difference. The want to wear it because of God alone” Interviewer: But isn’t it ironic, because third part of the analysis structured and suggests she has encountered suggestions he’s wearing what he wants to wear, created an overview of the themes, with that she also has other reasons for so he’s different to everyone else? specific quotes from each participant wearing. Farah: Yes, yeah, I understand. Then I noted to ensure the themes remained Participants also expressed notions of said your hair is weird. I choose to grounded in the actual words of the identity relating to religion, in that hijab have this; this is New Zealand; this is commentary (Smith, 2008). The enabled the inner self to be made public. free country. Exactly.

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Interviewer: Did he communicate back? there, used to wear my headscarf, I use a bin. And then he swore at me, Farah: Yes, He said this is free country wasn’t even driving those days, I you f-ing Allah-thingy, you’re I chose whatever I want. Then I said, lived in [this city] for 4 years. probably going around blowing exactly. Alhamdulillah, I haven’t faced any people up. And I’m like, ok yeah. I From Farah’s perspective, being free kind of racist behaviour, and that was said, “Be careful or I’ll put a bomb means she can display her religion post 9/11, I came in 2002. […] I had under your truck”. And then he swore through her choice dress. Her comments no problems. My kids were very small at me and he told me that I must be indicate that she was aware of a double and I used to, most of the time live on terrorist and blah blah blah. standard in that her interrogator views his my own, my husband was away on This depicts the presumed association own unconventional choice of fashion as conferences, you know doctors, 2 between Islam and acts of terror. Nabila’s a manifestation of his freedom, but not weeks, 3 weeks. I would be home laughter is significant and could serve to her hijab. alone. dispel some of the seriousness of the Overall, analysis highlighted the Despite concern about wearing hijab situation, to position her as other than a decision to wear hijab as both a personal after 9/11, she felt safe and unafraid even victim, or reflect a wariness of exposing choice and a commitment to God, and at times when her husband was travelling her own treatment to a non-Muslim, complex - to the degree that one overseas. At a time when prejudices were Pākehā interviewer. participant’s family did not want her to overflowing elsewhere, she experienced Amal, the youngest of the interviewees, wear hijab. It was clear that the women provincial New Zealand as a beacon of elaborated on her concern for her own had experienced others believing hijab religious and cultural tolerance. safety as well as her mother’s: was enforced within Islam, and had The women also discussed the Like I have done literally nothing to encountered misunderstandings and experience of being able to wear hijab in you, but you come and try to terrorize double standards. a political sense. Two of the women me for just existing, and then have the expressed gratitude for this aspect of gall to call me the terrorist. It makes Interpersonal experiences religious freedom. Lina said: no sense and it makes me feel like As illustrated above, interpersonal I think it’s positive, very positive, crap, and also sort of scared for my experiences played a significant part in because I mean the New Zealand own safety - or mostly my mum's I much of the talk. With some exceptions, environment give me the opportunity guess because she wears the hijab full these women identified that there was a to do it freely, unlike Paris for time, and I can't help but wonder if or largely positive societal response to example or in France and I’m really when there will ever be a time when wearing hijab. They reflected upon a really grateful to be here in this someone tries to get physical with her sense of society being unconcerned with country where the environment – in because of it. their dress choices, being unaccepting of terms of social environment, political Amal describes the irony of being discrimination overall, and the political environment - gives me the approached aggressively because the freedom of religious dress. Despite this, opportunity, allow me to do this. perpetrator believed her religion is four of the six women described Lina is highly aware that in other violent. This is a defensive comment that encountering discrimination, while countries she may be stopped from describes fear for her own, and female Jasmeen and Lina stated they had never wearing hijab. This is pertinent family members’, physical safety. This experienced negativity due to wearing considering how deeply she believes in fear is speculative, although naturally hijab. her decision. The contrast between her follows the experience of verbal insult Analysis showed participants viewed ability to wear hijab in New Zealand, and inciting violence. non-Muslim New Zealanders as being legislation in France banning hijab, Analysis shows that there are external unconcerned with their private choices. illustrates that this influences her pressures of wearing hijab. Lina recounts Half of the women stated that people interpretation of experiences in New a conversation with her husband about her generally “mind their own business”. Zealand. visibly representing Islam: There seemed to be high levels of There were exceptions to this generally He really really respects me as a awareness that they were not being consensual recounting of positive Muslim woman because I’m out there subject to judgement from others for experiences, including accounts of public wearing hijab, people know I’m wearing hijab. Farah for example hostility reflecting negative viewpoints Muslim on the bus, train, where I explained: “That’s good, I don’t care about Muslims as condoning terrorism walk, everywhere, you know. But what they wear as long as you respect me, and as patriarchally oppressive. maybe no one know he is a Muslim I will respect you. That’s in New Zealand. Firstly, participants described a number even though they may meet him face In Indonesia, there’s so much of incidents of discrimination, based on to face because he’s not distinguished judgement.” Farah says this in spite of others connecting Islam to terrorism. Muslim. That’s why he said, oh I some experience of hostility for wearing Nabila owned and worked in a dairy for respect you very much. When you hijab in New Zealand. many years, interacting with a cross- wear hijab. You are brave woman to Interestingly, Jasmeen referenced post- section of people. Nabila describes one be out there as a minority you know. 9/11 as a time when she would expect to specific incident: You know, you bare yourself, like say experience discrimination, but did not: One day this truck driver was outside to the world that you are Muslim. I’ve lived here in New Zealand for 13 my shop. Rubbish truck. And he Lina’s husband believes she is at risk years running and I came to New tipped my bin over, spilled all over, and wearing it requires courage. An Zealand post 9/11 in [a regional city on the footpath, and I was just outside otherwise straightforward extension of in the North Island]. It’s a beautiful the shop. And then he yelled abuse at public Islamic identity now also requires town, lovely people. So, I arrived me (laughs). He didn’t know how to

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courage since it is presumed to carry I’m taking care of my old parents. the meaning behind her hijab-wearing. risks. That is the biggest jihad referred to by She articulates that open discussion about Secondly, participants described the Prophet that is the biggest jihad. why she wears hijab is necessary, to incidents of negative stereotyping based Jasmeen’s example of the un-nuanced use address hostility that she sees as reflecting on others’ belief that hijab signifies of jihad provides insight into everyday ignorance. She sets aside the possible patriarchal oppression. Nabila stated: contradictions the women experience confrontation involved in such an I think they would probably mean that based on media reports. When news approach. it’s oppression. That a woman is media reports describe violent attacks as Additionally, participants described oppressed and made to do, subjugated jihad, this contrasts starkly with being compelled to behave appropriately to - Probably being treated as a slave. Jasmeen’s religious personal reality of when wearing hijab to represent Islamic Or yeah. Subservient. I dunno. jihad - as an internal struggle. While the ideals. Lina stated: Further, some participants mentioned women implicated media as the primary You have to show other people that that non-Muslim New Zealanders saw her source behind negative stereotyping and you are a good person. So, you have as lacking intelligence or agency because subsequent hostility, some also attributed to be kind, you have to be nice, you she wore hijab. Nabila elaborated: hostility to individual aggressor’s have to be approachable – that’s the A lot of times when I was in the shop personal situations. Jasmeen states: word, because you want to show you know people think you’re You can’t label everybody to be a others that you are a good person, you covered so you probably don’t have a racist because it can be situations, know, you’re not wearing hijab or brain. They think your heads covered, like, they must have had a bad day at something just to be, you know, that she probably doesn’t have a work, family. I mean, most of us different to other people. brain. So they barely look at you. people we’re just like, living life like Further, if one of Lina’s non-Muslim Then when you speak, you always get just going by day to day chores, isn’t friends encountered prejudice towards a second look. it? So sometimes we might get angry Islam, she said they would respond in a Nabila’s explanation highlights that at somebody. way that recognises these prejudices being stereotyped as oppressed reflects Jasmeen is unwilling to view society as through knowing herself and her negatively, depriving her of the human prejudiced and prefers to believe that her husband: attribute of intelligence or voice. experience reflects other’s struggles, and So people who know us, if they An overview of the theme of their impacts on how they express encounter another person who said interpersonal experiences indicated a themselves. In essence, Jasmeen forgives negative things about Muslims, they positive response to wearing hijab in those who express hostility towards her, will say, “oh my friends, I have a everyday life. However, the women suggesting that her claim that she has not number of Muslim friends, I have encountered two forms of negative experienced discrimination in New Muslim acupuncturist, or have, you stereotyping resulting in public hostility: Zealand may understate her experience. know and his wife”, things like that that Muslims condone terrorism, and that Secondly, the women responded to for example. “But they’re nice so they are oppressed by male members of negative stereotyping with a sense of what you said is wrong”. their family. responsibility to represent Islam through Here, there is a contradiction between education and communication, and Lina’s religious reasons for wearing Responses to experiences imperatives to behave appropriately when hijab, and her focus on being viewed The women discussed three ways in wearing hijab in public. Farah states “I’m positively. Although being approachable which they respond to these experiences. using my time in New Zealand to actually may align with Islamic ideals, encounters The women often implicated media tell people this is Islam, it’s not as scary with anti-Muslim negativity has meant portrayals of negative Muslim as you think it is”. When Jasmeen was that she has focussed on her likeability as stereotypes, and assumed a sense of asked what she considered non-Muslim a person, rather than religious reasons for responsibility regarding the New Zealanders believe hijab means to wearing hijab. Further, Lina’s comment representation of Islam. This manifested her, she responded: about friends’ defence of her illustrates in both expressing the motivation to be an They don’t know anything about it, I the extent of Islamophobia in society. ambassador of Islam, and behaving guess I think they should ask a That is, even people that are not Muslim, appropriately when wearing hijab. Their Muslim lady why she wears the hijab, but are friends with Muslims, encounter religion facilitated how they coped with some do but very rarely. I think if they negativity and misunderstanding, and are difficult experiences. do ask a Muslim person or anybody therefore prompted to speak up against it. Firstly, media portrayals were why they do what they do, not Thirdly, participants described using implicated in negative stereotyping. anything but just religiously why do their faith to cope with discrimination. In Jasmeen described the contradictory you do what you do, it breaks so many several interviews, the response to violent nature of a specific term jihad as barriers, and that would be so nice to discriminatory confrontation was to turn it is used in media, compared to her have a good happy, you know that to the Islamic spiritual texts. Farah intrapersonal understanding of it: would be my advice, really they compared her experience of Jihad is always referred to by media should come forward they should ask discrimination with the experience of the as the holy war. That’s the term. But if they have a question if they have a Islamic Prophet : “What’s that’s not the term, jihad is not a holy doubt, communication can solve a lot actually about Islam they don’t war, jihad the Arabic word means of problems. understand. So, I just walk away. It’s not striving struggling to live in this Jasmeen’s description of barriers as bad as our Prophet Muhammad. He world. Jihad can be used even to refer, provides insight into what it may feel like used to have someone pouring urine from oh I’m in a bit jihad – why? Because to wear hijab, when others misunderstand the top floor.” Similarly, Nabila stated:

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To a Muslim, a jihad means a struggle experiences of subtle racism (Lyons et al., (Al Wazni, 2015). Consistent with of any sort. So wearing a hijab in a say 2011; Tuffin, 2008). responses from the women in this study, Islamophobic society or country is However, there are factors that could Rane, Nathie, Isakhan and Abdalla (2010) actually jihad. Because you’re doing have influenced the women’s choice of reported that Islam and misogynistic a battle with your inner self. A lot of whether or not to acknowledge and attitudes are not positively correlated. people post 9/11 took off their hijabs disclose difficulties, including their sense Similarly, a study of thousands of because they were scared. Some of gratitude for the political and social Muslims in 35 countries found Islamic women used to have their scarves freedom to wear hijab, and the ways that religiosity in Muslim men did not pulled off, it happened in buses and they interpreted experiences that might correlate positively with the oppression of things here. Girls got abused. You also be considered discriminatory. In women (Esposito & Mogahed, 2007). know. Scarves pulled off and that. But addition, a research interview is not a How participants believe they are seen to a Muslim that’s what jihad is, neutral context (Edwards & Potter, 1992). by others may shape their identity and trying to battle what others think. So The women will be aware of the negative influence whether they wear hijab or not to me, you know, if somebody - judgements that are made about Muslim (Hopkins & Greenwood, 2013). because maybe I’m strong like that - people and about wearing hijab, and they Supporting the idea of a dynamic if somebody did say something, I do have an interest in presenting themselves religious identity, one study found that confront them. and their faith in a positive light. This Muslim women are more likely to wear Analysis indicates that for Nabila and issue may be particularly salient given the hijab to affirm their identity in countries Farah, negative interpersonal experiences interviewer’s identity as non-Muslim. in which they are a minority (Wagner, based on wearing hijab are viewed within Nonetheless, the positivity of the Sen, Permanadeli, & Howarth, 2012). an Islamic framework. They adaptively women’s talk was surprising, given This may be motivated by greater cope by making meaning of difficult international literature suggesting hijabi religious commitment in the face of experiences using the same framework women do experience discrimination in prejudice, or a desire to show greater that drives their choice to wear hijab. Western countries (Ghumman & Ryan, pride in their beliefs. As this study shows, To summarise, the women often 2013; Hyder et al., 2015). Although this this requires courage and willingness to attributed the blame for negative study indicates infrequent subjectively- stand out in a population where only one stereotyping and subsequent hostility defined experiences of discrimination, percent are Muslim (see also Batuman, from members of the public to the media, there are clearly challenges: accounts of 2016). How these women believe they are and individual’s personal contexts. unprovoked discrimination including seen by others influenced their religious Further, both positive and negative verbal insult, indicating New Zealand is identity. interpersonal experiences created a sense not immune to erroneous beliefs about Throughout these interviews, the of responsibility to represent Islam, and Islam. interaction between intrapersonal and this is understandable considering their The women’s attribution of negative interpersonal experiences is salient. high visibility as Muslims. However, stereotypes to media sources is consistent Examples include the womens’ sense of their visibility was a surface depiction of with often threatening and antagonistic obligation to engage in appropriate the women’s faith in God, and they portrayals of Muslims in television, behaviour while wearing hijab as described responding to interpersonal newspaper, cinema, and mainstream news ambassadors for Islam. Increased difficulties through this faith. (Rane, Ewart, & Martinkus, 2014). These attention on the hijab in the West may portrayals allow the connection of the have shifted the focus for hijabi women DISCUSSION behaviours of extremists to the lives of from pious behaviour to a more Using an IPA framework, analysis of mainstream Muslims. Further, in terms of emblematic function. Another example is in-depth interviews with six Muslim the misperception of hijabi women as the articulation of need for education and women provided a snapshot of the patriarchally oppressed, many Western dialogue, to counter the stereotypical experience of wearing hijab in New media reports highlight oppressive views of hijabi women. Both may be Zealand. Interviews focussed on whether Taliban practices or specific historical motivated by encountering prejudice or the women had experienced prejudice and movements of veil enforcement (such as discrimination prompted by discrimination, how they felt their hijab- Iran in the 1970s) warranting viewers to misunderstanding, and perhaps a desire to wearing is perceived by non-Muslims, extend this to all hijabi women (Weber, symbolically oppose such prejudice and explored the meaning of wearing 2012). (Wagner et al., 2012). Consistent with hijab. Personal accounts of reasons for this, Identity Process Theory The women’s typically positive wearing hijab puncture the stereotype of conceptualises that perceived threats to experiences are consistent with research these women as victims of patriarchal identity are dealt with by modes of social suggesting that generally interactions oppression. These women expressed representation (Jaspal & Breakwell, between Muslims and non-Muslims are unequivocally that the decision to wear 2014). In many ways, participants’ peaceful (Jasperse et al., 2012; Shaver, hijab was personal and voluntary - a stark descriptions suggest they utilise coping Troughton, Sibley, & Bulbuli, 2016), a contrast between their personal reasons mechanisms against threats towards their finding that may be consistent with New for wearing hijab and the assumption that highly visible religious identity. Zealand as a generally tolerant and hijab is enforced by male members of Analysis highlighted that the progressive society (Dann, 2015). In their families. Responses by the hijabi experience of wearing hijab in twenty- contrast with the literature on racist talk women undoubtedly align with notions of first century New Zealand involves in New Zealand, the women’s responses the “third wave”, pluralist form of contradictions. Much of this relates to the in this research mostly did not reflect feminism that does not dictate the terms enmeshment of personal religious of female empowerment in Western ways identity and interpersonal experiences

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affected by both dominant stereotypes but rather a complex dynamic influenced enquiry. Visual Culture & Gender, 9, 7- and individual understandings of how by external experiences, and in the case of 17. they are seen by others. The act of these six women, seemingly strengthened Al Wazni, A. B. (2015). Muslim women wearing hijab has transformed from a particularly in the face of difficulty. in America and hijab: A study of peaceful symbol intended to In relation to understandings of other empowerment, feminist identity, and communicate modesty, into what is minority groups in New Zealand, the body image. Social Work, 60(4), 325- perceived as threatening political findings of this study highlight that the 333. expression involving risk of harm experiences of underrepresented and Baerveldt, C. (2015). The veil and the (Ghumman & Ryan, 2013). stigmatised groups should be considered search for the self: From identity Another contradiction is how the alongside their own cultural and religious politics to cultural expression. Culture women value Western individualism motivations, political and social context, & Psychology, 21(4), 532-545. (such as freedom and personal choice) and their subsequent interpretations of Batuman, E. (February, 2016). The while also espousing what they “should” prejudice and discrimination. Without headscarf, modern , and me. The do as prescribed in the Qur’an. Perhaps consideration of these aspects, we are left New Yorker, 42-48. they are negotiating the differences with a deficit, one-dimensional Bilsky, L. (2009). Muslim headscarves in between religious prescription and understanding. The risks involved in not France and army uniforms in Israel: A personal choices. On the other hand, taking account of motivations, context, comparative study of citizenship as perhaps to the hijab-wearer, freedom is and interpretations of minority group mask. Patterns of Prejudice, 43(3-4), the choice to relinquish one’s agency to members is perpetuation of covert 287-311. God. Rather, to them the contradiction prejudice and discrimination within a Bonino, S. (2013). Preventing may simply be how this is viewed within society dominated by New Zealand Muslimness in Britain: The the confines of individualistic Western European culture. This is unacceptable in normalisation of exceptional measures thought, particularly considering an increasingly multicultural society, and to combat terrorism. Journal of Muslim evidence that many believe that a hijabi should inform all psychological practice. Minority Affairs, 33(3), 385-400. woman is coerced into her choice of dress Though the aim of IPA is not to render Cherney, A., & Murphy, K. (2016). Being (Abu Bakr, 2014). ‘representative’ or ‘generalisable’ results, a ‘suspect community’ in a post 9/11 While acknowledging these this research is somewhat exploratory, world – The impact of the war on terror contradictions, this analysis suggests that and there is opportunity to build upon this on Muslim communities in Australia. there are both protective and vulnerability work. For example, it would be desirable Australian and New Zealand Journal of factors associated with wearing hijab in to understand the experiences of a wider Criminology, 49(4), 480-496. New Zealand. There was mention of the sample of hijabi women (including those Dann, C. (2015). Up from under: Women positive psychological effects of wearing who do not have access to the internet and and liberation in New Zealand, 1970– hijab, which is likely to be protective in who are not proficient in English). A 1985. Wellington, New Zealand: terms of interaction with vulnerability wider age range would also be valuable as Bridget Williams Books. factors (Jasperse et al., 2012). This participants were all younger than 50. Dobson, S. (2012). Reconciling local with protective function of hijab makes it Additionally, this research does not speak global: New Zealand Muslim women increasingly important for Muslim to the experience of Muslim women who articulating faith in their lives. Asia women in Western countries to be choose not to wear hijab. Thirdly, a study Pacific Journal of Anthropology, 13(3), supported to maintain this practice. on Māori and Pākehā responses to hijab is 228-244. However, doing so renders women critical to illustrate where their talk Edwards, D. & Potter, J. (1992). vulnerable to risk of stereotyping, diverges or parallels that of Muslim Discursive psychology. London, United discrimination, marginalisation, that are a women, in order to foster better Kingdom: Sage. reflection of the conflation of mainstream understandings of each other’s Esposito, J. L., & Mogahed, D. (2007). Islam with high-profile extremism experiences. Finally, these findings Who speaks for Islam? What a (Hyder et al., 2015). Experience of suggest there are psychological benefits billion Muslims really think. New discrimination is associated with poor to wearing hijab, and an exploration of York, NY: Gallup. mental health, as well as a wide range of how to harness these benefits to support Everett, J., Earp, B., Ando, V., Memarzia, overall indicators of poorer health (Nairn, the wellbeing of hijabi women when J., Parise, C., Fell, B., & Schellhaas, F. Pega, McCreanor, Rankine, & Barnes, Islam is under scrutiny, would be (2015). Covered in stigma? The impact 2006). It may increase cognitive strength valuable. Certainly, the integration of of differing levels of Islamic head- and emotional resilience in the face of hijab-wearing into New Zealand society covering on explicit and implicit biases difficulty beyond what would be possible in healthy ways is a work in progress. toward Muslim women. Journal of without hijab, and provides an important There are multiple avenues for hijabi Applied Social Psychology, 45(2), 90- indicator of religious identity. women to be the focus of future research, 104. This study contributes to understanding and increased understanding will be of Fayyaz, W., & Kamal, A. (2014). experiences of hijabi women in New benefit to Muslims and enable New Practicing hijab (veil): A source of Zealand. It is notable that the initial Zealand to function as a fair and well- autonomy and self-esteem for modern intrapersonal reasons to wear hijab were informed country for hijabi women to live Muslim women. 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New Zealand Journal of Psychology Vol. 48, No. 1 April 2019 121 Attitudes towards religion predict warmth towards Muslims in New Zealand

Attitudes to Religion Predict Warmth for Muslims in New Zealand Benjamin R. Highland1, Geoffrey Troughton2, John Shaver3, Justin L. Barrett4, Chris G. Sibley1 and Joseph Bulbulia1 1 University of Auckland, New Zealand, 2 Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand, 3 University of Otago, New Zealand, 4 Fuller Theological Seminary, United States

Prejudice against Muslims is prevalent in many Western countries. Past research finds that non-Muslim New Zealanders, while generally accepting of all minority groups, nevertheless exhibit relatively lower warmth towards Muslims. Somewhat unexpectedly, previous research in New Zealand has found that high levels of religious identification is associated with greater warmth towards Muslims. However, it is unclear whether a positive orientation to religion, whether or not one is religious, generally predicts warmth toward Muslims. Here, we investigate this question. For comparative purposes we assess warmth to immigrants and Arabs, as well as to Muslims. Our study draws on a large national sample of non-Muslim, non-Arab New Zealand-born residents (N = 17,005) who responded to the 2016 New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (NZAVS). Our multilevel statistical regression models adjust for a host of demographic variables as well as religious identification and church attendance. Results show that both (1) positive general attitudes towards religion and (2) church attendance are positively correlated with warmth toward immigrants, Arabs, and Muslims. In contrast to past results, religious identification is not reliably associated with warmth toward immigrants, Arabs, or Muslims. Though our data cannot presently establish causation, these preliminary results indicate that acceptance of religion as good in itself might be a powerful source of acceptance for Muslims.

Keywords: Acceptance; Muslim; Prejudice; Religion.

Introduction strong religious identification and more towards religion (DiMaggio, Sotoudeh, Previous research in the United States frequent church attendance are associated Goldberg, & Shepherd, 2018). For these and Western Europe has identified high with greater warmth toward Muslims. reasons, religious commitment cannot be levels of prejudice against Muslims Notably, however, Shaver et al. (2016) promoted in the wider, non-religious New (Croucher, 2013; Hutchison & Rosenthal, found that weakly committed religious Zealand population. 2011). New Zealand is not immune to this people exhibit less tolerance for Muslims However, other factors relating to global trend (Shaver, Troughton, Sibley, than do demographically matched secular religion may prove to be useful in & Bulbulia, 2016). Preliminary evidence people. In this way, religious promoting the acceptance of Muslims. A suggests that media attention to violence identification paradoxically appears to be recent study in Australia found that in the Middle East may be fueling anti- associated with both an increase in possessing more factual knowledge about Muslim prejudice (Shaver et al., 2017). acceptance among highly religiously Islam is associated with less prejudice However, the sources of acceptance for identified non-Muslims and also with against Muslims regardless of Muslims remain unclear. Why do some lower acceptance among weakly demographic factors such as age, gender, people express warmth to Muslims religiously identified non-Muslims. This education level, political orientation, or whereas others do not? Such a question finding of an ambivalent relationship religiosity (Mansouri & Vergani, 2018). would appear to be fundamental to between religion and prejudice replicates This finding suggests that fostering a enabling Muslims minorities to enjoy the a long tradition of social scientific greater knowledge about the religion of full benefits of living in a liberal and free research (Allport & Ross, 1967; Batson, Islam itself may lead to greater democracy. Schoenrade, & Ventis, 1993; Hunsberger, acceptance of Muslims in New Zealand. In New Zealand, demographic factors, 2010). Importantly, greater knowledge of a such as age, education, gender, and socio- This link between strong religious religion is open to both religious and non- economic deprivation have all been commitment (religious identification and religious people. Just as a criminologist associated with warmth towards Muslims church attendance) and greater can study crime without committing (Shaver et al., 2016; Shaver, Sibley, acceptance of Muslims in New Zealand crimes, anyone can understand the facts Osborne, & Bulbulia, 2017). Specifically, suggests that increasing religious about a religious faith, whether or not those who are younger and/or more commitment might increase acceptance they are themselves religiously educated generally report greater warmth of Muslims. However, promoting committed. toward Muslims, whereas those who are religious identification is clearly In previous research we found that male and/or socioeconomically deprived impractical. For many religious people, among religious people, attitudes to report less warmth toward Muslims identification with a religious faith is not religion are strongly associated with (Shaver et al., 2017). a quantity that can be externally fostered, dimensions of morality (Bulbulia, Somewhat unexpectedly, Shaver et al. it is rather an internal state (Boucher & Osborne, & Sibley, 2013). Here, we focus (2016) found that among non-Muslims, Kucinskas, 2016). Moreover, many on general attitudes toward religion as secular people harbor negative attitudes good might be possible source of

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Attitudes towards religion predict warmth towards Muslims in New Zealand acceptance for Muslims, which holds provided an email address were also religion were coded as a 0 (N = 10,671) among religious and non-religious people emailed and invited to complete an online on this scale (M = 1.71; SD = 2.56). alike. We draw on a large national sample version if they preferred. We offered a of religious and non-religiously identified prize draw for participation, non- non-Muslim New Zealanders who respondents were emailed and phoned Attitudes Toward Religion. responded to the 2016 New Zealand multiple times, and all participants were To assess attitudes toward religion, we Attitudes and Values Study (NZAVS) mailed a Season’s Greetings card from asked people to rate their agreement (1 = questionnaire (N = 17,005). We expected the NZAVS research team and informed strongly disagree; 7 = strongly disagree) that greater general acceptance of religion that they had been automatically entered with three questions: (1) “I oppose would be associated with greater warmth into a bonus seasonal grocery voucher religion in any form” (reverse scored); (2) towards Muslims, however we do not set prize draw. We also mailed our yearly “All things considered, religion is a force out to test a specific theory about strength pamphlet summarizing key research for good in the world”; and (3) “The of this association. Rather, the purpose of findings published during the current teachings of traditional religions are still the study is to quantify the degree to wave of the study. helpful today” (Gibson & Barnes, 2013). which attitudes to religion among non- Responses to these three questions were Participants Muslim New Zealanders would predict averaged (M = 4.29; SD = 1.49). attitudes to Muslims. The Time 8 (2016) wave of the NZAVS Church Attendance. included 21,936 respondents. Of these Church attendance was assessed by METHOD participants, 53 self-identified as Muslim, asking participants how many times they 63 as Middle Eastern, and 4,467 as attended church or a house of worship in Sampling Procedure immigrants (i.e. not born in New the past month (M = 0.71, SD = 2.83). The New Zealand Attitudes and Values Zealand). Because we were interested in Those who did not report a religious Study (NZAVS) is reviewed every three out-group determinants of acceptance affiliation were assigned a response of years by the University of Auckland toward Muslims, Arabs, and immigrants, zero. Because church attendance rates Human Participants Ethics Committee. only New Zealand-born non-Muslim varied considerably, we obtained a linear Our most recent ethics approval statement participants were included in the analysis. transformation of church attendance is as follows: The New Zealand Attitudes Though not all people of Middle Eastern using the natural logarithm to yield a log and Values Study was approved by The ancestry identify as Arab (for example scaled church attendance indicator. University of Auckland Human Iranians may identify as Persian, and Age. Participants Ethics Committee on 03- Israelis may identify as Jewish) we The mean age of the sample was 49.57 June-2015 until 03-June-2018, and excluded those participants who (SD = 14.03). renewed on 05-September-2017 until 03- identified as Middle Eastern to avoid Education. June-2021. Reference Number: 014889. unintentionally modeling attitudes among Education level was measured using an Our previous ethics approval statement people who identify as Arab. Immigrants 11-point rating developed by the New for the 2009-2015 period is: The New were unable to be excluded as questions Zealand government known as the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study was pertaining to nation of birth were Zealand Qualification Framework approved by The University of Auckland unavailable in Time 8. This resulted in a (NZQF; 0 = no qualification, 10 = Human Participants Ethics Committee on sample of N = 17,005 participants. doctoral degree). The mean education 09-September-2009 until 09-September- level of the sample was 5.09 (SD = 2.73). 2012, and renewed on 17-February-2012 Measures Acceptance Measure Employment. until 09-September-2015. Reference Employment status was assessed by Number: 6171. All participants granted Warmth. Affective thermometer ratings were asking participants if they were currently informed written consent and The working, “yes” was coded as “1” (n = University of Auckland Human used to assess acceptance of Muslims, Arabs, and immigrants by asking 13,322) and “no” was coded as “0” (n = Participants Ethics Committee approved 3,665). all procedures. participants to indicate the “warmth” they feel toward Muslims, Arabs, and Gender. The NZAVS is an annual, longitudinal The sample included 6,205 males national probability sample of registered immigrants on a scale ranging from 1 (least warm) to 7 (most warm), with 4 (coded as 1) and 10,765 females (coded New Zealand voters, which was started in as 0). 2009. We analyzed data from participants (neutral) as the midpoint (Muslims: M = 3.91, SD = 1.52; Arabs: M = 3.89, SD = Ethnic Categories. who completed the Time 8 wave of the Ethnicity was assessed using four basic NZAVS. The Time 8 (2016) wave of the 1.47; Immigrants: M = 4.45, SD = 1.26). categories: (1) New Zealand NZAVS contained responses from 21,936 Theoretical Measures European/Pakeha (n = 13,863), (2) Maori participants (13,779 retained from one or Religious Identification. (n = 2,398), (3) Pacific Islander (n = 315), more previous waves and 8,158 new To assess religious identification, we and (4) Asian (n = 206). Middle additions from booster sampling and/or asked people: “Do you identify with a Easterners were removed from the unmatched participants or unsolicited religion and/or spiritual group?” (yes or sample. All respondents were born in opt-ins). The sample retained 3,347 no). For those who identified with a New Zealand. There were 223 missing participants from the initial Time 1 (2009) religion, we asked participants to rate (1 values. NZAVS of 6,518 participants (a retention = not important; 7 = very important) “how Relationship Status. rate of 51.35% over seven years), and important is your religion to how you see Participants were asked if they were in 11,933 participants from the full Time 7 yourself?” Those individuals who a relationship, “yes” was coded as “1” (n (2015) sample (a retention rate of 85.59% indicated that they did not belong to a from the previous year). Participants who

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Attitudes towards religion predict warmth towards Muslims in New Zealand

= 12,257) and no was coded as “0” (n = We measured the socio-economic status access to health care, to name just a few 4,374). of participants’ immediate (small area) examples (((hura) & Health Utilisation Political Conservatism. neighborhood using the 2013 New Research Alliance (HURA), 2006); To assess political conservatism, we Zealand Deprivation Index (Atkinson, J., (Mitchell, Stewart, Crampton, & asked people to rate their political Salmond, C., & Crampton, P, 2014). New Salmond, 2000); (C. Salmond & orientation on a seven point scale (1 = Zealand is unusual in having rich census Crampton, 2000); (Crampton, Salmond, Liberal; 7 = Conservative) (M = 3.64, SD information about each area Woodward, & Reid, 2000). The index is = 1.36). unit/neighborhood of the country that is also widely used in service planning by Right-Wing Authoritarianism. made available for research purposes. The government and local council, and is a To assess right-wing authoritarianism, smallest of these area units are key indicator used to identify high needs we asked people to rate their agreement (1 meshblocks. The NZAVS includes the areas and allocate resources such as = strongly disagree; 7 = strongly meshblock code for each participant. health funding (C. E. Salmond & disagree) with three questions: (1) “It is The geographic size of these meshblock Crampton, 2012; White, Gunston, always better to trust the judgement of the units differs depending on population Salmond, & Atkinson, 2008). Our sample proper authorities in government and density. Each unit tends to cover a region had a mean deprivation index of 4.74 (SD religion than to listen to the noisy rabble- containing a median of roughly 81 = 2.76). rousers in our society who are trying to residents (M = 95.95, SD = 73.49, range = Urban/Rural. create doubt in people’s minds”; (2) “It 0 – 1899). In 2013 there were a total of People were coded as either residing in would be best for everyone if the proper 44,211 meshblocks for which data was an urban “1” (n = 10,537) or rural “0” (n authorities censored magazines so that available. = 6,302) area based on New Zealand people could not get their hands on trashy The New Zealand census defines a census data. and disgusting material”; (3) “Our meshblock as “a defined geographic area, Statistical Analyses country will be destroyed some day if we varying in size from part of a city block to do not smash the perversions eating away large areas of rural land. Each meshblock Statistical analysis was performed using at our moral fibre and traditional beliefs”; abuts against another to form a network R version 3.5.2 (2018-12-20) on an Apple (4) “People should pay less attention to covering all of New Zealand including Macbook Pro Platform: x86_64-apple- The Bible and other old traditional forms coasts and inlets, and extending out to the darwin15.6.0 (64-bit), running under: OS of religious guidance, and instead develop two hundred mile economic zone. X 10.11.4 (Eggshell Igloo). Linear their own personal standards of what is Meshblocks are added together to ‘build Mixed-Effect Models were generated moral and immoral” (reverse scored); (5) up’ larger geographic areas such as area using the lme4 (Douglas Bates, Mächler, “Atheists and others who have rebelled units and urban areas.” Bolker, & Walker, 2015) package in R. In against established religions are no doubt The New Zealand Deprivation Index addition to lme4, we used the following R every bit as good and virtuous as those uses aggregate census information about packages: Amelia (Honaker, King, & who attend church regularly” (reverse the residents of each meshblock to assign Blackwell, 2011a), coefplot2 (Lander, scored); (6) “Some of the best people in a decile-rank index from 1 (most affluent) 2018), dplyr (H. Wickham, François, our country are those who are challenging to 10 (most impoverished) to each Henry, & Müller, 2018), ggplot2 (Hadley our government, criticizing religion, and meshblock unit. Because it is a decile- Wickham, 2009), gridExtra (Auguie, ignoring the "normal way" things are ranked index, the 10% of meshblocks that 2017), merTools (Knowles and supposed to be done” (reverse scored) are most affluent are given a score of 1, Frederick, 2018), and their dependencies (Altemeyer, 1996). Responses to these six the next 10% a score of 2, and so on. The arm (Gelman & Su, 2018), datasets (R questions were averaged (M = 3.17; SD = index is based on a Principal Components Core Team, 2018), graphics (R Core 1.13). Analysis of the following nine variables Team, 2018), grDevices (R Core Team, Social Dominance Orientation. (in weighted order): proportion of adults 2018), MASS (Venables & Ripley, 2002), To assess social dominance orientation, who received a means-tested benefit, Matrix (D. Bates & Maechler, 2018), we asked people to rate their agreement (1 household income, proportion not owning methods (R Core Team, 2018), Rcpp = strongly disagree; 7 = strongly own home, proportion single-parent (Eddelbuettel & Balamuta, n.d.), stats (R disagree) with six questions: (1) “It is OK families, proportion unemployed, Core Team, 2018), and utils (R Core if some groups have more of a chance in proportion lacking qualifications, Team, 2018). life than others”; (2) “Inferior groups proportion household crowding, Imputation. should stay in their place”; (3) “To get proportion no telephone access, and Missing data frequencies were ahead in life, it is sometimes okay to step proportion no car access. relatively low across responses to most on other groups”; (4) “We should have The New Zealand Deprivation Index variables, with missingness typically increased social equality” (reversed thus reflects the average level of observed at less than 4.00% of the sample scored); (5) “It would be good if groups deprivation for small neighborhood-type (Tables 1 and 2). Political conservatism could be equal” (reversed scored); (6) units (or small community areas of about was an exception, with 4.07% missing “We should do what we can to equalise 80–90 people each) across the entire responses. To account for this conditions for different groups” (reversed country. The index is a well-validated missingness, we performed multiple scored) (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). index of the level of deprivation of small imputation. Performing multiple Responses to these six questions were area units, and has been widely used in imputation of missing data allows for averaged (M = 2.40; SD = 0.97). health and social policy research existing information to be preserved and Deprivation/Socio-Economic examining numerous health outcomes, for the effects of response biases to be Status. including mortality, rates of reduced, as the causes of missingness hospitalization, smoking, cot death, and may be predicted from other observed variables (Honaker & King, 2010). We

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Attitudes towards religion predict warmth towards Muslims in New Zealand assumed a missingness at random model Men reported less warmth toward (i.e. missingness conditional on the model Muslims (95% CI: -0.15, -0.06), but not covariates). We caution that our multiple towards immigrants or Arabs. imputation cannot adjust for biases Political Conservatism. arising from factors that are not included Political conservatism (standardized) in the imputation model (Blackwell, RESULTS was associated with less warmth toward Honaker, & King, 2017; Honaker, King, immigrants (95% CI: -0.06, -0.01), Arabs & Blackwell, 2011b). The results of linear mixed-effect (95% CI: -0.13, -0.08), and Muslims Missing data were multiply imputed models predicting warmth toward (95% CI: -0.15, -0.10). Moreover, using the Amelia package (Honaker et al., immigrants, Arabs and Muslims are conservatism is associated with less 2011a) in R (R Core Team, 2018). For presented in Figures 1 - 3 and Table 3. warmth toward both Arabs and Muslims data imputation, nominal responses Theoretical Variables than immigrants. (factors): Ethnic Categories, Male Among the theoretical variables there RWA. Gender, Employment Status, Partner were two general trends worthy of note. Right-wing authoritarianism was Status, and Urban Location. (1) Church attendance was positively associated with less warmth toward “Denominations” (a random effect) and correlated with greater reported warmth immigrants (95% CI: -0.19, -0.13), Arabs "Warmth to Arabs", "Warmth to towards immigrants (95% CI: 0.08, 0.17), (95% CI: -0.22, -0.15) and Muslims (95% Immigrants,” “Warmth to Muslims” Arabs (95% CI: 0.09, 0.20), and Muslims CI: -0.27, -0.20). (response variables) were not imputed. (95% CI: 0.06, 0.16). These trends show SDO. The remaining missing variables were that church attendance is positively Social dominance orientation was assumed to be continuous real numbers. associated with greater warmth for each associated with less warmth toward Following Amelia package group. (2) Positive attitudes toward immigrants (95% CI: -0.33, -0.29), Arabs recommendations, where low frequencies religion was positively associated with (95% CI: -0.38, -0.34) and Muslims (95% of missing responses are observed, we greater reported warmth towards CI: -0.41, -0.36). imputed five missing datasets. immigrants (95% CI: 0.16, 0.21), Arabs Ethnic Categories. Data centering/scaling. (95% CI: 0.18, 0.23), and Muslims (95% European identification was set as the To facilitate interpretation of our data CI: 0.23, 0.29). These trends show that standard of comparison for other ethnic we transformed several variables in positive attitudes toward religion are categories. Comparatively, Maori Amelia. Age, education, political positively associated with greater warmth identification was associated with lower conservatism, deprivation, religious for each group. Religious identification warmth towards immigrants (95% CI: - identification, attitudes toward religion, was not associated with warmth toward 0.13, -0.02) than European identification, social dominance orientation, and right- any group. However, when the attitudes but had no association with warmth wing authoritarianism were centered at towards religion variable was removed, towards either Arabs or Muslims. Pacific their respective means and standardized. religious identification showed a positive Islander identification was associated Additionally, age was converted to 10- correlation with warmth toward Muslims with greater warmth towards immigrants year units. Church attendance varied (95% CI: 0.02, 0.09). (95% CI: 0.08, 0.35), Arabs (95% CI: considerably and was therefore put into a 0.16, 0.47), and Muslims (95% CI: 0.19, log scale using a natural logarithm linear Demographic and ideological 0.51) than European identification. Asian transformation. Finally, To adjust for Indicators identification was not statistically multi-level dependencies, we modeled Among demographic indicators there significantly associated with warmth denominational intercepts as random- were numerous predictors of warmth and towards immigrants, Arabs, or Muslims. effects, following the method in (Shaver lack thereof toward immigrants, Arabs, Relationship Status. et al., 2016). and Muslims. Individuals in a relationship tended to Mixed effects regression models. Age. express more warmth toward immigrants Fixed effects tables and coefficient plots Each year of age was associated with (95% CI: 0.01, 0.10), but not towards were generated using the lme4 and more warmth toward immigrants (95% Arabs or Muslims. merTools packages in R. The merTools CI: 0.005, 0.033), but less warmth toward Deprivation. package allows for a multilevel model to Arabs (95% CI: -0.06, -0.03) and Greater deprivation (standardized) be applied to a list of dataframes, such as Muslims (95% CI: -0.07, -0.03). predicted less warmth toward immigrants those produced by the Amelia command Education. (95% CI: -0.06, -0.02), but indicated no in the Amelia package in R. Fixed effects Educated people were warmer toward association between deprivation and and confidence intervals can be analyzed immigrants (95% CI: 0.04, 0.08), Arabs warmth toward Arabs or Muslims. using the modelFixedEff command, as (95% CI: 0.05, 0.09), and Muslims (95% Urban. the 95% confidence interval is two CI: 0.06 0.11). People living in urban areas reported standard deviations away from the Employment. more warmth toward immigrants (95% estimate. These outputs are included in Employment was associated with more CI: 0.01, 0.09), but no association was both table (Table 3) and graphical (Figure warmth toward Muslims (95% CI: 0.01, found with warmth for Arabs or Muslims. 1) forms. 0.12) and Arabs (95% CI: 0.002, 0.110), but not toward immigrants. Gender.

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Attitudes towards religion predict warmth towards Muslims in New Zealand

Table 1. Interval/Ordinal Variables used in Analysis. Numerous variables have been centered and scaled (C/S), age has been put into units of 10 years, and church attendance has been put into logarithmic scale.

Variable Mean Standard Range Number Percentage Deviation Missing of Data Missing

Warmth toward Immigrants 4.45 1.26 1 – 7 601 3.53 Warmth toward Arabs 3.89 1.47 1 – 7 657 3.86 Warmth toward Muslims 3.91 1.52 1 – 7 601 3.53 Age (10 Years, C/S) 49.57 14.03 18 – 97 14 0.08 Education (C/S) 5.09 2.73 1 – 10 449 2.64 Political Conservatism (C/S) 3.64 1.36 1 – 7 692 4.07 Right-Wing Authoritarianism (C/S) 3.17 1.13 1 – 7 8 0.05 Social Dominance Orientation (C/S) 2.40 0.97 1 – 7 5 0.03 Deprivation (C/S) 4.74 2.76 1 – 10 215 1.26 Religious Identification (C/S) 1.71 2.56 0 – 7 232 1.36 Church Attendance (Log) 0.71 2.83 0 – 100 15 0.09 Attitudes Toward Religion (C/S) 4.29 1.49 1 – 7 91 0.54

Figure 1. Warmth Towards Immigrants (Intercept = 4.33), Arabs (Intercept = 3.73), and Muslims (Intercept = 3.79). The overall warmth for immigrants is 0.60 higher than for Arabs and 0.54 higher than for Muslims.

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Attitudes towards religion predict warmth towards Muslims in New Zealand

Table 2. Dichotomous Variables Used in Analysis

Variable Proportion Number Missing Percentage of Data Missing

Employed 0.79 18 0.11 Male 0.37 35 0.21 Ethnic Categories - 223 1.31 European Descent 0.83 - - Maori Descent 0.14 - - Pacific Island Descent 0.02 - - Asian Descent 0.01 - - In a Relationship 0.74 474 2.78 Urban 0.63 166 0.98

Table 3. Warmth Confidence Intervals

DISCUSSION conflation of Muslims and Arabs. linked with viewing Muslims in a more Across the Western world, Muslim Warmth toward both Muslims and Arabs favorable light. minorities experience prejudice and was below that of immigrants (4.33). As Noteably, we find that including discrimination. The purpose of this study with previous research, people in New positive attitudes to religion in our was to identify new potential sources of Zealand exhibit greater warmth to statistical model, removes the association promoting acceptance of Muslims in New Immigrants than to Muslims and Arabs. between high religious identification and Zealand. Through our analysis, we Additionally, females, younger New warmth towards Muslims. This finding is replicated previous research showing that Zealanders, and better educated New in contrast to the results of Shaver et al. warmth ratings are lower for Muslims Zealanders report greater warmth toward (2016), in which religious identification compared with other minority groups, immigrants, Arabs, and Muslims. was observed to predict warmth toward such as immigrants. After adjusting for Focusing on our theoretical interest in Muslims. Instead of religious demographic factors, as well as religious religion, first, we find that a positive identification with a single faith, it is identification and church attendance, the attitude to religion is strongly associated possible that an overall appreciation for expected level of warmth towards with increased warmth toward Muslims, religion as a good in life drives the Muslims is on average 3.79 on a 1-7 scale. immigrants, and Arabs. Put another way, Muslim acceptance among highly This expected mean is similar to that of viewing religion as good is strongly religious identified people in New Arabs (3.73). This may be in part due to a Zealand.

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Attitudes towards religion predict warmth towards Muslims in New Zealand

These findings may hold practical between the Muslims and/or Arabs with Conclusions importance. They imply that providing which they are friends and Muslims Though we cannot presently estimate accurate information to the public about and/or Arabs in general. Third, systematic the behavioral correlates of subjective the positive role of religion in the world presentation bias may be present. For warmth attitudes to Muslims, it would be may increase acceptance of Muslims. example, younger, better educated, and surprising if the substantially lower levels Speculating, it is possible that education more religious people might report higher of warmth for Muslims in New Zealand about religion may result in increased warmth in order to adhere to perceived were not reflected in behavior. It is warmth for other minority groups as well societal norms of acceptance, while still therefore worrying that expected warmth (such as immigrants and Arabs). privately harboring low levels of warmth. for Muslims is markedly lower than the Likewise, increased church attendance Similar worries might be expressed for expected warmth for Immigrants. For this was positively associated with warmth positive attitudes to religion as an artifact reason, it is important to investigate toward Immigrants, Arabs, and Muslims. of social desirability. Against these potential sources of Muslim acceptance This suggests that a general appreciation worries, however, if the study is tracking wherever these are available. Indeed, in of religion and active participation with a a norm for inclusion, rather than the wake of the March 15, 2019 terrorist religious community may promote individual attitudes, attention to a norm attack on Muslims in Christchurch, especially powerful acceptance for for inclusion is arguably an important step understanding the acceptance gap for minority groups among those in New towards realising inclusion. To see this, Muslims in New Zealand is especially Zealand who practice their faith. imagine the effect of norms for exclusion. vital. Though our data indicate that most A deeper worry is that our measures are New Zealanders express acceptance of Limitations are unable to clarify the connection Muslims, nevertheless Muslims in New Our study is limited in a number of between reported warmth and prejudicial Zealand experience substantially lower ways. First, there may have been behavior. For example, individuals might levels of acceptance than other minority confusion about the meaning of the exhibit lower warmth toward Muslims groups, except Arabs, with whom questions. For example, participants may but still promote fair hiring practices for Muslims appear to be conflated (Shaver et feel warmth toward Muslims in New Muslims. Similarly, those who report al., 2017). Our finding that positive Zealand, but not toward Muslims in the greater warmth could engage in more attitudes for religion are associated with Middle East. Moreover, there may have discriminatory practices against Muslims. greater warmth to Muslims suggests that been confusion about Muslims as a group promoting positive thinking about versus Muslims as individuals, as religion may be an important step toward participants may have distinguished bridging the anti-Muslim gap.

Acknowledgements: This research was supported by a grant from the Templeton Religion Trust (TRT0196). The funders have no role in NZAVS study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of scientific reports or manuscripts for publication using NZAVS data. Syntax for the analyses reported in this manuscript is available at: www.nzavs.auckland.ac.nz.

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Supplemental Material

S1 Table 1. Warmth Toward Muslims, Arabs, and immigrants in pairwise deleted dataset

Warmth Toward Muslims Warmth Toward Arabs Warmth Toward Immigrants Predictors Estimates CI p Estimates CI p Estimates CI p (Intercept) 3.82 3.75 – 3.89 <0.001 3.77 3.69 – 3.84 <0.001 4.33 4.27 – 4.39 <0.001

Age (10 Years, C/S) -0.07 -0.10 – -0.05 <0.001 -0.06 -0.09 – -0.04 <0.001 0.03 0.01 – 0.05 0.009 Male -0.12 -0.17 – -0.07 <0.001 -0.00 -0.05 – 0.05 0.950 -0.02 -0.06 – 0.03 0.465 Education (C/S) 0.08 0.06 – 0.11 <0.001 0.07 0.04 – 0.09 <0.001 0.06 0.04 – 0.08 <0.001 Religious Identification (C/S) -0.07 -0.10 – -0.03 <0.001 -0.04 -0.08 – -0.01 0.015 -0.01 -0.04 – 0.02 0.609 Church Attendance (Log) 0.13 0.08 – 0.19 <0.001 0.16 0.11 – 0.22 <0.001 0.14 0.09 – 0.18 <0.001 Deprivation (C/S) 0.01 -0.01 – 0.03 0.469 0.01 -0.01 – 0.04 0.221 -0.03 -0.05 – -0.01 0.003 Employed 0.05 -0.00 – 0.11 0.058 0.05 -0.01 – 0.11 0.081 0.04 -0.01 – 0.09 0.142 Relationship 0.05 -0.01 – 0.10 0.083 0.03 -0.02 – 0.08 0.262 0.06 0.02 – 0.11 0.008 Social Dominance Orientation (C/S) -0.37 -0.40 – -0.35 <0.001 -0.35 -0.38 – -0.33 <0.001 -0.30 -0.32 – -0.28 <0.001 Right-Wing Authoritarianism (C/S) -0.24 -0.28 – -0.21 <0.001 -0.19 -0.22 – -0.15 <0.001 -0.17 -0.20 – -0.14 <0.001 Maori Descent 0.02 -0.05 – 0.08 0.588 0.01 -0.06 – 0.07 0.816 -0.08 -0.13 – -0.02 0.007 Pacific Island Descent 0.35 0.19 – 0.52 <0.001 0.32 0.15 – 0.48 <0.001 0.23 0.09 – 0.37 0.002 Asian Descent 0.17 -0.04 – 0.37 0.105 0.15 -0.05 – 0.36 0.138 0.05 -0.12 – 0.23 0.543 Attitudes Toward Religion (C/S) 0.28 0.25 – 0.31 <0.001 0.21 0.18 – 0.24 <0.001 0.19 0.16 – 0.21 <0.001 Urban 0.03 -0.02 – 0.08 0.247 0.02 -0.02 – 0.07 0.344 0.04 0.00 – 0.08 0.043 Political Conservatism (C/S) -0.13 -0.16 – -0.10 <0.001 -0.11 -0.14 – -0.08 <0.001 -0.04 -0.06 – -0.02 0.001 Random Effects σ2 1.88 1.81 1.38

τ00 0.00 Demographics 0.00 Demographics 0.00 Demographics

ICC 0.00 Demographics 0.00 Demographics 0.00 Demographics

Observations 14743 14691 14743 Marginal R2 / Conditional R2 0.174 / 0.174 0.140 / 0.140 0.122 / 0.122

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S2 Figure 1. Warmth Toward Immigrants, Arabs, and Muslims in pairwise deleted dataset. Numerical variables have been centered and scaled (C/S), age has been put into units of 10 years, and church attendance has been put into the logarithmic scale.

S3 Figure 2. Predicted Probability of Warmth Toward Immigrants by Attitudes Toward Religion in pairwise deleted dataset when other variables in the regression model are set to zero (recall numerical indicator were centred and scaled). The attitudes to religion co-variate on the x-axis is graphed in standard deviation units.

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S4 Figure 3. Predicted Probability of Warmth Toward Arabs by Attitudes Toward Religion in pairwise deleted dataset when other variables in the regression model are set to zero (recall numerical indicator were centred and scaled). The attitudes to religion co-variate on the x-axis is graphed in standard deviation units.

S5 Figure 4. Predicted Probability of Warmth Toward Muslims by Attitudes Toward Religion in pairwise deleted dataset when other variables in the regression model are set to zero (recall numerical indicator were centred and scaled).

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Research note: Predicting attitudes towards ‘religious’ groups

A community-based test of the Dual Process Model of Intergroup Relations: Predicting attitudes towards Christians, Muslims, Hindus, Jews, and Atheists Marc Stewart Wilson Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand

Research in New Zealand and elsewhere has shown that attitudes towards Muslims has been generally negative. Antipathy towards a variety of outgroups has previously been shown to be predicted by a combination of competitive/dangerous worldview and social dominant and authoritarian attitudes in Duckitt’s (2001) dual-process cognitive-motivational model of ideology and prejudice. In this research, approximately one thousand New Zealanders completed measures of these variables, and their attitudes towards a range of groups: including Atheists, Christians, Hindus, Jews, and Muslims. Muslims were evaluated most negatively of the religion-based groups, and this was predicted by both the social dominance and authoritarianism ‘routes’ described in the dual-process model. This suggests that Muslims are seen as threatening both hierarchical and traditional social relationships.

Keywords: Social dominance orientation (SDO); Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA); Islamophobia.

Introduction Hewstone & Schmid, 2014) and cross- Theory of prejudice as individual Trying to understand prejudicial cultural studies have suggested that difference researchers have ever had. attitudes, and discriminatory acts and Muslims may be viewed no more While Adorno et al’s (1950) claims that systems, is something of the bread and negatively than immigrants in general people do unpleasant things because they butter of social psychology, and a fair (e.g., Strabac, Aalberg, & Valenta, 2014). have unpleasant (specifically chunk of other social science besides (see In New Zealand? While surveys have authoritarian) personalities has had, and Allport, 1954; Duckitt, 1992; Sibley & asked about New Zealanders’ attitudes still has, intuitive appeal, it fell from Barlow, 2016, for reviews). The events of towards Muslims, there have been few favour in the 1960s for various credible March 15th have been popularly academic studies. Shortly after 9/11, the reasons (see Altemeyer, 1981, for a characterised, by some, as an extreme New Zealand Election Study survey review of these concerns). Thirty years manifestation of more ‘everyday’ indicated that just over one in twenty New later their notion of an authoritarian prejudices and, therefore, it falls to those Zealanders favoured unrestricted personality was resurrected by Altemeyer who’ve dedicated careers to immigration from Muslim countries while in the guise of Right-Wing understanding prejudice (and almost a quarter favoured a complete ban Authoritarianism (RWA), trimmed of its discrimination) to step up and address this (NZES, 2002). More recently, research more esoteric content and without the position. has suggested New Zealanders are, at Freudian trappings (Altemeyer, 1981; In the West, Muslims are not viewed best, ambivalent towards Muslims 1996). In the mid-1990s, RWA was joined particularly positively. Islamophobia, and (Centre for Applied Cross-Cultural in the pantheon of prejudice-related anti-Muslim attitudes, appear to be Research, 2011). individual difference constructs by Social particularly pronounced post-9/11 (Atom, The problem of explaining prejudice has Dominance Orientation (Pratto, Sidanius, 2014). Velasco Gonzalez, Verkuyten, gone through a variety of phases, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994), central to Weesie and Poppe (2010) reported that including a focus on psychoanalytic tests of Social Dominance Theory half of more than 1,000 Dutch adolescents foundations in the 1930s and 1940s, (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). held negative attitudes towards Muslims personality in the 1950s, social structures Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) (see also Clements, 2012). At the same in the 1960s, and cognitive process in the and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) time, two-thirds of a Swedish sample 1980s and 1990s (see Sibley & Barlow, have been introduced already in this reported negative attitudes in 1990 2016). I shall focus here on individual volume (see Azeem, Hunter & Ruffman, (Hvitfelt, 1991, cited in Bevelander & difference perspectives that hark back to 2019; Du, Buchanan, Hayhurst & Otterbeck, 2010), a decade before 9/11. the seminal work of Adorno, Frenkel- Ruffman, 2019; Osborne, Satherley, Since 9/11, however, threat perceptions Brunswik, Levinson and Sanford (1950), Yogeeswaran, Hawi & Sibley, 2019). appear to be particularly important as and synthesised by Duckitt (2001; Briefly, SDO reflects the extent to which predictors of anti-Muslim sentiment (e.g., Duckitt, Wagner, du Plessis, & Birum, individuals endorse hierarchical Wike & Grim, 2010). Anti-Muslim 2002) into a powerful explanatory relationships between groups, with attitudes may be most pronounced among framework that is as close to a Grand higher-status groups perching above those “white’ majority group members (e.g., of increasingly lower status (and

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Research note: Predicting attitudes towards ‘religious’ groups

perceived value: Sidanius & Pratto, presumably because dissident groups may METHOD 1999). RWA, on the other hand, has been threaten both security and hierarchy (see PARTICIPANTS conceptualised for almost 40 years as the also Cantal et al., 2015). Participants were respondents to an combination of submission to authority, Given that SDO and RWA robustly online survey. 5,744 people responded to endorsement of aggression by authorities predict prejudice, we should expect that the survey, of whom 1,025 completed the against transgressors, and a conventional they do so for specifically anti-Muslim set of questions relating to groups. 62% and traditional view of how the world prejudice and policy initiatives. This is were female, 87% explicitly identified as should be (Altemeyer, 1981; 1996). Both generally the case. For example, Choma, European and 6% as Maori (indigenous RWA and SDO have been shown to Jagayat, Hodson, & Turner, 2018) New Zealanders), and the mean sample uniquely, and additively, predict prejudice reported moderate negative correlations age was 49.74 years (SD=13.34). 359 (McFarland & Adelson, 1996; Sibley, between SDO and RWA, and attitudes (35%) responded to the question “If you Robertson & Wilson, 2006). Following towards Muslims (see also Rowatt, do have a spiritual ‘faith’, which of the the synthesis initially proposed by Franklin & Cotton, 2005; Uenal, 2016). following describes what you believe” by McFarland and Adelson (1996), Duckitt Dunwoody and McFarland (2018) have selecting Christianity, 2 people selected (2001) proposed a Dual Process shown that, following the 2015 Paris Hinduism, 5 people selected Judaism, 90 Motivational Model of prejudice, in Terrorist attacks (perpetrated by Islamic selected Buddhism or “something else’, which RWA and SDO are the pointy end extremists), RWA correlated .72 and .65 with 56% indicating that they did not have of two paths from childhood socialisation with perceptions of Muslim threat and a particular faith. (specifically punitive versus support for extreme anti-Muslim policies, unaffectionate parenting) through while SDO correlated .48 and .40. Beck MEASURES development of personality (specifically and Plant (2018) reported that whether or The survey included a range of conforming versus toughminded) not white non-Muslims were more likely measures relating to attitudes to topical informing individual’s worldviews to administer an unpleasant stimulus (hot social issues, and constructs related to (specifically that the world is a dangerous, sauce) to a target identified as Muslim was socio-political attitude. The summary or competitive place), and that ultimately moderated by RWA. Crowson (2009) below describes only those of interest in manifest in outgroup derogation and found that the SDO arm of the DPM the present study. ingroup favouritism. The combination of predicted support for restricting human All participants completed measures of SDO and RWA, including in the context rights following the events of 9/11, RWA SDO, RWA and Competitive worldviews. of the DPM, has subsequently been shown was both a stronger predictor of human SDO was assessed using a reliable (α=.77) to effectively predict attitudes to a rights restrictions and military aggression balanced set of six items previously used numerous ‘outgroups’ including those against Iraq. However, SDO-dominance in the NZAVS (see Milfont et al., 2013), based on race, sexuality, and dietary predicts support for torture of Muslim and RWA was based on the mean of preference (e.g., Cantal et al., 2015; extremists, while RWA may not (Lindén, responses to a reliable (α=.71) balanced Levin, Pratto, Matthews, Sidanius & Björklund, & Bäckström, 2018). set of six items from Altemeyer’s (1996) Ktiely, 2013; Sibley & Duckitt, 2008; Thomsen, Green and Sidanius (2008) Right-Wing Authoritarianism scale Judge & Wilson, 2019; Whitley & argued, and showed, that authoritarians representing the two highest loading pro- Ægisdóttir, 2000). Indeed, RWA and may be most aggressive towards and con-trait items on each of three SDO combine to explain as much as half immigrant groups who don’t assimilate Authoritarianism factors identified by of the variation in prejudice towards race- into their new culture of residence (as a Mavor, Louis and Sibley (2010). based outgroups (McFarland & Adelson, rejection of conformity), while social Dangerous Worldview (“Despite what 1996; Altemeyer,1998) dominants are particularly aggressive one hears about "crime in the street," there Indeed, the idea that prejudices travel towards that do (seen as violation of the probably isn't any more now than there together, such that holding one prejudice dominant social hierarchy). Consistent ever has been” and “There are many tends to be associated with others with this, Perry and Sibley (2013) show dangerous people in our society who will (identified as generalized prejudice: see that attitudes towards immigration policy attack someone out of pure meanness, for Bergh & Akrami, 2016, for a review), has are predicted by both arms of the DPM, no reason at all”) and Competitive been integrated into the DPM. For arguing that immigration represents Worldview (“It's a dog-eat-dog world example, Asbrock, Sibley and Duckitt threats to both symbolic and realistic where you have to be ruthless at times” (2010) showed that attitudes towards a cultural resources. Indeed, Matthews and and “Life is not governed by the 'survival variety of attitude targets may be broken Levin (2012) applied the DPM to of the fittest.' We should let compassion down into three families of dangerous perceptions of threat from Muslims, and moral laws be our guide”) were each (e.g., criminals, drunk drivers, those who reporting that economic threat perceptions assessed using a balanced pair of items behave ‘immorally’), derogated (e.g., were mediated by SDO, and symbolic drawn from Duckitt, Wagner, du Plessis, psychiatric patients, obese people, threat perceptions mediated through and Birum’s (2002) and previously ‘physically unattractive people’) and RWA. adopted by other researchers in the New dissident (e.g., feminists, activists, and The aim of this research, then, is to Zealand context (e.g., Perry & Sibley, atheists), and that these are differentially investigate the utility of SDO and RWA, 2013). predicted by the RWA/SDO arms of the in a limited test of the Dual Process Model Attitudes towards groups were solicited DPM. Specifically, SDO longitudinally (including worldviews, but not by asking participants to respond to 18 predicts prejudice towards derogated personality or childhood experience), in target group labels using a 1 (‘Strongly groups, RWA predicts prejudice toward predicting attitudes towards religion- negative’) to 7 (‘Strongly positive’) scale. dangerous groups, and both predict defined groups: Muslims, Hindus, Jews, The groups pertinent to this research were prejudice towards dissident groups, Christians and Atheists. “Christians”, “Muslims”, “Hindus”, “Jews” and “Atheists”, but also included

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“Politicians”, “Lawyers”, “Goths”, Atheists (t(1021)=13.37, p<.001) were all attitudes with all groups but Atheists. “Pākehā”, “Maori” and “The Police” rated significantly more positively than Dangerous Worldview scores directly among others. The group attitudes section the scale neutral point. All groups were predicted more negative attitudes towards of the survey was one of five randomly rated significantly differently from each Muslims (only), while Competitive presented to each participant along with other (p<.005) except for Christians and Worldview scores directly predicted the main body of measures completed by Hindus, and Hindus and Jews. At the same greater negativity towards Christians and all. time, all religious targets were rated more Jews (only). positively than Politicians (M=3.39, Given that 45% of the sample identified PROCEDURE SD=1.23), Bankers (M=3.77, SD=1.28), a particular religious faith, including 35% Participation in the online survey and Goths (M=3.49, SD=1.26) and less as Christian, those who identified with a (delivered via SurveyMonkey) was positively than Maori (M=4.55, faith other than Christianity were solicited through the Sunday Star Times, SD=1.33), The Police (M=4.99, SD=1.40) removed. This left a sample of 929 a national New Zealand newspaper, as an and Pākehā (M=5.09, SD=1.19) participants. Multivariate ANOVA investigation of New Zealanders’ political Table 1 shows that RWA was positively indicated that Christians scored and social attitudes. The ‘Brainscan’ associated with attitudes towards significantly lower on Competitive survey was open for a two-week period, Christians, but negatively associated with Worldview (M=3.22, SD=1.28 versus after which the data were collated and attitudes towards the other four groups. M=3.43, SD=1.24; F(1,911)=6.02, summarised for serialisation in the SDO, was uncorrelated with attitudes p<.05), and higher on Dangerous newspaper. Results were summarised and towards Christians, but was negatively Worldview (M=4.72, SD=1.35 versus serialised through the Sunday Star Times. correlated with attitudes towards all four M=4.30, SD=1.48; F(1,911)=19.31, Ethical approval was granted by the remaining groups. In all but one case p<.001), SDO (M=2.75, SD=1.02 versus School of Psychology Human Ethics (attitudes towards Christians and M=2.51, SD=1.07; F(1,911)=11.27, Committee. Finally, parts of this data set Atheists) the more positive participants p<.005), and RWA (M=3.33, SD=1.03 have been previously published in Milfont were towards one religion target, the more versus 2.55, SD=.92; F(1,911)=142.25, et al., (2013), Judge and Wilson (2019), positive they were towards all others. p<.001) than those with no faith. They and Ruffman et al., (2016). AMOS Version 23 was used to test path were also more positive towards

saturated models using Dangerous and Christians (M=5.13, SD=1.16 versus RESULTS Competitive Worldviews, and SDO and M=3.83, SD=1.20; F(1,911)=261.39, Table 1 shows means and standard RWA, to predict attitudes towards the five p<.001) and Jews (M=4.59, SD=1.11 deviations for each variable, as well as religion target groups. Non-significant versus M=4.35, SD=1.07; intercorrelations between each. RWA, paths were removed and models re- F(1,911)=10.76, p<.005), less positive SDO, and Competitive Worldview mean calculated prior to summary below. All towards Atheists (M=3.85, SD=1.27 scores were all significantly lower than five models evidenced good fit to the data, versus M=4.99, SD=1.22; the scale midpoint of 4 (t’s(1023-1024)≤- and are presented in Figures 1a to 1e. F(1,911)=185.46, p<.001) than those with 17.30, p’s<.001) while Dangerous The Dual Process Model variables no faith. Christians were also non- Worldview scores were significantly accounted for between 3% (Jews) and significantly less positive towards higher than the midpoint (t(1024)=10.03, 14% (Christians) of the variation in group Muslims (M=3.80, SD=1.29 versus p<.001). Of the five religion targets, only attitudes. Generally, RWA was associated M=3.92, SD=1.22; F(1,911)=1.94, p=.16) Muslims were rated below the scale with less positive attitudes to target and Hindus (M=4.35, SD=1.06 versus (neutral) midpoint (t(1025)=-2.83, groups, except for Christians (where the M=4.38, SD=1.11; F(1,911)=.20, p=.66). p<.005). Christians (t(1021)=6.85, relationship was positive) and Jews p<.001), Hindus (t(1020)=10.65, p<.001), (where it was non-significant). Similarly, Jews (t(1019)=12.51, p<.001), and SDO was associated with less positive

Table 1. Means, SDs, and intercorrelations between DPM and religion variables for total sample.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. M (SD) 1. Comp. World - 3.31 (1.27) 2. Dang. World .24** - 4.45 (1.44) 3. RWA .18** .37** - 2.83 (1.04) 4. SDO .43** .22** .45** - 2.59 (1.05) 5. Christians -.13** .05+ .30** -.01 - 4.29 (1.36) 6. Muslims -.17** -.20** -.27** -.32** .24** - 3.89 (1.26) 7. Hindus -.15** -.11** -.22** -.26** .32** .61** - 4.37 (1.10) 8. Jews -.15** -.04 -.08* -.16** .41** .43** .59** - 4.43 (1.10) 9. Atheists .04 -.13** -.41** -.18** -.24** .24** .27** .18** 4.56 (1.35) N’s between 1019 and 2015; +=p<.10, *=p<.05, **=p<.001

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Research note: Predicting attitudes towards ‘religious’ groups

Figure 1. Composite of five path models predicting attitudes towards Atheists, Muslims, Hindus, Christians and Jews. (All paths shown are significant at p<.05; dotted and dashed lines from different variables for clarity)

Table 2. Means, SDs, and intercorrelations between DPM and religion variables for non-religious (below the diagonal) and Christian (above the diagonal) subsamples.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 1. Comp. World - a.18** b.02 c.37** -.21** d-.04 e-.05 -.16* f.04 2. Dang. World a.29** - g.26** h.06 -.01 -.17** -.09+ -.07 -.09+ 3. RWA b.32** g.42** - i.33** .19** -.30** -.29** -.10+ -.33** 4. SDO c.50** h.29** i.49** - j-.17** -.29** -.30** -.22** -.11* 5. Christians -.11* -.01 .12** j-.05 - k.11* l.20** .47** -.09+ 6. Muslims d-.24** -.20** -.25** -.32** k.44** - .57** m.35** n.38** 7. Hindus e-.20** -.10* -.19** -.25** l.46** .66** - .59** o.40** 8. Jews -.16** -.07 -.14** -.16** .38** m.52** .60** - .21** 9. Atheists f-.13* -.11* -.31** -.16** -.03 n.17** o.23** .28** - Non-Faith subsample N’s between 564 and 569; Christian subsample N’s between 356 and 359 +=p<.10, *=p<.05, **=p<.005; correlations sharing superscripts significantly different at least at p<.05

Table 2 shows the correlations between religious sample, while correlations Inclusion of faith (Christian versus no DPM variables and group attitudes for the between SDO and group attitudes were faith) as a variable in the path models non-faith and Christian subsamples. I essentially unchanged (excepting that (allowing paths to worldviews, RWA and compared the strength of correlations between SDO and attitudes towards SDO, and religion group attitude between Christian and non-religious Christians which was stronger among variables) showed that being Christian participants by calculating Fischer’s Z Christians). was a significant predictor of lower based on independent correlations (for Among Christians, Competitive Competitive Worldview, but higher example comparing the .40 correlation Worldview was uncorrelated with RWA Dangerous Worldview, RWA, but not between SDO and RWA for non-religious and the same was true for Dangerous SDO (p=.07) scores. Inclusion also with the correlation of .33 for these Worldview and SDO (Z’s=-4.59 and - resulted in poorer model fit for all targets, variables among Christians). Correlations 3.51, p’s<.001). SDO was also more did not explain additional variance in between SDO, RWA and worldviews weakly correlated with RWA than among attitudes towards Muslims, Hindus, or were all significantly stronger in the non- those with no faith (Z=-.28, p<.005) Jews, and did not generally change the

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Research note: Predicting attitudes towards ‘religious’ groups

general pattern of results identified in factors respectively. Similarly, Cantal and However, self-identified Christians Figures 1a to 1e. Exceptions were the colleagues (2015) similarly found that were also less likely to see the world as models for Christians (where being Atheists loaded with other dissident competitive than non-religious Christian was a strong direct positive groups, and both Cantal and colleagues participants and, importantly, there wasn’t predictor of, and explaining an additional (2015) and Duckitt and Sibley (2007) any reason to think that the utility of the 14% of variance in, attitudes towards reported that RWA was a stronger DPM in predicting attitudes towards Christians) and Atheists (where being negative predictor of attitudes towards Muslims (or Hindus or Jews) was Christian was a strong direct negative both dangerous and dissident groups, than moderated by Christian identification. predictor of, and explaining an additional was SDO. This is consistent with the notion that, 8% of variance in, attitudes towards Working backwards then, maybe Jews while religiosity and prejudice are Christians). are derogated, Atheists are dissident, and typically found to be correlated in Muslims are… what? Given that both Western populations, this association may DISCUSSION SDO and RWA negatively predict be completely mediated by RWA or In the total sample, though not as attitudes, we can infer that Muslims religious fundamentalism (e.g., negative as attitudes towards some (non- trigger SDO-based antipathy because Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992; Johnson, religious) target groups, attitudes towards their presence threatens the social Rowatt, Barnard-Brak, Patock-Peckham, Muslims were significantly more negative hierarchy, as well as inspiring RWA- Labouff, & Carlisle, 2011). That is, some than the other (religious) group targets based antipathy through both realistic and authoritarians may be drawn to religion, and, as the mean score was below the symbolic threat to physical and cultural and particularly fundamentalist positions scale midpoint, also negative in absolute security. Indeed, Obaidi, Kunst, Kteily, on their religion, because literal terms (consistent with Highland, Thomsen and Sidanius (2019) have interpretations of the Bible (and other Troughton, Shaver, Barrett, Sibley, & shown that anti-Muslim attitudes are texts) may justify their antipathies – it is Bulbulia, 2019, this issue). With the moderately associated with perceived not the religion per se. exception of attitudes towards Christians, terroristic threat, and strongly associated Since the events of March 15th, the both SDO and RWA were associated with with both symbolic and realistic world has witnessed two further atrocities more negative attitudes to all religion (resource-based) threat perceptions. In committed in places of worship – against groups. Christians, however, showed an short, Muslims may be seen to tick all the Christians in Sri Lanka, and Jews in the unusual bifurcation in the relationship boxes for outgroup antipathy. United States. The results reported here between SDO and RWA, and attitudes in Additionally, Uenal (2016) has argued also illustrate that antipathy towards both bivariate correlation and DPM path that Islamophobia comprises two people on the basis of affiliation with models. That is to say, SDO was not dimensions – anti-Muslim prejudice and religions other than Islam shares some correlated with attitudes to Christians and anti-Islam sentiment. A survey of German commonality. RWA predicts negative associated with more negative attitudes to community participants supported this attitudes towards all but Christians and Christians in the DPM analyses, while differentiation and suggested that Jews, while SDO predicts negative RWA was associated with more positive perceptions of symbolic threat predicted attitudes towards all but the irreligious. attitudes towards Christians in both sets of both anti-Muslim and anti-Islam Perhaps importantly, while RWA predicts analyses. Generally speaking, where SDO sentiments, realistic threat predicted only more positive attitudes towards and RWA are both significant predictors anti-Muslim sentiment, and ‘terroristic’ Christians, SDO predicts more negativity. of group attitudes in path analyses they (safety-based) threat predicted only anti- One striking result, and one tangential to both predict more negative attitudes (e.g., Islam sentiments. The research described the purpose of this research, was that Sibley & Duckitt, 2007; Cantal, Milfont, here addresses only the ‘face’ of Islam – among self-identified Christians SDO and Wilson, & Gouveia, 2015). Path analyses Muslims – rather than attitudes towards RWA were uncorrelated with Dangerous suggested that the SDO arm of the DPM Islam as a belief system. and Competitive Worldviews, is, on average, a more important predictor The aim of this research was not to focus respectively. It is common to see that of attitudes towards Muslims, Hindus and upon any religious influence upon anti- SDO correlates with Dangerous Jews, compared to the RWA arm. Indeed, Muslim attitudes, but religion proved to Worldviews, albeit much more weakly Dangerous Worldviews and RWA were be an important consideration in several than with Competitive Worldview, while stronger predictors only of attitudes ways. Self-identified Christians were RWA frequently correlates with towards Christians and Atheists, and notably more authoritarian, threatened, Competitive Worldviews and, again, statistically unrelated to attitudes towards and to a lesser extent, social dominant, more weakly than with its theoretical Jews. than irreligious participants. They showed precedent, Dangerous Worldview. Given the theoretical foundations of the a pronounced, and un-surprising, in-group Among Christians, in this sample, the DPM, and the body of research that has bias in their attitudes towards Christians, DPM components more cleanly reflect distinguished the relative roles of RWA and outgroup bias against Atheists. While their theoretical exemplar. and SDO in prejudice towards different self-identified Christians were not, At the same time, it should be groups, it appears that these religion however, more negative towards acknowledged that these analyses are groups may experience antipathy for Muslims, this should be considered in the based on short measures of RWA and different reasons. Duckitt and Sibley context that Muslims were regarded most SDO (six items each of the full thirty- and (2007) included Arabs, Atheists and negatively of all the religion-based sixteen-item scales), extremely short Terrorists among the target groups in their targets. It will be cold comfort that only measures of Dangerous and Competitive test of generalized prejudice, finding that Politicians, Bankers, and Goths were Worldviews (two versus full scale of ten they loaded on separate ‘Derogated’, rated more negatively than Muslims. Even items) and single items representing ‘Dissident Group’, and ‘Dangerous’ Atheists were evaluated equivalently. attitudes towards groups. Not only is it

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impossible to disentangle the some of whose work is represented in this Cantal, C., Milfont, T. L., Wilson, M. S., & dimensionality of attitudes towards these issue, the answer will be forthcoming. Gouveia, V. V. (2015). Differential effects groups to better identify the relationships of right‐wing authoritarianism and social between DPM variables and those facets REFERENCES dominance orientation on dimensions of (e.g., Uenal, 2016), but the short scales Adorno, T. W., Frenkel-Brunswik, E., generalized prejudice in Brazil. European will inevitably under- or over-represent Levinson, D. J., & Sanford, R. N. (1950). Journal of Personality, 29(1), 17-27. particular facets of these predictors. For The Authoritarian Personality. New York: Centre for Applied Cross-Cultural Research example RWA, in particular, is a heavily Harper. (2011). Attitudes toward Muslim content-driven scale with explicit mention Allport, G.W. (1954). The Nature of immigrants. 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“This is not us”: But actually it is.

“This is not us”: But actually, it is. Talking about when to raise the issue of colonisation. Waikaremoana Waitoki University of Waikato, Māori and Psychology Research Unit

This paper is a commentary on some of the responses to the public narrative of the events after the March 15th Christchurch attack. Several colleagues had publicly and privately, offered their views on the Government’s and media outlets use of terms such as ‘unprecedented’, ‘our loss of innocence’ and ‘our darkest day’. A fiery and empassioned exchange of words emerged on social media about the statement: ‘This is not us’. By exposing the counternarrative to these emotion laden terms, a shady past, and invisible present was revealed. However, the timing of the talk about colonisation also seemed out of step with the need for sensitivity. This paper also explores the role of White supremacy and causal racism in New Zealand. A personal I/we/us narrative style is used throughout the paper to describe how Muslim and Maori lives intersected prior to, and after the attack. The timeline of events is primarily 1 week, and up to 6 weeks post the attack.

March 15th culture that has othered them. The health system (Came, McCreanor, On the afternoon of the 15th March I portrayal of Muslim and Māori as savage, Manson, & Nuku, 2019). Or, will they was waiting at the Hamilton airport to misogynistic, undeserving, troublesome have to fight for every inch of their rights pick up my daughter and her family. and uncultured is a narrative we have because the society they live in tells them When I received an email from the lived with since colonisation stepped on to every-single-day, in some overt and University alerting staff to the shooting in our foreshore (McCreanor, 1997). The covert way, that they are not good Christchurch, I checked the new’s words Māori and Foreshore are now enough? I worry about them because we webpage and saw images of the synomous with extreme colonisation. So live in a country that Taika Waititi ambulance, and police situated at Dean’s the question of whether ‘this is not us’, or eloquently described as ‘Racist as f**k’. Ave. The tall trees of Hagley Park formed not, takes Māori to a place where they He was vilified, and some called to have a backdrop of serenity that was at odds have been before. his award ‘New Zealander of the Year’, with the chaos that had happened hours This commentary offers a lens on the taken from him. earlier; images of distraught people were social media conversations that occurred If we can be proud of Taika and his prominent. At the same time, the plane immediately after the attack in achievements, why do we recoil in disgust disembarked and my family came through Christchurch. What was readily apparent and anger when he tells us, and the world, the gate – shock on their faces. I felt a was that some were uncomfortable raising that we are not quite the race-relations terror creep up and be swallowed with the role of racism and colonisation, while haven we try to portray to the world, and relief as I saw that they were all safe. They others felt that white supremacy had to be to ourselves? Was there a collective were on one of the last planes to leave talked about because to do so is to call out introspection where the nation asked Christchurch that afternoon. the institutions and social groups that itself, ‘what does he mean?’ Why did our My grandson’s creche backs onto benefit the most from it. The need to be country have to hit rock bottom and lose Dean’s Ave, close to the Al Noor Mosque. sensitive and careful, were uppermost my 50 lives before we asked ourselves to look My daughter should have been at the mind, but so too was the need to consider inwards at the institutions that enabled creche that day but instead she travelled how marginalised peoples feel about racism to thrive? Alongside that with her family to attend the Annual racism. introspection, did we look at our own

Regatta in Ngāruawāhia, and my son-in- actions, or inactions that foster racism, not Being Brown, and Being the Other law’s kapa haka group was set to perform only towards Māori, but to anyone who How do Māori experiences have any for the Māori King and accompanying was not Christian and Caucasian? connection to the attack in Christchurch? visitors. My son-in-law was also The conversation I had with my daughter When is it ok to talk about scheduled to do a ‘mataora’, a facial what could have happened to her was colonisation? tattoo, or emblishment for a family friend. frightening because we do not really ever The Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern, My daughter and I spoke about what feel safe in our own country. I have brown and others used terms like ‘our darkest might have happened had she or her siblings, brown children, and brown days’, ‘lost innocence’, and husband been driving or walking down nephews and neices. I worry about them: ‘unprecedented’ to describe reactions to Dean’s Ave that day. My son-in-law is will they get a job with their Māori names the Christchurch attack. At the same time, tall, brown and wears a long bushy beard. and Māori faces? Will they be given a my colleagues hit back on social media We have no doubts about what might have choice of homes they same way that saying that the attack was not happened had the shooter seen them, or Pākehā are give choices? Will their unprecedented, and that we were never their children. But more than this, our Māoriness be undervalued? Will they fall innocent. We argued that ‘this is not us’, children, like Muslim children, live in a through the causal racism gaps in our really meant, ‘actually, yes it is’. If it

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wasn’t why did the New Zealand and white supremacy, which underpinned because we were not there to experience Settlement Act (1863) happen? ‘This is them, did not come about in a non- it. They further claimed that Māori not us’, yet the New Zealand Wars contextualised vacuum. Jackson also portray a one-sided, revisionist view of (1800s) happened. ‘This is not us’ and the argued that the colonisation of New history and colonisation, while ignoring Treaty of Waitangi became a legal nullity Zealand has a whakapapa – a geneology, the benefits of being colonised, and seek (1877). In 2004, ’s Orewa premised on brutality, Christianity, an to blame, and be angry at a specific ethnic Speech happened. So if this is not us, how enduring belief in racial superiority, and a group (the British) while conveniently did the rise of the alt-right happen? view of Māori as the noble savage overlooking the trauma at the hands of our Former Society Bicultural Director, Dr (McCreanor, 1997) who cannot attain own pre-European Māori. Rose Black commented that ‘We Pākehā high intellectual functions, and certainly What then about Muslim experiences of sit on the continuum from superiority to should not have resources that Pākehā trauma? It is convenient to say that trauma white supremacy, and we don’t even know could put to better use. does not pass down to future generations that we are’ (personal communication, It may seem strange to say this in a simply because we tell ourselves about it? 2019). learned journal, but I am reminded of the As we were not there (when the trauma My own view on the public times I watched Thomas the Tank Engine happened) how could we be traumatised? commentaries was that as tangihanga had with my son. Each time the character This statements show a disregard for not even started, now was not the time to Diesel appeared, (he was the black train) human experiences and overlooks the talk about colonisation. While Māori Middle Eastern music played. Diesel power of narrative history as a tool for funeral custom is to raise concerns as a always seemed to be dirty, oily and slick. healing, and for reconciliation. (see also, way of paying respect to the the deceased, He was also cast as arrogant, Pihama, Smith, Evans-Campbell, Kopu- and honouring their family, the funeral untrustworthy, and deceitful. That same Morgan, et al, (2017) for a nuanced had not yet happened. I made, what I language, with its racist connotations, is exploration of historical trauma). thought was a brave decision to challenge used to describe Māori and Muslim Many of us will have a future narrative my colleagues on social media – ‘Wait, I communities. about the Christchurch attack, and it is said. ‘Raise these issues later, at least important that it is one based on recovery until after the burials’. This is not to say Recognising our colonial history and learning. It is concerning that if we that I didn’t agree with them. Because I Within a day of the attack, and largely cannot accept that Māori have a collective did. prompted by the media headlines that it experience of colonisation and trauma, My colleagues disagreed with me. They was unprecedented - angry commentaries how are we going to manage what we hear were angry and they knew that everything spoke of the massacre at Rangiowhia in in the future? Anjun Rahman the leader of they had been saying about land 1864. These were conversations that felt the Islamic Women’s Council of New confiscation, decimation of Māori culture out of place. Some asked about the Zealand wrote: ‘How does a heart break? and language, enforced poverty, systemic relevance of bringing up an event where Does it shatter into a million pieces? Does racism and structural violence was colonial militia herded men, women and is split into two aching, throbbing halves? everyday, unacknowledged white children inside a church in Te Awamutu, Does it break with a low keening wail or supremacy in action. Our experiences which was then set alight? Did we also an earth-shattering scream of pain?’ Pain taught us that we live within concentric need to be reminded of how those who of this magnitude is always remembered. circles of racism, and a deeply held belief escaped were shot in the back as they tried in white supremacy as an ideology and to run away? My colleagues wanted it Racism and white supremacy practice. This is so deeply ingrained in the known that our people were murdered in Some of the difficult commentaries I history of New Zealand that we do not a Christian church because they had managed was from Māori who had recognise it, or want to know when we are resisted the advance of colonisation. learned to hate Muslims. It is the ‘some of called to account. In the Waikato in the 1860s, Māori my family and friends are racists’ story The point my colleagues were making is refusal to sell land, and the establishment that was touchy to navigate. Māori values that New Zealanders should know that of a King movement, provoked the of manaakitanga, and whanau were everyday acts of causal racism towards Colonial government in 1863 to demand clearly not extended to Muslims, and we Māori, Pacific, Asians and Muslims is that Māori pledge their allegiance to the had to call each other out on that. I was endemic and often silenced. Māori are not Crown, or face ejection from their land. particularly tired of seeing racist, strangers to terrorism, and the Without waiting for a reply, the Waikato Islamophobic comments from Māori who commentators wanted to make that fact was invaded a day later (O’Malley, 2016). live in Australia, as if they had never public. To do otherwise was to silence Some of us wanted to stay silent, to not known racism growing up in New those who had suffered, and exonerate compare disasters. I thought it was Zealand, or the racism towards those who were complicit in important to say ‘We cannot sympathise Indigenous Australians. institutionalised programmes of eugenics with someone who has lost family by Another narrative that we discussed was and classism. ripping open your own scar and saying, that Māori, and Muslims were under My colleagues also suggested that for ‘This happened to me too’. intense surveillence by State Services our country to heal, we needed to know while white supremacists were ignored. how this land was colonised, who paid the Essentially is it fair for Māori to claim Despite members of the Muslim price for it, and who continues to benefit. our own colonial trauma, while the communities having told police, the State Jackson, (2019) commented on the recovery response was still in progress? Service Commission, the Security importance of acknowledging the links Moon and Derby (2019) argued (in an Intelligence Service, Department of between the past and present as the unrelated article) that modern Māori Internal Affairs, Government Ministers massacres and the ideologies of racism cannot know what historical trauma is and the Human Rights Commission about

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the death threats they had received from narrative fragment: a phrase or brief matter of time – we all knew that. Soon the alt-right they did not feel heard, or sentence cueing a well-known story, we after March 15th, Nasr wrote about her protected (Rahman, 2019). Was it too fill in the rest of the story. By describing experiences as a Muslim in New Zealand. unbelievable and unpalatable to scrutinise the killer as blonde, blue-eyed and angelic White supremacists as potential terrorists? we maintain a view, depending on our life But, the culmination of my lived Is it white imagination to say that only experiences, that white culture is normal, experiences, and many others which I certain people can commit acts of terror, natural, ordinary and the standard against can’t bring myself to repeat, rests while white people do not? which everyone else is measured. under the surface of my discomfort Despite the high rates of gun violence in I wondered, did the child-angel fall off with the ‘They Are Us’ solidarity the United States committed by White the heavenly perch destined for him as a statements. Americans, they are not collectively held white Australian? Does the narrative of to account like Muslims are. White white supremacy also guarantee entry into It feels like negation, not just of my shooters are described as loners (or a lone the celestial kingdom for Christians in the own lived experiences, but also of our wolf), someone not part of an organised same way the Crusades promised the own history as a nation. Because, unit, or group. But are they really alone? spoils of the Holy Land? Does having to while Friday was a dark day, maybe In relegating the ‘lone wolf’ to the write about the not-so-good-white-person one of the darkest, Aotearoa’s settler- position of an unhinged outsider, we are leave editors a little out of their depth? colonial history is a long white- not exposed to the white supremacists’ Jacinda Ardern told the nation: supremacist storybook. I will not collective belief in their right to eliminate pretend it is new, that it is anyone they see as a threat to their self- For those of you who are watching exceptional, that I didn’t see it idealised supremacy (Jackson, 2019). at home tonight and questioning how coming. I did, and you should have This tricky side-step also enables the this could have happened here, we, too (Nasr, 2019). ‘this is not us’ narrative to float, because New Zealand … We were not chosen Nasr’s commentary is a painful that type of person seems too far down the for this act of violence because we narrative of discrimination and abuse that other end of the white supremacist condone racism, because we’re an has been told to us many, many times. If continuum. Māori commentators on the enclave for extremism, we were indeed ‘this is not us’ is actually true how other hand did not see the difference chosen for the very fact that we are do we reconcile hearing about the abuse between white supremacy that kills none of these things, because we of Muslim communities, and doing little quickly, and white supremacy that is represent diversity, kindness, to change it? insidious and kills slowly (Kanji & compassion, a home for those that Palumbo-Liu, 2019). The removal of share our values, a refuge for those The role of psychology in assisting Māori children by Oranga Tamariki, the who need it. And those values, I can with recovery abuse of children and youth in state care, assure you, will not and cannot be Within days of the attack, the New and in faith-based institutions, and Māori shaken by this attack. Zealand Psychological Society set about experiences of mental health services Sahar Khumkhor, a reporter for Al preparing a co-ordinated recovery (Russell, Levy & Cherrington, 2018) are response. Having had some experience just a few examples. Jazeera said that the ‘This is not us’ statement merely showed a ‘comforting following the Christchurch earthquake, The language used to other Muslim we were keen to assist when needed. We experiences was perhaps most telling in conviction’ that extremism and violence are features of backward societies, and not updated our webpage, sought relevant the way that the shooter’s background was material for those affected, either directly portrayed in the media. Without a doubt, products of western cultures. She went on to say that racism still determines who the or indirectly, and established points of had the shooter been Muslim, or Māori, contact in Christchurch, and throughout the entire ethnic group and culture would ‘we, and they’ are of the world and that ‘this is not us’, ‘… seek[s] to absolve and the branches. I became accutely aware have been vilified and portrayed as that despite the large amount of resources barbaric, with a primitive nature. reject responsibility and shame, and replace them with fragile innocence and we had on trauma, we had nothing written However, there is a propensity to assuage specifically for Muslim communities. The potential white fragility by portraying even pride’. The concerns were that by calling the Ministry of Health, and the Ministry of white killers as inherently good – and that Educaton were in the same situation. This they have somehow gone bad. Australian attack unprecedented, or claiming that our innocence is lost, we overlooked the was a major concern, particulary as there and British newspapers showes a photo of were 40 different ethnic groups affected a blonde, blue-eyed boy, with his father – systems that allowed it to happen. Narrative fragments for marginalised by the attack. None of the resources the headline read ‘Angelic boy who grew available talked about how to deal with into an evil far-right mass killer’. The peoples highlight racialised concerns and experiences: The Black Lives Matter race-based trauma, or how to work with killer was also described as “a likeable Muslim children, or distressed Muslim and dedicated personal trainer running movement, Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Black Deaths in youth. Particular information was also free athletic programmes for kids". Other needed for Muslim women who were now terms used were ‘ordinary, white-man, of Custody, Pipeline to Prison, At-Risk- Māori and Islamophobia are all examples widowed, and in the process of iddah; and Australian, Irish, Scottish and British for Muslim elderly men and women – and descent’ and a working class mad-man’. of inequities that are unattended to. It has become normal to hear about these importantly, the resources did not offer support to maintain spiritual faith, The descriptions used above are narratives, to experience them, to dispair over them, and to have them etched in our particularly after the loss of an Imam, and examples of what Ray Nairn (2019) calls the insidious nature of Islamophobia. narrative fragments. When we hear a future-past. But let us be clear, what happened in Christchurch, was only a

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The Charity Hospital in Christchurch leader Brian Tamaki condemned Jacinda Board to deal with traumatic incidents. At had, quite early, started a counselling Arden, and warned, as did many others, a time like this, the divisions between our roster for people affected by the shooting, that New Zealand would be converted to professional bodies were a limitation that and the Ministry of Health set up a Islam if we allowed the call to prayer to needed addressing. Also, co-ordination telephone counselling line. We reached happen. This is again where the history of with training programmes and Branches out to our colleagues around the country colonisation and cultural amnesia and Insititutes is needed to inform the to ask to support the telephone lines, the intersect. Māori have already had a Society about the psychology workforce, Employee Assistance Programme, Victim religious take-over and the subsequent and their particular skillset. The Support, schools, tertiary institutions, banning of our religious dieities (See the Psychologists Board does not collect data corrections facilities, and hospitals. In Tohunga Suppression Act, 1907). So the on religious affiliations, and this is Christchurch, a Hub was established thought of another religious take-over perhaps a limitation. where Muslims could access various does not scare some of us as it does for During this time, I thought about how to agencies (ACC, Immigration) and to be others. At the funeral service, Imam connect with Muslim psychologists. I also together to meet and talk. Our colleagues Gamal Fouda called the Government to thought that perhaps the difficulties Māori were working double shifts in end hate speech, and the politics of fear: experience in psychology with limited Christchurch where they could. We knew cultural content specific to our that Christchurch was experiencing an Islamophobia is real. It is a worldviews also occurred for Muslim influx of help and that we needed to be targeted campaign to influence students. Do Muslim students face a careful of not getting in the way. people to dehumanise and Western worldview of psychology, Resources were also developed to support irrationally fear muslims. To fear devoid of any knowledge of the history of those working beyond their usual what we wear, to fear the choice of Islam’s contribution to psychology, or capacity. I raised a query about the food we eat, to fear the way we pray Islamic healing theories and methods? monocultural nature of the notion of ‘self- and to fear the way we practice our Could a Muslim student say that their care’. ‘Self’ from a collective worldview, faith. We call upon governments training prepared them to work within an is relational and includes care for around the world including New Islamic perspective? Or do they, like community and family/whanau. The Zealand and the neighbouring Māori, Pacific, Asian, African students, resources on self-care had to be rewritten countries to bring an end to hate have to learn the cultural perspectives to show a relational approach to speech and the politics of fear. Imam post-training? wellbeing. Fouda also showed the world the As western psychology in New Zealand By the end of the week of the 22nd of beauty of faith as a pillar of healing: is typically taught from a White March, after a prolonged wait, the ‘We are broken-hearted but we are American, European, or British deceased were returned to their families not broken. We are alive. We are perspective, the history of psychology’s and burials were planned. Jacinda Arden together. We are determined to not let role in colonisation is rendered invisible. did a fantastic job supporting the Muslim anyone divide us’. Fouda, (2019). Some exceptions are the APS apology to community, and the country through the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander aftermath of the attack. She become the The Psychological Society continued to People in 2016 for their role in the erosion topic of international interest and was work to co-ordinate a recovery response of Aborginal culture (APS, 2016). Would praised for her kindness, and how she had that was layered and reflective of the Muslim students be taught that the gold moved swiftly to indicate that the gun- Muslim community and their needs. standard of psychology, the American laws needed to change, and a review of the There were multiple requests for Muslim Psychological Association (APA) state survellience agency was going to psychologists, counsellors, social workers colluded with the Department of Defence happen. Over that time, Jacinda Ardern, and those able to work with Muslim to permit the torture of Muslim prisoners politician, and breastfeeding mother communities. At this point the in their detention centers (i.e., (because this job is important), supported professional bodies needed to work Guantanamo Bay) (Hoffman Report, the country through one of its darkest together as we did not know who were 2015). Or that the APA changed their hours. It must also be said that Jacinda practicing Muslim psychologists. The code of ethics from ‘to do no harm’ to Arden received abuse across a number of resources from Psychological Societies allow psychologists to participate in the platforms for showing solidarity with the around the world were sent with messages development of torture programmes? Are Muslim faith. of support, and resources written in Urdu, Muslim students taught that in 2015, In talking about the ‘this is not us’, Arabic, Somali, Iranian, Indonesia, and members of the American Middle statement, it is also really important to talk other languages. The Society’s Eastern/North African (MENA) about the best parts of society that work connections to the Asia Pacific Psychological Network (2015) wrote an hard to show their aroha (compassion and Psychological Association meant that we open letter to the Board of the APA and love) for others. Perhaps the most public could ask colleagues internationally for the psychological community to raise reminder of how compassionate New advice. concerns that psychology was mirroring Zealand can be was the willingness to The Australian Psychological Society what was happening across the United connect, and to have a public Muslim (APS) also provided extremely valuable States. The writers claimed that Muslims funeral, and prayer service on Friday 22nd support, and information, including a and refugees experienced diminishing March. A Muslim call to prayer was to be paper on how to create stronger civil liberties, human rights abuses, broadcasted around the country, and an communities to prevent racialised discrimination, threatened and actual Imam would led the service. violence (APS, 2019). There may have violence, and racial profiling since 9/11. The public backlash by some was fairly been an email overload for some – but, as The MENA group also felt that the APA swift and predictable. Destiny’s Church it turns out, there is no co-ordinated plan had aligned itself indirectly ‘with voices between the Society, the College and the

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legitimizing state sponsored violence and represented, every other also fought in the War, what does that say oppression against marginalized groups sociodemographic group is notably under about our nation? It that really us? in nations around the world. represented (Scarf, Waitoki, Macfarlane, Recommendations to the APA was to Bennett, et al., 2019). As we move Mataora and kapa haka: Facial increase the visibility of Muslim towards a recovery approach in adornment and performing arts psychologists in the APA, and to promote psychology, we need to understand the In the opening I said that my family left the relevance and trustworthiness of sociodemographic needs of the workforce Christchurch to perform for the Māori psychology for Muslim communities. and our communities. king in Ngāruawāhia at the annual regatta, Recently, Awad (et al, 2019) argued that At this point in time, and even over the and for my son-in-law to inscribe a facial MENA group members continue to next few years, can we realistically tattoo (mataora) for a 60 year old Māori experience macro and micro level prepare for the actual diversity in our male. Māori came so periously close to pressures such as: historical trauma, country without first focussing on losing their skill and knowledge of hypervisibility and invisibility, societal ideologies of racism that exist in the performing arts, boat racing, and tattoo and institutional discrimination, doctrines and practices of white (tāmoko) and to be able to practice Māori interpersonal and macroaggressions, supremacy? And even when the focus, or cultural practices after 175 years of hostile national context and invasive gaze is turned to the more extreme colonisation is a testimony to our ability surveillance. The context is the same for examples of racism, the everyday to survive, and to be inclusive. My family Muslims in New Zealand. Psychological practices of racism, particularly at would have been in Christchurch that day training, research, teaching and structural levels, are usually ignored by but they came home to participate in professional development will now need the dominant group to which most Māori activities that the majority of New to consider a recovery response that is psychologists belong. Zealand know nothing about. truly reflective of the Muslim community. One other event happened in April that Finally, among the many comments and A starting place is to identify gaps in warrants mentioning. A decision by the opinions, Anjun Rahman’s comment knowledge, and to uncover the continuum Titahi Bay Returned Services Association stood out as gracious and welcoming. She of white supremacy and how it plays out (RSA) to have a Muslim prayer at their said that the Indigenous peoples needed to in the room. Speaking of which, it might dawn ceremony commemoration of be treated with dignity and respect. Here pay to look around the room and see ANZAC was met with a major public was a community that had been brutally which culture is reflected, and which backlash, and death threats were made. treated, and continue to be, the world culture has the most power. Social media could barely contain itself as over, and they were asking the How relevant is a Māori lens on cultural amnesia played a familiar tune of Government to respect the Treaty of psychology for Muslims? Marama how Australians and New Zealanders Waitangi. I hear solidarity and I hear Davidson, co-leader of the Green Party sacrificed their lives for our Christian pathways for moving forward together. commented to the media, and on twitter, freedom and our national identity. Where to from here? that her conversations with the victims of Muslims also fought in the World Wars Using a narrative timeline I have the attack showed their preference for for the British Empire, yet there is seldom described some of the main discourses therapy that was informed by kaupapa any mention of their contributions. The that prevailed over social media, and the Māori models. In other reports, some cultural amnesia also meant that few online newspapers since March 15th. Muslim youth said that they mistrusted people knew that every year, in Gallipoli, There were many others, Senator Anning the mental health service as they had been Australians and New Zealanders have a and Egg-boy, protests about there being discriminated against in the past. In my special momument and space for them to too many memorial services, and Brian conversations, I was told that the whare remember the fallen. Tamaki and the Destiny Church standing tapa wha model by Mason Durie is On the memorial wall at Gallipoli there for Christianity outside the Al-Noor consistent with a Muslim worldview (Dr. is an inscription of a quote from Mustafa mosque. My purpose is to show the Shaystah Dean, personal Kemal Atatürk, the first leader of the difficult conversations that happened communication). Māori models are no Republic of Turkey: since March 15th because our histories are doubt useful to begin with. However, a ignored, and because White supremacy Those heroes who shed their blood specific psychological perspective drawn always appears to get a free pass in life. and lost their lives! You are now lying from Islamic teachings is more likely to As long as the lives of marginalised in the soil of a friendly country. benefit Muslim communities and will peoples intersect we can be united in our Therefore rest in peace. There is no enable the profession to expand. approach to challenging injustice to create difference between the Johnnies and Our ability to be inclusive turns the a flourishing future. Mehmets to us where they lie side by phrase ‘this is not us’, into ‘but it could Rather than leave this paper with a side here in this country of ours. You, be’ if we support our colleagues who hopeful comment and wish for change, I the mothers, who sent their sons from continously strive for diversity across our realised that such sentiments haven’t far away countries wipe away your institutions, and broader society. We need really worked that well. Goals going tears; your sons are now lying in our to challenge the epistemological forward could instead focus on: bosom and are in peace. After having monoculture in psychology training to 1. Connect with Muslim psychologists: lost their lives on this land they have produce culturally-inclusive, culturally- (but don’t be a burden) offer support, become our sons as well. informed psychologist. A recent analysis based on their right to self- Atatürk, 1934 of clinical psychology programme determination, to identify a layered enrolments for the period 1994 to 2017 If we cannot tolerate prayers to honour approach to healing from the attack. show that with the exception of European 2. Prepare for the future: Develop a co- females, who are substantially over those who suffered in Christchurch, and to honour the ethnic diversity of those who ordinated plan with professional

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organisations, Crown agencies, 10. Work with our communities as often n/hypocrisy-zealand-claim- community groups and NGOs to as possible: Being prepared means 190319104526942.html respond in a culturally appropriate, that we have already established our McCreanor. T. (1997). When racism and timely manner to adverse, and connections, and we maintain them – stepped ashore: Antecedents of anti- traumatic events. usually with food and sharing Māori discourse in Aotearoa. New 3. Look around the room: Increase the resources. Zealand Journal of Psychology, 26(1)36- number of culturally, and ethnically 44. diverse psychologist and academic References: Moon, P., & Derby, M. (2019). ‘They bleed from long-healed scars’: A Nietzschean staff. Use an equity-based approach. Australian Psychological Society (2016). psychological perspective on the Māori make up 15% of the population, The APS Apology to Aboriginal and literature of inherited colonial trauma in Torres Strait Islander people. 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