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The Evolution of Large Technical Systems in the Waterberg Coalfield of South Africa: from Apartheid to Democracy

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The Evolution of Large Technical Systems in the Waterberg Coalfield of South Africa: from Apartheid to Democracy The Evolution of Large Technical Systems in the Waterberg Coalfield of South Africa: From Apartheid to Democracy Faeeza Ballim A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Johannesburg, March 2017. Declaration I declare that this thesis is my own unaided work. It has been submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. It has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university. Signed: Faeeza Ballim, 24 March 2017. 2 Abstract This thesis follows the development of a particular set of large technical systems in South Africa from the late apartheid era into the age of democracy. During apartheid technological prowess, upheld by the network of state corporations or parastatals, bolstered the authoritarian rule of the white minority government in South Africa. The economic and political liberalisation of the late 1980s challenged the power of the parastatals and altered the underlying rationale of infrastructure development. In particular I describe the transformation of Iscor and Eskom, two of the country’s major parastatals, and their activities in the Waterberg coalfields, an isolated region on the country’s north-western border. While Eskom’s activities in the region began in the 1980s they gained public notoriety with the construction of the Medupi power station two decades later. The obstacles that Eskom faced at Medupi represent the main challenge of developing large technological infrastructures in the democratic, post-colonial order, where the fruits of infrastructure development demand to be spread beyond the bounds of an elite minority. But the eventual completion of some power generating units in 2015 at Medupi demonstrates that failure is not inevitable. I argue that this success is due to the fact that the autonomous parastatal network negotiated the political and economic liberalisation of the early 1990 by incorporating the changing socio-political conditions into its operations. The parastatal network retained a momentum, in the sense first described by the historian of technology Thomas Hughes, which was also a product of the “locked-in” nature of investment in the infrastructure project. Because of the large capital investment required for the infrastructure development, proceeding tenaciously against the odds to see the project to completion was cheaper than retreat for those involved. 3 Acknowledgements My colleagues at the Wits Institute for Socio-Economic Research (Wiser) provided the pastoral and intellectual support that made the writing of the PhD possible. Najibha and Adila Deshmukh went out of their way to ensure that I was comfortable and became much- appreciated confidantes. I encountered an immense range of ideas during my time at Wiser in a relatively short span of time and the constant engagement and encouragement of staff members kept my project stimulating. In particular Catherine Burns, Pamila Gupta, Jonathan Klaaren, Achille Mbembe, Hlonipha Mokoena, Sarah Nuttall and Antina von Schnitzler were invaluable sources of intellectual inspiration. My supervisor Keith Breckenridge was consistently responsive, supportive and rigorous in his engagement with my work and encouraged me to head in exciting intellectual directions I would not otherwise have thought were possible. My fellow PhD students Christi, Robyn, Kalema, Ellison, Ruth, Candice, Rene and Sinethemba, were friendly critics in various writing and reading groups over the years. I also must acknowledge the continued support of staff members at the Wits History Department and the History Workshop, whose schooling formed the base of my development as a social historian. In particular, Clive Glaser was a conscientious co-supervisor and was instrumental in driving the PhD to completion. Thanks are also due to the numerous individuals in Johannesburg, Lephalale and Marapong who opened their homes and their memories to me with incredible warmth. Eskom and the management of the Matimba Power Station amiably accommodated my requests and considerably eased my research process. My family and friends, in many ways, weathered the storm with me. Anne, Dasantha, Fatima, Michelle, Naadirah, Nurina and Thalia have always offered companionship and guidance as have my family in Polokwane, Shireen and Sattar Ahmed. Finally, Imraan, Raiza, and my parents Yunus Ballim and Naseera Ali, have consistently and unquestioningly supported my efforts throughout the years. Their presence has made the PhD an altogether more pleasant experience. 4 Table of Contents Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 7 Key Themes............................................................................................................................ 7 Literature Review ................................................................................................................. 12 Methodology ........................................................................................................................ 34 Chapter 1: Iscor and the Grootgeluk Coal Mine ................................................................ 37 Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 37 The Development of the Grootgeluk Coal Mine .................................................................. 41 Engineers, Tenacity and Nation-Building ............................................................................ 43 Saldanha Bay ........................................................................................................................ 48 Iscor and the Private Collieries ............................................................................................ 52 The search for Coking Coal ................................................................................................. 57 Eskom and Ellisras ............................................................................................................... 61 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 62 Chapter 2: Ellisras and the Entrance of Iscor..................................................................... 64 Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 64 Ellisras in the Twentieth Century ......................................................................................... 68 Development of the Town .................................................................................................... 75 Iscor and Onverwacht........................................................................................................... 79 Forced Removals .................................................................................................................. 82 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 90 Chapter 3: Eskom and the Matimba Power Station .......................................................... 91 Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 91 Raising Capital ..................................................................................................................... 94 About Matimba .................................................................................................................... 98 Equipment and Contractors ................................................................................................ 105 Matimba and Ellisras .......................................................................................................... 111 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 116 Chapter 4: Privatisation and Democratisation ................................................................. 118 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 118 The Privatisation Debate of the 1990s ............................................................................... 127 Matimba ............................................................................................................................. 129 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 142 5 Chapter 5: Labour in Lephalale ......................................................................................... 143 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 143 Bureaucratic Coercion ........................................................................................................ 147 Worker Organisation .......................................................................................................... 151 Negotiations at Matimba .................................................................................................... 156 Conclusion .........................................................................................................................
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