The Scarcity of Land in Somalia

The Scarcity of Land in Somalia Natural Resources and their Role in the Somali Conﬂ ict Occasional Paper April 2009 Occasional Paper III The Scarcity of Land in Somalia Natural Resources and their Role in the Somali Conflict Dustin Dehérez Director of Northeast-African Studies Düsseldorf Institute for Foreign and Security Policy (DIAS) April 2009 The responsibility for contents and views expressed in this Occasional Paper lies entirely with the author INTERNATIONALES KONVERSIONSZENTRUM BONN - An der Elisabethkirche 25 BONN INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR CONVERSION (BICC) GMBH D - 53113 Bonn Tel.: 0228-911 96-0 Geschäftsführer: Peter J. Croll Fax: 0228-24 12 15 Aufsichtsratsvorsitzender: Staatssekretär Dr. Michael Stückradt E-Mail: [email protected] Handelsregister: Bonn HRB 6717 Internet: www.bicc.de Contents Introduction 6 Traditional conflict resolution in the clan-based society of Somalia 7 Land as a natural resource and its role in the Somali civil war 9 Conclusion 11 References 14 About BICC 16 5 The Scarcity of Land in Somalia Natural Resources and their Role in the Somali Conflict Introduction proposed by this Occasional Paper, might illuminate one of the underlying roots of n the past years, Somalia has become the conflict and state failure and might also help I most prominent example of state-failure in address central problems to conflict Sub-Saharan Africa. It is important to note, resolution in Somalia. It is the thesis of this however, that not the entire country is Paper that in the fertile riverine areas of plagued by the breakdown of civil and state southern Somalia, natural resources and order. Quite on the contrary, parts of Somalia especially land have become a key driver of seem to be better off now than twenty years armed conflict. By looking at the current ago. In the northwestern part of Somalia, in conflict from a historical perspective and by the former British protectorate of Somaliland, considering core issues such as access to a new political system was established land more closely, bottom-up approaches in following the proclamation of independence conflict resolution might be developed on a in 1991. The Republic of Somaliland, though broader basis and in the end be more not (yet) recognized internationally, has effective in a country that is still best since managed an impressive transition described as a pastoral society. The north of towards democracy, reaching a preliminary the country has experienced a phase of climax with first democratic parliamentary relative political stability. Here again, a elections in September 2005. In the historical perspective might explain the northeastern part of Somalia, Puntland success the north has had in contrast to the declared its autonomy within Somalia in 1998 south. In northwestern Somalia, which was a in what led to a phase of relative peace and British protectorate, the British applied their stability. Somalia today is a highly policy of indirect rule allowing clan structures fragmented country, but much of the fighting to remain intact. The Italians on the other and instability commonly associated with hand, who colonized the south, tried to Somalia is concentrated in the south, and actively undermine them. As the focus of this particularly around Mogadishu and in the Paper is to explain current violence in Lower Shabelle and Jubba valley. Somalia, it will exclusively focus on southern Somalia. The conflict in Somalia has drawn academic attention in various ways. The majority of the In trying to describe the role of natural academic research has focused on the resources and the impact of the Barre dynamics of state failure, foreign military dictatorship on local land use and traditional intervention, and clan structures. The scarcity ways of resolution of conflicts over land, this of natural resources, in particular of land, Paper describes the traditional conflict however, has played a significant role in resolution system in the first section before fostering conflict and in the collapse of the describing the role of land and the state’s government in 1991 and has drawn politics’ impact on land use. Finally, some significantly less scholarly attention. On the preliminary conclusions and policy one hand, pastoral societies have regularly recommendations will be drawn. crossed the border into neighboring Kenya and Ethiopia, raising the threat of possible spill-overs. On the other hand, the scarcity of land has fueled inter-clan rivalries, especially when specific clans have had access to government resources and posts, while others have been marginalized and not represented in the country’s political landscape. A historical perspective, as 6 Dustin Dehéz Traditional conflict setting and the impact the state’s politics have had after 1977, it is indispensable to resolution in the clan- explain how society dealt with such conflicts based society of Somalia traditionally. As Somalis share a common history (Arab he roots of the Somali conflict have been origin), a common language (Somali), and a traced back by scholars to two T common religion (Sunni Islam), many fundamental causes: clan-dynamics and observers and scholars during much of the warlordism. In the past, these phenomena 1950s and 1960s believed that Somalia had a were analyzed as being either mutually great potential to become a strong nation- exclusive or were dismissed as non- state, perhaps one of the strongest on the convincing when only one of the two African continent (Davidson, 1975; Kibble, processes was analyzed. Ioan M. Lewis for 2001). But even at the height of its power, instance, who has conducted some of the Somalia’s political landscape was most influential research on Somalia, was determined by clan-politics. The society is criticized for his clan-based explanation of split along clan-lines, and clans are the Somali conflict, as Somali society has themselves split into various subclans and historically been based on clan-lineages and subsubclans. The core unit of this lineage nonetheless managed to survive nearly thirty system is the so called dia-paying group2 that years of independence.1 Clanism, however, is usually consists of a few hundred or a few still very important to understand the conflict thousand Somalis (Kivimäki, 2001; Lewis, in Somalia. It is important to note however 1998). The size of these groups is determined that neither warlordism nor clanism are the by environmental and economic conditions, single reason for the political unrest in the since much of Somalia’s economy is based country. The missing link in most accounts of on livestock. Somali pastoralists live with their the crisis in Somalia is the role of natural cattle and move their herds whenever resources, which is at the center of the necessary to regions where water and food armed conflict. Only if their role is taken into are available. As water resources were account, can the formation of warlordism scarce and pastoralists had an economic and the role of clans be understood to their interest in raising big herds, clans and full extent. Conflicts over natural resources in subclans were often competing over the Somalia are by no means a new same resources. Hence, conflicts over arable phenomenon. Historically, clans and subclans land and water are quite common in Somali have often fought over the use of resources history, even when state structures existed. In such as land or water. But in the absence of this pastoral system, traditional conflict state authority, parties to the conflict have mediation is a vital part of civil life. Conflicts often reverted to traditional forms of conflict between two clans were usually mediated by resolution, using what could be described as clan-elders, who were trying to balance the chieftain diplomacy. The present extent in different interests. A conflict between two the use of violence, however, is men from different clans customarily caused unprecedented even in Somalia and a direct a conflict between the two respective clans. result of the political developments since Such a conflict could easily turn into a war 1977, the beginning of the Ogaden-War. In between the belligerent factions if clan order to understand the role of natural elders were unable to discuss conditions for resources as a source of conflict in the Somali 2 The term dia-paying group literally means 1 Kinship and clanism-based explanations came blood compensation. A group is held under pressure most prominently by responsible for each offence conducted by Compagnon, 1998. one of its members. 7 The Scarcity of Land in Somalia Natural Resources and their Role in the Somali Conflict peace. In their mediating efforts, clan elders question. The war had a significant impact collected all available information about the on Somali society in two important ways. First, conflict and after obtaining all accessible with state authority declining, the role of the data, a council of elders decided whether to clan as the most influential body in the daily initiate relocation of the clan or to dispatch a life of ordinary Somalis again increased and delegation to foster peace. This customary the dia-paying group as the smallest entity mediation system implied that clan elders within a clan was restored as the basic social had to enjoy immunity from hostile action unit of Somali society. Second, Barre and rested on the belief that clan elders’ switched sides in the Cold War. After the legislation was binding and that a sensible Ogaden-War, Somalia moved into the balance of power was to be maintained at Western camp after having been a Soviet all times. It was thus a system in which not satellite since 1969. Although he had initiated power, but respect and reciprocity were the a development policy within the framework core values. of scientific socialism after his coup, his major focus after the war was simply clinging on to This traditional system of conflict resolution power and the program of scientific socialism came under stress when Siyad Barre staged was subsequently abandoned.

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