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Campaigning against apartheid Catherine Ellis and Matthew Redding Not playing games Young Liberals and anti-apartheid campaigns, 1968–70 Sandy Waugh Discovering Kincardineshire’s Liberal history John Morris Joyce Cary Liberal traditions Ryan Vieira Norman Angell and Angellism reconsidered J. Graham Jones David and Frances Lloyd George’s second marriage Liberal Democrat History Group ‘This new volume, taking a long view from the later seventeenth century to the Cameron-Clegg coalition of today, is a collective enterprise by many hands … This is an excellent book.’ Kenneth O. Morgan, Cercles

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2 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 Journal of Liberal History Issue 74: Spring 2012 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberal history news 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Orpington celebrated; Now hear what Liberal Democrats really thought Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Not playing games 6 Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini The Young Liberals and anti-apartheid campaigns, 1968–70, by Catherine Ellis Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, and Matthew Redding York Membery Discovering Kincardineshire’s Liberal history 13 Patrons Dr Sandy Waugh examines the Liberal history of his native county Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Professor John Vincent Joyce Cary – Liberal traditions 16 Editorial Board John Morris celebrates the work of the English novelist Joyce Cary, and its roots Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Doyle; in Liberal ideas Dr David Dutton; Prof. David Gowland; Prof. Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Dr Alison Letters to the Editor 21 Holmes; Dr J. Graham Jones; Dr Tudor Jones; Tony The 2010 election and the coalition (Michael Meadowcroft); Pat Collins (Lionel Little; Prof. Ian Machin; Dr Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Ed Randall; Jaime Reynolds; Dr Andrew King); Punch and cartoons (Andy Connell); Henry George the socialist (Sandy Russell; Dr Iain Sharpe Waugh)

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Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 3 Liberal history news Spring 2012

Orpington celebrated iberal legend Eric Lubbock seat with a near 22 per cent swing, very effectively’, and his ‘fantastic celebrated the 50th anniver- giving him a near 8,000 majority. team’ who ‘made a big difference’. Lsary of his Orpington by- He went on to hold it until 1970. While Meadowcroft rightly election winner with a star-studded Another veteran of the cam- observed that Orpington did not dinner at the National Liberal Club paign, William Wallace (now Lord ‘herald a great change in politics’ last month, writes York Membery. Wallace of Saltaire), explained how at the time, the final speaker of the A host of big names past and the Orpington by-election was ‘a night, party president Tim Farron, present attended the fifth Orp- world away from today’s world’. who wasn’t even born when it took ington Circle Dinner, chaired by ‘We did most of our canvassing place, argued that it had greater Paul Hunt, to pay tribute to the in the afternoon back then, and long-term significance than is still-sprightly octogenarian and there was nearly always someone sometimes appreciated. to talk about the campaign and its at home,’ he said, noting that many ‘The Orpington by-election significance. of those who eventually voted for rightly occupies an important Former Liberal MP Michael the Liberals were the sons or daugh- place in Liberal mythology,’ he Meadowcroft, who campaigned ters of Nonconformists. ‘What’s said. ‘It was a David versus Goliath alongside Eric at Orpington in more, people were keen to discuss struggle. Up until Orpington, the March 1962, told the hundred plus politics.’ party’s success had depended upon guests at the banquet: ‘This was a After a letter of congratulation Eric Lubbock, a handful of people who refused to by-election where the Tories got it from the party leader Nick Clegg, Lord Avebury accept that “the game was up”, the all wrong – and we not only got it thanking Eric for his ‘astounding (front row, conventional wisdom of the day – right, but did “disgustingly well”, contribution as an MP, chief whip centre), with but afterwards things were never to quote Jo Grimond.’ and peer’ was read out, Eric, who Orpington quite the same again.’ ‘Like everyone working at party now sits in the Upper Chamber as by-election He added, to applause: ‘The HQ at the time, I was sent to Orp- Lord Avebury, got up to say a few veterans simple truth is that without Orp- ington to help out in the campaign,’ words himself. The 83-year-old (photo Michael ington there would have been no recalled Meadowcroft. ‘The origi- modestly attributed much of the O’Sullivan; www. Bermondsey, Christchurch or Rib- nal Liberal candidate, Jack Gal- Liberal success at the by-election michaelosullivan. ble Valley. In short, the long march loway – a man who had a personal to Chitnis, ‘who ran the campaign co.uk) back to power began at Orpington.’ defect that he shared with Lloyd George – had been replaced at the eleventh hour by Councillor Eric Lubbock, a sound local squire and a figure of great moral rectitude.’ The seat had been left vacant for five months and in Peter Goldman the Tories clearly chose the wrong man to fight it. ‘He’d park his cara- van in a street. Tthe Tories would announce that “Peter Goldman is here” and urge anyone who wanted to meet him to visit him in his caravan,’ said Meadowcroft. ‘I don’t think he knocked on one door.’ The day before the by-election, Liberal campaign manager Pratap Chitnis (now Lord Chitnis) got wind of the fact that a new opin- ion poll in the Daily Mail showed the party closing on the Tories in the seat. He ‘somehow got hold of 5,000 copies of the paper which we handed out to commuters on the day of the by-election,’ added Meadowcroft. The by-election duly saw Eric sensationally win the

4 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 liberal history news

Even before this dinner, the Orpington Circle had raised Audio recordings available £25,000 for the Liberal Demo- crat by-election fund. 2002–06 CDs and tapes In approximate chronological order, the following interviews have now been transferred to CD (some singly, some in pairs according to length): Now hear what leading John Pardoe, Shirley Williams and Roy Jenkins, David Steel, Bill Rodgers, Jim Wallace, Mike German, Simon Liberal Democrats really Hughes, Tim Razzall and Chris Rennard, Ludovic Kennedy (2002) and Grigory Yavlinsky (2006), Charles Kennedy thought – by Adrian Slade (2004) and Paddy Ashdown (2006) ince 2004 the Journal of Liberal History has been The following are still available on audio-cassette: the guardian of what, John Lee, Eric Avebury (Lubbock), Paul Marsden (2002), Mike Storey and Sir Trevor Jones, Barry Norman (2003), S Tony Greaves, Tom McNally and Charles Kennedy (2003). although I say it myself, is now becoming a uniquely interest- ing party archive – a set of 2006–11 CDs CDs and audio-cassette tapes Menzies Campbell and Nick Clegg (2008/9), Tavish Scott and Kirsty Williams (2008), Brian Paddick, Ros Scott of in-depth interviews I have and Lembit Opik (2008), Susan Kramer and Tim Farron (2010); conducted with leading Liberal QUESTIONS OF STATE series: Michael Moore and Danny Alexander, Vince Cable and Chris Huhne, Steve Webb Democrats of the last decade. and Sarah Teather, Nick Harvey and Tom McNally, Paul Burstow and Jeremy Browne (2011); Nick Clegg (2010 The collection spans the years and 2011), Willie Rennie and Brian Paddick (2011). 2002–11 and each interview is now available for listening from the Journal archive. recorded versions. The list fea- and the archive has been sub- of all those above, enthusiasts The collection includes the tures all the most familiar Lib- stantially expanded, exclusively for Liberal/Liberal Democrat very last media interview given eral Democrat names in today’s on CD, to include more inter- History may now borrow these by Roy Jenkins, the very first party, but there is also an inter- views conducted between 2006 CDs and tapes from the Journal, UK interview given by Paddy view with one significant name and 2011. Readers of the Journal to copy and listen to at home Ashdown after his return from from the past, Ludovic Ken- or any others interested can, for (subject to certain conditions) for a four years in Bosnia, interviews nedy, and a 2006 interview with example, now listen on CD to token fee of £5 per CD or £3 with the Federal Party Presi- a beleaguered Russian Liberal, any or all of the recordings of per tape. If you are interested, dents and Welsh and Scottish Grigory Yavlinsky, leader of my 2011 interviews with a the ask Mark Pack (mark.pack@ leaders and London Mayoral Yablokov, the Russian Demo- Liberal Democrat Secretaries gmail.com) for a copy of the candidates of the past ten years cratic Party., who addressed the and Ministers of State in the full interview list, summary and, most recently, interviews Lib Dem conference in Septem- Coalition or my three full- content details, conditions of with Nick Clegg and all the ber 2006. length interviews with Nick use and application form or, if Liberal Democrat Secretaries or Now many of the original Clegg in 2009, 2010 and 2011. you are certain what you want Ministers of State in the Coali- earlier recordings have been For a unique insight into to hear, just return the form tion Government. I have also transferred from tape to CD the thoughts and motivations below. retained separately from this archive taped interviews with all To: Mark Pack, Journal of Liberal History archive, 2a Heathville Road, London N19 3AJ the new Liberal Democrat MPs I am interested in listening to of the 2005 and 2010 intakes. (a) the full CD recording(s) and/or In the summer of 2002 (b) the full tape recordings of Adrian Slade’s interview(s) with the following interviewees (include dates): when, for my own interest, I interviewed former Liberal leadership contender John ...... Pardoe, I never thought that this would become the first in a ...... nine-year series of similar talks with other significant Liberal ...... Democrats. Before 2002 the party had had no spoken record of how its leading members I enclose a cheque for £ ...... (£5 per CD, £3 per tape) payable to Liberal Democrat History Group. viewed their political past, their earlier party experiences, I will abide by the conditions that I will receive prohibiting any public use of the recordings without special the more dramatic events that permission. and I undertake to return the original cassette(s) within two weeks of this request. shaped their political lives or their current views of the party Signed ...... Date ...... and its prospects. All my write-ups of these Name ...... interviews have subsequently been published in the Journal or Liberal Democrat News but inevi- Address ...... tably they are in abbreviated form. Only the Journal archive Email ...... Tel...... has the full, unexpurgated,

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 5 Not Playing Games The Young Liberals and Anti-Apartheid Campaigns, 1968 – 70

he YLs played a major and the leader of STST, observed Catherine Ellis and role in protests against as he reflected on a lifetime of anti- apartheid, particularly apartheid activism, ‘The Stop the Matthew Redding in the Stop the Seventy Seventy Tour was not about sport explore the Young Tour (STST), whose goal – it was the first step towards mak- Twas to prevent an all-white South ing apartheid unacceptable to the Liberals’ contribution African cricket team from tour- world’.1 ing in Britain in the summer of Despite the significance of STST to anti-apartheid 1970. STST was the most impor- and the importance of Young Liber- campaigns and sporting tant campaign in the Young Liber- als within it, the YLs have attracted als’ history and is often claimed as much less academic attention than boycotts in the late the most successful protest move- other British youth organisations ment in post-war Britain. As Peter of this period, and anti-apartheid 1960s and early 1970s. Hain, a prominent Young Liberal campaigning has tended to be

6 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 Not Playing Games The Young Liberals and Anti-Apartheid Campaigns, 1968 – 70

overshadowed by other contempo- to a growing body of research on The YLs wanted to attract rary protest movements, particu- youth in British politics and politi- young people disillusioned by ‘the larly against nuclear proliferation cal responses to youth culture in hypocrisy and dishonesty of the big and the Vietnam War. This article a period of high-profile student parties’, and also sought to address attempts to redress the balance by sit-ins and youth-led single-issue what they saw as a lack of leader- examining the Young Liberals’ con- campaigns. ship and radicalism in the ‘senior’ tribution to international efforts Liberal Party.5 The YLs were rep- to end racial segregation in South resented on local and national Lib- Africa.2 The Young Liberals eral councils, and they pressed for Campaigns against apartheid The National League of Young greater radicalism in foreign and in the late 1960s took place against Liberals (NLYL) originated in Bir- domestic affairs through the writ- a background of anxiety about the mingham in 1903 as the League of ing of their New Orbits Group and results of Harold Macmillan’s ‘wind British Young Liberals, inspired by the presentation of often combative of change’ sweeping across Africa, Giuseppe Mazzini’s Young Italy resolutions at Liberal Assemblies Britain’s colonial legacy, and the Movement. The League spread and NLYL conferences. The YLs integration of Commonwealth rapidly through the Midlands and received significant credit for their immigrants into British society. the North-West while a separate role in the Liberals’ 1962 by-election The same period was marked by League of Young Liberals was victory in the previously safe Con- the rising profile of teenagers and formed in London. The two groups servative seat of Orpington, as well young people, whose political and amalgamated in 1908.3 as local electoral successes through social activities frequently dis- The NLYL grew to become the their ‘community politics’ initia- turbed their elders and challenged most influential, yet least studied, tives in the early 1970s. established mores. youth wing of Britain’s major polit- Like Britain’s other political par- These anxieties collided in ical parties, their significance often ties in this period, the Liberal Party anti-apartheid protests, which pit- overshadowed by the Young Con- tried to harness the dynamism of ted radical young activists against servatives’ extensive social activities young people. While the Young ‘white’, ‘imperial’ sports run by a and the Young Socialists’ flirtation Conservatives’ primarily social coterie of often elderly, upper-mid- with Trotskyism. The Young Lib- function ensured that relations with dle-class men. The struggle against erals developed their highest public the Conservative Party were fairly apartheid thus exposed contempo- profile in the 1960s and early 1970s, smooth, Labour was considerably rary tensions around race, empire, when they campaigned on issues as more troubled by the Young Social- social class, and age. An examina- diverse as trade union policy, educa- ists’ slide to the militant left. The tion of the YLs’ role in British anti- tion reform, the Middle East, apart- Liberals tried to present themselves apartheid campaigns demonstrates heid, and Britain’s role in NATO. as the ‘party of youth’ through ini- the importance of Young Liberal Indeed, Young Liberal activism tiatives such as the Charter for Youth contributions to the transnational was described by sociologists Philip (1964), which promised reforms in struggle against South African Abrams and Alan Little in 1965 as Left: Stop The education and vocational training, race laws. More broadly, it further ‘the most striking and only truly Seventy Tour community initiatives, and a reduc- develops our understanding of rela- distinctive aspect of political par- protesters tion in the voting age from twenty- tions between the Liberal Party and ticipation of youth in contemporary outside Lord’s, one to eighteen. Relations between its youth wing, and contributes Britain’.4 March 1970 the YLs and the ‘senior’ party were

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 7 not playing games: the young liberals and anti-apartheid campaigns, 1968–70 often tense, however, particularly the 1950s, including support for over matters of defence and for- the international boycott of South eign affairs. The Young Liberals African goods that began in 1959. and the Liberal Party were usually Liberal MPs strongly condemned in broad agreement on major issues, the Sharpeville Massacre in March but they differed over the degree 1960, in which white South Afri- of radicalism and the methods of can troops opened fire on black campaigning, especially the prefer- protestors, and called for South ence of some YLs for direct action, Africa to be refused readmission to which intensified in the late 1960s. the Commonwealth in 1961. The By 1969, the party’s Annual Report Liberal policy statement, Partners noted that, even as the YLs’ mem- in a New Britain (1963), stated that bership was declining, there was Britain ‘must not compromise ‘new militancy’ in the organisation, with apartheid’, and the party both ‘with particular emphasis on cam- encouraged successive British gov- paigns of civil disobedience’, specif- ernments to support an embargo ically protests against international on the sale of arms to South Africa, tours by all-white South African and offered support to persecuted tennis and cricket teams.6 South African Liberals such as Randolph Vigne. Beyond South Africa, Ian Smith’s unilateral dec- Liberals and apartheid laration of Rhodesian independ- British colonial governments bore ence from Britain was also a focus considerable responsibility for of concern for Liberals. The 1966 introducing racial segregation to Brighton Assembly included an southern Africa beginning in the emergency motion calling for ‘an late eighteenth century, when a unambiguous pronouncement that sense of white superiority over independence will not be granted Anti-Apartheid were permitted on South African the native black population was to any Rhodesian government Movement Olympic teams. South Africa was encouraged to unite white British unless it is based on universal adult poster, 1969/70 subsequently banned from compet- and Afrikaner settlers. At the same suffrage’. At the same Assembly, ing in the 1964 and 1968 Olympics, time, apartheid offended against MP (and later party leader) Jer- and was officially expelled from the traditional liberal principles of emy Thorpe’s speech advocating Olympic movement in 1970. Lin- individual freedom and human the bombing of railway lines into gering international ambivalence rights, exemplified most clearly in Rhodesia earned him the nick- towards apartheid was apparent, the liberal humanitarianism that name ‘Bomber’ Thorpe. however, through the fact that a inspired nineteenth-century cam- Apartheid was firmly entrenched white South African delegate con- paigns to abolish slavery. Looking in all aspects of South African life, tinued to sit on the International back from the 1960s, the Liberal but it was particularly visible inter- Olympic Committee. Party claimed a proud history of nationally through racial segrega- Despite many other restrictions opposition to racial segregation in tion in sports. In 1957, the South on its sporting activities, South southern Africa. Herbert Asquith’s African Minister for the Interior, Africa remained active in interna- Liberal government had granted while denying that the government tional cricket and rugby, and these independence to the Union of South was interfering in sport, required two sports became the focus of Africa in 1910, which gave Liber- that ‘Whites and non-Whites should anti-apartheid protests in the late als a sense of ‘special responsibility’ organise their sporting activities 1960s. Both cricket and rugby were toward the region. Liberal informa- separately; that there should be no ‘imperial’ games, spread and trans- tion papers claimed that the party inter-racial competitions within fused into local cultures through had expressed concern about the our borders; and that the mixing of British rule. For the most part, ‘colour bar’ from 1906 onwards, races in teams to take part in com- international rugby and cricket and Liberal politicians consistently petitions within the Union and competition was confined to ‘white’ criticised the failure of later Brit- abroad should be avoided’.8 Commonwealth countries: the ish governments to honour their Both domestic and international United Kingdom, Australia, New commitments to improve political pressure mounted against such Zealand, and South Africa. Con- rights for black and coloured South measures. In 1958, the South African sequently, South African interests Africans.7 Sports Association was formed to were protected by an imperial ‘old Liberal condemnation inten- coordinate and advocate on behalf boy network’ committed to keep- sified as the policy of apartheid, of non-white athletes. In 1961, the ing politics out of sports and main- literally meaning ‘apartness’, was Fédération Internationale de Foot- taining traditional sporting ties. codified following the Afrikaner ball Association (FIFA) banned Earlier protests against all-white National Party’s victory in South South Africa, and the following South African cricket teams touring Africa in 1948. The Liberal Party year the South African Non-Racial England in 1960 and 1965 were dis- officially denounced apartheid in Olympic Committee (SANROC) missed as ‘feeble’ by the Secretary 1949 and 1950 and supported black was formed to press the Interna- of the Marylebone Cricket Club African interests against colonial tional Olympic Committee to expel (MCC) and had virtually no impact European pressure throughout South Africa unless black athletes on the sport; however, in 1968 the

8 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 not playing games: the young liberals and anti-apartheid campaigns, 1968–70

South African government refused enough – mouthing ‘pious senti- Wooller was ‘our greatest ally … to allow the English cricket team ments’ was no better than the ‘cow- [e]very time he speaks up we get a to tour its own country because the ardly hypocrisy’ of Harold Wilson’s thousand more supporters’.10 Dur- team included a coloured (former Labour government that supported ing the International Cricket Con- South African) player named Basil British business interests in Africa at ference at Lord’s in June, the YLs D’Oliveira. The ‘D’Oliveira Affair’ the expense of human rights. Liber- also released a letter signed by their focused wider public attention on als must follow the YL example and Chairman, Louis Eaks, warning apartheid in sport and initiated an take real action. that a campaign of civil disobedi- international protest movement Early in 1968, the YLs formed a ence would go ahead if the 1970 that eventually resulted in South South Africa Commission and their tour were not cancelled. Africa’s exclusion from interna- involvement in the anti-apartheid In collaboration with SAN- tional test match cricket for more movement gained momentum. The ROC, groups of YLs began to than two decades.9 focal point of their campaigning disrupt cricket matches in the sum- In response to D’Oliveira’s was South Africa’s participation in mer of 1969, starting with a private exclusion, the Liberals passed a international sports competitions, South African cricket tour spon- resolution at their 1968 Assembly and their protests took place prin- sored by Wilf Isaacs, a Johannesburg calling on the MCC and other Eng- cipally through the Stop the Sev- cricket enthusiast. At the first match lish cricketing authorities to cut all enty Tour (STST) committee led in Basildon, ten YLs protested on ties with South Africa. At the same by Peter Hain. Hain was the son the pitch until they were dragged time, student protest and grassroots of white anti-apartheid and South off by police, a scene repeated in dis- activism were on the rise, and the African Liberal Party activists who ruptions at every match for the rest Young Liberals eagerly took up the had fled to London in 1966 after of the tour. Protestors invaded the cause. one of their friends was executed pitches and at least one cricket pitch by the South African government. was dug up. A Davis Cup tennis Upon arrival in England at the age match was also interrupted when Young Liberals and anti- of sixteen, Hain found the Young Hain and three other YLs ran onto apartheid campaigns Liberals a ‘vibrant, irreverent force the courts and were arrested. In a The Young Liberals’ involvement in The Young for radicalism’ and quickly joined – private prosecution later brought the anti-apartheid movement grew although first he had to set up a YL against him by barrister Francis naturally out of the Liberal Party’s Liberals’ branch in his local constituency. He Bennion, Hain was found guilty of long-standing opposition to racial became a member of the YL execu- conspiracy for disrupting the Davis segregation in South Africa, but it involvement tive and the Liberal Party’s national Cup match but was acquitted on was characterised by its own dis- executive, as well as Vice-Chair- three other charges related to the tinct methods and identity. in the anti- man of the South Africa Com- cricket tour. For the YLs in the 1960s, oppo- apartheid mission. Both he and Hellyer also The Liberal Party supported the sition to apartheid became a litmus served on the executive of the Anti- YLs’ efforts in their early stages. test for the ‘libertarian socialism’ movement Apartheid Movement (AAM), a Arguing that the cricket tour would and radicalism that many YLs major London-based protest group be ‘an affront to black South Afri- espoused. The YLs had already grew natu- with strong Liberal and Labour can sportsmen, and to Britain’s col- established their credibility through Party support. oured community, and in addition, direct action campaigns and pro- rally out of Building on their earlier an outright capitulation to racial- tests against the Vietnam War and speeches, rallies and demonstra- ism’, in July 1969 the Liberal Coun- Ian Smith’s rule in Rhodesia, as the Liberal tions, YL anti-apartheid activ- cil called for the 1970 cricket tour well as earlier anti-apartheid dem- ity intensified in early 1969. In to be cancelled and offered support onstrations, and thus they were Party’s long- response to news that an all-white for ‘the initiative taken by various well placed to take a leading role South African cricket team would individuals, including Young Lib- as momentum built against apart- standing tour in Britain the following year, erals, in mobilising opposition to heid in sport. Furthermore, other Hain and other YLs decided that the tour’.11 radical youth organisations such as opposition the AAM’s ‘legitimate’ protest Soon afterwards, STST was Trotskyists and Maoists were more methods were inadequate. In Janu- formed as a broad-based direct engaged in anti-Vietnam demon- to racial seg- ary, Hain submitted a resolution to action coordinating committee to strations than apartheid protests, the YLs’ South Africa Commission bring together opponents of apart- leaving the field open to the YLs. regation in pledging ‘to take direct action to heid in sport. Hain was STST’s Building on earlier Liberal pro- prevent scheduled matches from first Press Officer and subsequently tests against the situation in Rho- South Africa, taking place unless the 1970 tour became chairman of the organisa- desia, Peter Hellyer, the NLYL but it was is cancelled’. The resolution was tion. Although STST was formed International Vice-Chairman, sent to the MCC and other clubs, in response to rugby and cricket spoke to a resolution on southern character- where it met with considerable tours, Hain emphasised that its Africa at the 1967 Liberal Assem- hostility. For example, Wilfred goal was much more ambitious, to bly. He urged the Liberal Party to ised by its Wooller, a hard-liner within the make apartheid ‘unacceptable to the ‘show that we are in tune with the Cricket Council, told anti-apart- world’.12 present day world’ by rejecting own distinct heid campaigners that he had ‘no The YLs’ choice of direct action ‘fascist’ white regimes and support- sympathy with your cause in any for their anti-apartheid protests was ing the ‘wind of change’ blowing methods and way shape or form, and regard an explicit rejection of the ‘bridge- across Africa. But Hellyer insisted you as an utter nuisance’. Hain building’ approach (most often put that supporting a resolution was not identity. later claimed rather cheekily that forward by conservative business

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 9 not playing games: the young liberals and anti-apartheid campaigns, 1968–70

interests) that argued that trade twenty-five-match tour attracted connections and the pressures of over 50,000 demonstrators who free-market capitalism, as well as faced over 20,000 police officers. exposure to successful multi-racial The first match (at Oxford) was societies such as Britain, would cancelled on the recommendation encourage South Africa to give up of the local police, two others were apartheid. The YLs rejected that moved to new venues, and some 400 position entirely, insisting that the people were arrested. STST distrib- only way to compel change was uted thousands of posters and leaf- to isolate South Africa completely lets featuring their slogan, ‘Don’t through direct actions such as boy- Play with Apartheid’. Although cotts, ‘militant political resistance’ the type of direct action espoused and ‘guerrilla struggle’.13 Such tac- by STST and the YLs was supposed tics also had the advantage of pro- to be peaceful, if highly disruptive, ducing attention-grabbing images, violence did break out, including a point that was not lost on the serious clashes in Swansea in which YLs in an increasingly televisual STST demonstrators were sav- age. During protests against the agely beaten by local rugby players rugby tour, for example, newspa- hired by the police. The scale of the pers carried images of the Spring- protests so demoralised the South boks retreating behind barbed-wire African players that they voted to fences. go home. They were required to STST was inspired by the ‘Com- continue, but at the end of the tour mittee of 100’, a militant offshoot the Springbok manager, Corrie of the Campaign for Nuclear Dis- Bornman, confessed that ‘The last armament (CND) that used direct three months have been an ordeal to action in its protests, as well as the which I would never again subject anti-Vietnam War and American young sportsmen’.14 Civil Rights movements that politi- The rugby tour was the ‘perfect cised many young people across spring-board’ for STST’s protests the industrialised world. While against the cricket tour, which was single-issue campaigns often took due to start in May 1970. From the support of young people away Hain’s perspective, direct action, from mainstream political par- previously relatively untried, was ties, the Liberals tried to become evolving into a natural part of the an ‘umbrella organisation’ that protests: ‘the movement had grown encouraged single-issue pressure out of a campaign of demonstra- groups to work together with the tions and consequently was already Liberal Party, and the Young Liber- geared to action’.15 In late November als became an attractive outlet for 1969, while the rugby tour contin- young people looking to change the ued, anti-apartheid groups includ- system. This was part of the Young ing the Young Liberals, STST, and Liberals’ efforts to bring politics SANROC sent a petition and letters back to the grassroots and establish to the MCC threatening to disrupt a ‘coalition of radicals’, an area in summer cricket matches along the which they had some success. same lines, including mass dem- The initial focus of STST was onstrations and pitch invasions, if the cricket tour, but the South the tour were not called off. The African rugby team was sched- Liberal Party, together with one uled to come to England before the hundred Liberal and Labour MPs, cricketers in the winter of 1969–70 also demanded the cancellation of (their first appearance in Eng- the tour and pledged to join in pro- land since 1960–61, and only the tests. The Labour Minister of Sport, sixth since 1906). STST therefore Denis Howell, echoed that view on decided to target the rugby tour television, criticising South Africa’s as a dry run for the cricket tour reaction to D’Oliveira the previ- the following summer. At a press ous year and stating that he had ‘no conference, Hain warned Brit- time for any sport based on racial ish sporting authorities that ‘their considerations’.16 complicity in apartheid sport will Meanwhile, the tone of protests no longer be tolerated’, and one against the cricket tour became week later the Liberal Party called increasingly violent and the role for the rugby tour to be cancelled. of the Young Liberals attracted The rugby tour went ahead increasing attention, to the growing but was met with sustained pro- dismay of the ‘senior’ Liberal Party. tests. Hain claimed that the In early January 1970, weedkiller

10 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 not playing games: the young liberals and anti-apartheid campaigns, 1968–70 was sprayed on the Worcester a crusade to defend ‘civilised pur- a meeting with Callaghan. The cricket grounds ‘as a warning of suits’ against ‘the great unwashed’. extensive media coverage gener- things to come’. Two weeks later, Cricket administrators branded ated by groups such as STST had on the night of 19 January, fourteen AAM campaigners ‘a minority mobilised existing opponents of of the seventeen grounds that were who seeks to impose their views by apartheid and galvanised thousands to host the tour were simultane- violent demonstrations’, and they of others to join in international ously raided. Many pitches were argued for ‘the rights of the indi- boycotts and protest movements. painted with anti-apartheid slogans, vidual to play and watch cricket’.18 As a consequence, South Africa some were dug up, and weedkiller But no effective or coordinated became increasingly isolated in the was sprayed on the Warwickshire opposition group ever emerged. early 1970s, banned from the Davis ground. These actions had a ‘phe- Among large-scale organisations Cup and international competition nomenal impact’, according to in Britain, only the Conserva- in weight lifting, squash, wrestling, Hain: tive Party remained mostly silent gymnastics, and athletics, in addi- against apartheid; indeed, in the tion to the Olympics and the Com- Everyone had been caught by early 1980s, the Young Conserva- monwealth Games. New Zealand’s surprise and the widespread tives still produced ‘Hang Nelson cricket authorities also cut off all strength of the movement had Mandela’ badges. STST put politi- communication with South African been strikingly demonstrated in cal parties in a very difficult situa- cricket authorities, and in 1971 the one night. More than this, the tion, particularly after the Prime South African rugby tour to Aus- fear at the back of the cricket Minister, Wilson, announced that tralia was met by protests very simi- authorities’ minds, and prob- a general election would be held on lar to those that had accompanied ably at the back of most people’s 18 June 1970. Although the Con- matches in Britain two years earlier. minds, had suddenly been real- servatives wanted the cricket tour South Africa’s cricketers pressed ised: the image of the cricket to go on and tried to use the STST their government to avoid complete tour collapsing amidst a series protests to smear both Labour and exclusion from international com- of torn pitches and weedkiller the Liberals, none of the parties petition by choosing a team strictly was conjured, and began to wanted to campaign in the midst of on ‘merit’, but Prime Minister B.J. crystallise.17 what was likely to be a very tense Vorster would not concede. Facing summer. the threat of more protests, Aus- Responsibility for the raids was Protests intensified through the tralian cricket authorities then can- unclear until journalists asked Eaks, early months of 1970 as tour prepa- celled the planned Springbok tour the Chairman of the YLs, for a com- rations continued in a siege-like to Australia in 1971–72, and South ment and he claimed to have been atmosphere complete with barbed Africa was effectively removed involved along with ‘some Young wire, guard dogs, and heavy secu- from international sports for the Liberals’. Although the YLs had not rity. After the rugby tour protests, next twenty years. organised the vandalism, the press many British sports journalists The Young Liberals’ commit- quickly associated the organisation and radio hosts announced they ment to ending apartheid contin- with the incident, which exacer- would not cover the cricket tour. ued. Building on the success of bated existing tensions between the The Queen also said she would STST, leading YLs such as Greaves, Liberal Party and Young Liberals neither attend matches nor invite Hain, and Gordon Lishman pro- over the use of direct action. the South African team to Buck- duced a Radical Manifesto for the In response to his support for ingham Palace. The tour came 1970 election. This manifesto the attacks on the cricket grounds, under even more pressure when promised to ‘project an alterna- the Liberal Party executive passed African and Caribbean countries tive concept of society’ based on a vote of censure against Eaks in declared they would boycott the the fundamental liberal values of February 1970. YLs, led by Hain, Commonwealth Games to be held ‘love, reason, and freedom’, includ- reacted angrily, questioning the in Edinburgh in July. Wilson’s gov- ing commitment to ‘a multi-racial right of an ‘arrogant’ party execu- ernment debated whether it should Britain in a multi-racial world’. tive to ‘interfere’ in YL affairs, intervene and cancel the tour as Accordingly, the YLs called for and pledging full support for their the prospect of an all-white Com- the immediate repeal of the 1968 chairman. Two months later, how- monwealth Games ‘raised implica- Commonwealth Immigration Act ever, Eaks was voted out at the tions which went well beyond the because it denied some British citi- annual YL conference, replaced sphere of sport’. The Home Secre- zens the right to enter Britain, and by Tony Greaves. The following tary, James Callaghan, shied away they condemned British govern- year, Hain was elected YL Chair- from direct political intervention ments for basing foreign policy on man, largely on the strength of his but hoped the high cost of polic- pragmatism rather than principle. leadership in the anti-apartheid ing the matches would encourage They pledged to continue their campaigns. the Cricket Council ‘to reconsider Left, from top: support for ‘the spontaneous moral While the protests galvanised the desirability of proceeding’ on Peter Hain, May protest of youth’ against nuclear the anti-apartheid movement, they its own.19 1970 arms, the Vietnam War, apartheid also strengthened the resolve of Peter Hain, June in sports, and white supremacy. those who wished to see the cricket 1971 At their 1970 conference, the tour go on. The gulf between the Conclusion Peter Hain YLs passed a motion reaffirming Young Liberals’ perspective and The Cricket Council finally can- arrested in their belief that ‘international capi- that of their opponents was clear celled the South African cricket Downing Streer, talism’ was shoring up apartheid. when the Cricket Council called for tour on 22 May 1970, following 1969 They emphasised their support for

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 11 not playing games: the young liberals and anti-apartheid campaigns, 1968–70

‘participatory and socially just soci- For the YLs, youth groups including the YLs, 1970 South African Tour of Eng- eties’ and called on the Young Lib- the National Union of Students, land’, South African Historical Journal, eral Movement to fight ‘southern STST built on the Young Communists, and the 46 (2002), pp. 219–249; Rob Skinner, African racialism and oppression’ Labour Party Young Socialists tried ‘Facing the Challenge of “Young through various means, particu- their existing (unsuccessfully) to stop the British Africa”: Apartheid, South Africa larly the use of ‘militant non-vio- Lions from playing in South Africa and British Decolonisation’, South lent direct action’ against South credibility in in 1974. African Historical Journal, 54 (2005), African sports tours. The YLs also For the Liberal Party, the Young pp. 54–71; Rob Skinner, ‘The Moral demanded a ‘detailed investigation’ protest cam- Liberals’ anti-apartheid activities Foundations of British Anti-Apart- to uncover South African finan- paigns, and provided an effective, if not unprob- heid Activism, 1946–1960’, Journal of cial interests among Liberal Party lematic, response to the attraction Southern African Studies, 35, 2 (2009), members, and pressed the Liberal fitted well of single-issue campaigns for young pp. 399–416; Håkan Thörn, Anti- Party to require that members who people in the late 1960s. For the Apartheid and the Emergence of a Global refused to give up such interests with their YLs, STST built on their existing Civil Society (Palgrave Macmillan, must resign their membership. On a credibility in protest campaigns, 2006). community level, the YLs encour- distinctive and fitted well with their distinc- 3 Audrey Downs and Evan Richards, aged their members to take action tive amalgam of mainstream politi- Fifty Years Young: The Story of the against local firms with South Afri- amalgam of cal activity, grassroots ‘community National League of Young Liberals, 1903– can connections. politics’, and a commitment to 1953 (Liberal Publication Depart- The 1970 election was disas- mainstream direct action to achieve real change. ment, 1953). trous for the Liberals: the party lost Like other political youth organisa- 4 Philip Abrams and Alan Little, ‘The seven of its thirteen MPs and saw its political tions, the YLs were rarely ideologi- Young Activist in British Politics’, proportion of the vote fall to 13.5 cally coherent but they were deeply British Journal of Sociology, 16, 4 (1965), per cent. The YLs’ leading role in activity, committed to racial equality and p. 325. anti-apartheid activities ensured the eradication of racial segregation 5 George Kiloh, NLYL Chairman that the Young Liberals were the grassroots in South Africa. When it came to 1966–68, cited in Hellyer, ‘Young most publicised aspect of the Liberal apartheid, the Young Liberals were Liberals and the Left’, pp. 60–61. Party during the election campaign. ‘community not playing games. 6 Liberal Party Archives, London Many senior party members blamed School of Economics (hereafter the poor election results on the YLs’ politics’, Dr. Catherine Ellis is an Associate LPA), YL 9/4/5 Box 10, Liberal Party direct action tactics, although other and a com- Professor in the Department of History Organisation, Report & Accounts 1969. commentators looked to more sys- at Ryerson University, Toronto. Her 7 LPA, LIB 16/81, Liberal Party Infor- temic weaknesses in the party’s mitment to research focuses on post-war British poli- mation Department, ‘Liberals and leadership and policy-making. tics, and she has previously published on South Africa’, June 1964. Nonetheless, the momentum devel- direct action the Conservative and Labour Parties’ 8 Cited in Hain, Don’t Play, p. 52. oped by the YLs within the party relationships with young people. She 9 Bruce K. Murray, ‘Politics and over the previous eighteen months to achieve would like to acknowledge the support of Cricket: The D’Oliveira Affair of was evident at the 1970 Liberal Ryerson University’s Office of the Vice- 1968’, Journal of Southern African Stud- Assembly, where delegates passed real change. President Research and Innovation, ies, 27, 4 (2001), pp. 667–684. a YL resolution that established the Office of the Dean of Arts, and the 10 The Times, 14 January 1969; Guardian ‘community politics’ as the guiding Department of History for this project. Weekly, 30 May 1970. principle of party activism until the 11 LPA, LIB 16/81, Liberal Party Coun- mid-1970s. Matthew Redding is a recent graduate of cil, ‘1970 Cricket Tour’, 26 July 1969. While debate continues over the Ryerson University’s Arts and Contem- 12 Hain, ‘Away Defeat’. role of international protests and porary Studies program. He contributed 13 LPA, YL 9/4/5 Box 9, ‘Motion passed direct action in bringing apartheid to this project as a Ryerson Undergradu- at Y.L.M. Conference 1970: Southern to an end in the early 1990s, the YLs’ ate Research Opportunities Scholar. Africa’; Fieldhouse, Anti-Apartheid, p. leading role in STST provided the 469. youth organisation with an unprec- 1 Peter Hain, ‘Away Defeat for the 14 Murray, ‘Sports Boycott and cricket’, edented level of unity and public Springboks’, New Statesman, 25 Octo- p. 228. profile and connected them to larger ber 1996. 15 Hain, Don’t Play, p. 161. contemporary debates around 2 The following sources have contrib- 16 LPA, LIB 16/81, ‘South African human rights, imperial and colonial uted to this article: Roger Fieldhouse, Cricket Tour’, September 1969; issues, and radical political activism. Anti-Apartheid: A History of the Move- Guardian Weekly, 1 November 1969. The Stop the Seventy Tour solidi- ment in Britain (Merlin Press, 2005); 17 Hain, Don’t Play, p. 166. fied the Young Liberals’ position Peter Hain, Don’t Play With Apart- 18 Murray, ‘Sports Boycott and cricket’, on the extra-parliamentary left and heid (George Allen & Unwin, 1971); p. 228. reinforced their radical credentials. Peter Hain, Sing the Beloved Country: 19 UK National Archives, CAB 128/45, STST also remained a touchstone The Struggle for the New South Africa Cabinet Minutes, 30 April 1970. for the Young Liberal Movement (Pluto Press, 1996); Peter Hellyer, in forums such as their newspaper, ‘The Young Liberals and the Left, the Liberator, through the 1970s, and 1965–70’, Journal of Liberal History, provided inspiration for a new ‘Stop 67 (Summer 2010), pp. 60–67; Bruce the Apartheid Rugby Tour’ (SART) K. Murray, ‘The Sports Boycott and organisation in 1973, in which Cricket: The Cancellation of the

12 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 Liberal Heritage

Dr Alexander (Sandy) S. Waugh continues the Journal’s series in which well-known Liberal Democrats take a look at the Liberal heritage of their own locality. DISCOVERING KINCARDINESHIRE’S LIBERAL HISTORY

incardineshire (aka council in 1975 and since 1996 has Kincardine Aberdeen, in 1600. After Charles The Mearns), with an been within the jurisdiction of Castle, a II was crowned at Scone, in Perth- area of 380 square miles Aberdeenshire Council for local nineteenth- shire, in January 1651, the Hon- and a population of government purposes, although it century manor ours of Scotland – crown, sceptre 45,501 (2001 census), is retains its identity as a Lord Lieu- house. The and sword of state – were taken for Ksituated in North-East Scotland tenancy and for registration and remains of the safety to the coastal Dunnottar Cas- between the North Sea and the postal purposes. There are currently earlier keep are tle, two miles south of Stonehaven. mountains which rise to over 2,500 fifteen councillors for Kincar- located nearby . Thereafter, the castle was besieged feet. It is bounded on the south by dineshire wards, elected by STV, in by Cromwellians from Septem- Angus (aka Forfarshire), on the 2007, for five-year terms: seven Lib- ber 1651 until its surrender in May north and west by Aberdeenshire eral Democrats, four Conservatives 1652. However, in the meantime, and on the north-east by the City and four SNP. the regalia had been smuggled out of Aberdeen Although generally Kincardineshire, since becom- of the castle and hidden beneath the coastal and rural, with the tradi- ing a sheriffdom (county) in the pulpit in the nearby Kinneff parish tional economic activities includ- twelfth century, has played a sig- church, thus being spared the fate ing fishing, farming, forestry and nificant role in Scotland’s history. of the English regalia during the tourism, since the advent of North In 1296 King John Balliol wrote a Cromwellian interregnum. The Sea Oil many of the coastal and letter of surrender from the now Scottish crown, sceptre and sword inland urban communities have entirely ruined Kincardine Castle of state (now in the Crown Room experienced substantial increases in to Edward I of England after a short of Edinburgh Castle) were there- population from commuting both war which marked the beginning of after represented in the heraldry of to Aberdeen and offshore. This, the Scottish Wars of Independence. Kincardineshire. together with a necessary expansion The inland Castleton of Kincardine, Thirty years ago, as the local of community and leisure facilities in the south of the county, was the prospective Liberal candidate, I and services, continues to sustain original county town, until that was consulted by BBC Scotland local prosperity. Kincardinesh- status was transferred to the coastal – then filming a dramatisation of ire ceased to have its own county Stonehaven, sixteen miles south of Lewis Grassic Gibbon’s novel, Cloud

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 13 discovering kincardineshire’s liberal history

Howe – about the 1929 general elec- of the public purse and caused the Kincardineshire Kincardineshire tion in Kincardineshire that fea- word ‘retrenchment’ to be added to in Scotland; and One of the county’s earlier Whig tured in the novel. Unfortunately, ‘peace and reform’. He was success- as it was in 1859. MPs (in 1797–1806) was Sir John I said that the local Liberal colours ful in challenging the old anti-trade Stuart who was an early patron of were then red and yellow whereas, union combination laws and the law James Mill, whom he took to Lon- as I was soon told after the episode prohibiting the export of machin- don in 1803. Thus when James’ son, was broadcast, they were green. ery, and also campaigned against John was born in 1806 he was given From this stemmed my determina- flogging in the army, the impress- the middle name Stuart in recog- tion never again to be caught out ment of sailors and imprisonment for nition of such early patronage and about Kincardineshire’s Liberal his- debt. John Morley, a Liberal Cabi- support. After William Gladstone’s tory, especially as the continuity of net minister in 1886, 1892–1895 and father, John Gladstone (1st Baronet such is underlined by many family 1905–1914, having lost his original from 1846) bought Fasque in inland relationships. constituency (Newcastle-upon- Kincardineshire in 1829, the then Inverbervie, Kincardinesh- Tyne) at the 1895 general election, Tory MP, first elected in 1826, was ire’s only Royal Burgh, was rep- was elected for the burghs at a by- opposed at only the 1832 general resented in the constituencies of election in 1896 and served until election. When he retired in 1865, Aberdeen Burghs in 1708–1832 and created Viscount Morley in 1908. the election was contested by Sir of Montrose Burghs in 1832–1950. His Life of Gladstone (1903) was dedi- Thomas Gladstone (2nd Baronet), Otherwise, Kincardineshire was cated to ‘The Electors of Montrose Conservative and James Nicol, a constituency of its own in 1708– Burghs’. He also wrote biographies Liberal who was elected and served 1918; was part of Kincardine and of Cromwell, Burke, Voltaire and until his death in 1872. As William Western Aberdeenshire in 1918– Cobden, helped the passage of the Gladstone wrote in his diary, ‘Tom 1950; and, including Inverbervie, 1911 Parliament Act through the has made what is called a mess of it’. part of North Angus and Mearns in House of Lords but resigned from The prime minister’s descendants 1950–1983, of Kincardine and Dee- the Cabinet in opposition to the inherited Fasque and the baron- side in 1983–1997, and has been part declaration of war on Germany in etcy, and, when canvassing in 1983, of Aberdeenshire West and Kincar- 1914. Robert Harcourt, elected at I secured the support of his great- dine since 1997. the 1908 by-election and serving grandson, the late Peter Gladstone until 1918, was a younger son of Sir for my candidature. William Harcourt, a Liberal Cabi- After 1872 Kincardineshire was Montrose burghs net minister in 1880–1885, 1886 and represented by three other Liberals. The burghs’ MPs were Whigs, 1892–1895 and a younger brother of General Sir George Balfour (from Radicals and Liberals until 1931 and Lewis (Loulou) Harcourt, a Liberal 1872) was a son-in-law of Dr Joseph Liberal Nationals thereafter. Two Cabinet minister in 1907–1916. No Hume (see above). John Crombie of its MPs had UK reputations. Liberal contested Montrose Burghs (from 1892) was related by marriage Dr Joseph Hume, after represent- after 1929, although a former Liberal, to the Wason family which pro- ing other constituencies, was the Tom MacNair, unsuccessful Labour vided Liberal MPs for South Ayr- burghs’ Radical MP in 1842–1855. candidate in 1945, was thereafter Lib- shire, Clackmannan & Kinross, and He was the self-appointed guardian eral candidate for Banff in 1964. Orkney & Shetland in 1885–1921.

14 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 discovering kincardineshire’s liberal history

Arthur Murray (from 1908) was a Conservative Central Office was cent, Malcolm Bruce (MP for Gor- brother of Alexander Murray (The thought by Churchill to be behind don since 1983) took fourth place in Master of Elibank), Liberal Govern- these manoeuvres, the reward of an October 1974 with 9.9 per cent, and ment Chief Whip in 1910–1912. apparently safe seat for Thornton- there was no Liberal candidate in Kemsley is a logical extension of 1979. such an accusation. In later Con- Kincardine and Western servative literature the cover-up Aberdeenshire was to refer only to his being ‘one of Kincardine and Deeside Arthur Murray, a Lieutenant Colo- [Churchill’s] principal supporting Buchanan-Smith was the Conserva- nel, was returned unopposed as speakers in four General Elections’. tive candidate for the new constitu- a Coalition Liberal for the new (Sir) Arthur Irvine, who joined the ency in 1983, and I was the Liberal/ constituency in 1918, re-elected Labour Party in 1943, was Labour Alliance candidate, seeing a resur- as a Liberal in 1922 and defeated in MP for Liverpool Edge Hill from gence in local Liberal credibility 1923. (Sir) Charles Barclay-Har- 1947 and Solicitor General in 1967– with my vote of 29.4 per cent. Nicol vey, Conservative, elected in 1923, 1970. His death caused the by-elec- Stephen, my agent in 1983, was then was re-elected in 1924, defeating tion in March 1979 which was won Liberal/Alliance candidate in 1987 James Scott, the new Liberal can- by David Alton, Liberal. and established the seat’s marginal didate. However, in 1929, James The constituency’s marginal status with a Liberal/Alliance vote Scott regained the constituency status was confirmed in 1945 when of 36.3 per cent. Buchanan-Smith’s for the Liberals. He was PPS to Sir Thornton-Kemsley was re-elected death caused a by-election in 1991 Archibald Sinclair (Secretary of with a majority of 3.2 per cent and saw the election of Nicol Ste- State for Scotland) for a few months against John Junor, the new Liberal phen as Liberal Democrat MP with before the 1931 general election candidate, thereafter Sunday Express a vote of 49.0 per cent. He was when he was defeated by Barclay- Editor and knighted in 1980 by defeated in 1992, with an adverse Harvey who was re-elected in 1935 courtesy of Margaret Thatcher. swing of 13.5 per cent and the elec- against Arthur Irvine, the new Lib- tion of George Kynoch, Conserva- eral candidate. The 1935 campaign tive. Nicol (Lord Stephen from marked Jo Grimond’s active entry North Angus and Mearns 2011) was subsequently an MSP in into Liberal politics. He spoke at a Thornton-Kemsley won the first 1999–2011, Scottish Liberal Demo- meeting in Johnshaven on the Kin- general election in the new constitu- crat Leader in 2005–2008 and Dep- cardineshire coast. ency in 1950 and remained as its MP uty First Minister of Scotland in Just before the 1929 general until 1964. Until 1964, the Liberals 2005–2007. election there was a Liberal Bazaar only fought the seat once, in 1950, in Banchory (seventeen miles Tom Adam achieving third place. inland from Aberdeen and my Kin- Thornton-Kemsley contested four Aberdeenshire West and cardineshire home town since 1975) general elections in the new guise Kincardine to raise funds to buy a car for the of ‘Liberal Unionist’ although, like Sir Robert Smith (3rd Baronet) was local Liberal agent. The patroness most other such ‘allsorts’ candi- the Liberal Democrat candidate for was the Marchioness of Aberdeen, dates, he had no previous Liberal the new constituency in 1997, when wife of a former Liberal Lord Lieu- or Liberal National connection. a notional swing of 8.3 per cent tenant of Ireland and Governor Indeed, when a number of genu- against George Kynoch, Conserva- General of Canada. She was also a Buchanan- ine Liberals attended the inaugural tive secured Sir Robert’s election. sister of Edward Marjoribanks, 2nd local Liberal Unionist Association He was re-elected in 2001, 2005 and Lord Tweedmouth (from 1894), Smith’s meeting, they were ‘asked to leave’. 2010. He is a grandson of Sir Robert Liberal Government Chief Whip However, with an upsurge in Workman Smith (1st Baronet), Con- in 1892–1894 and a Liberal Cabinet death caused Scottish Liberal activity and for- servative MP for Central Aberdeen- minister in 1894–1895 and 1905– tunes in the early 1960s, the local shire in 1924–1945, and a distant 1908, and mother-in-law of John a by-election Liberals were fortunate in secur- cousin of the late Alick Buchanan- Sinclair (Lord Pentland from 1909), ing as candidate Ken Barton, a Smith. He was an early member of Liberal Secretary for Scotland in in 1991 and North Angus farmer related to the the SDP, has twice served on Aber- 1905–1912. Lubbocks by marriage and also a deen University Court and, when Barclay-Harvey’s appointment saw the elec- son-in-law of Lord Boyd Orr, win- elected in 1997, was a local coun- as Governor of South Australia ner of the 1949 Nobel Peace Prize. cillor and Vice-Chairman of the caused a by-election in March 1939 tion of Nicol Thornton-Kemsley having retired, Grampian Police Board. when, with Arthur Irvine again the Stephen the new Tory candidate in 1964 was Liberal candidate, the new Con- Alick Buchanan-Smith, who was Sandy Waugh joined the Scottish Lib- servative candidate, (Sir) Colin as Liberal elected with 49.3 per cent against eral Party in 1951. His has a doctorate Thornton-Kemsley was elected 34.0 per cent for Ken Barton. in Scottish Church History, is a Fellow with a majority of 5.9 per cent. Democrat MP Although Ken Barton retained sec- of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland In 1938, as an office-bearer in the ond place in 1966, the Liberal vote and a member of the Liberal Democrat Epping (West Essex) Conservative with a vote slumped thereafter, in part due to History Group. In 2008 he published Association, Thornton-Kemsley SNP intervention. John Grimond privately A Scottish Liberal Per- had attempted to secure the asso- of 49.0 per was in fourth place in 1970 with spective 1836–2008 – A Centenary ciation’s repudiation of its MP, 11.5 per cent, J. C. Hall took third Commemoration for Sir Henry Winston Churchill. Given that the cent. place in February 1974 with 15.1 per Campbell-Bannerman 1836–1908.

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 15 Joyce Cary – Liberal traditions

‘Britain is profoundly a liberal state. Its dominating mind has been liberal for more than a century.’ These words were written by a novelist whose works Prisoner of Grace, Except the Lord, and Not Honour More explore the British liberal tradition against the backdrop of the great electoral landslide which gave the Liberal Party its overwhelming majority in 1906. Chester Nimmo, the main protagonist of this ‘political trilogy’, is a member of the resulting New Liberalism which took hold as a result. John Morris celebrates the work of the English novelist Joyce Cary, whose work is rooted in Liberal ideas.

16 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 Joyce Cary – Liberal traditions

orn in Londonderry in The African Witch was made a Book and guide the soul – politics does 1888, Arthur Joyce Lunel Society choice, and he was finally the same thing for the body. God Cary was named after recognised as a fine novelist with is a character, a real and consistent his mother Charlotte the publication of Mister Johnson in being, or He is nothing. If God did Joyce in the Anglo-Irish 1939, which was also based on his a miracle He would deny His own Btradition of his class. Following the experiences in West Africa. nature and the universe would sim- Irish land reforms of the 1880s, the Though now largely forgot- ply blow up, vanish, become noth- family, now stripped of its lands, ten, Joyce Cary was the author of ing’. 4 Cary’s conviction instead was settled in London, where Charlotte many novels which were as highly that beauty and human love proved died of pneumonia in 1898 when regarded as those of his contempo- the existence ‘of some transcenden- Joyce was nine years old and his raries Graham Greene and Evelyn tal spiritual reality with which a brother Jack just six. Waugh. ‘The author of Prisoner of man must relate himself harmoni- Schooled first at Tunbridge Grace was a “different” writer from ously if he is to find satisfaction’.5 Wells then at Clifton, at the age of most of his contemporaries, differ- Cary’s interest in politics – and sixteen Joyce spent a short period ent in his outlook, his gifts, his vari- his ideas about the roots of English in Edinburgh and Paris in order ety, and in the themes of his books,’ character in the Liberal and prot- to explore his skills as a painter. writes Walter Allen. ‘If, as I think estant traditions – resulted in an Returning to England in 1909, he is true … England and the English introduction to the Liberal Book joined Trinity College, Oxford cannot be understood except by ref- Club by George Orwell, who was where he read law. Somewhat of an erence to the working of the Prot- familiar with his novels. The club’s adventurer, he found a new voca- estant, Nonconformist spirit, then a committee included Osbert Sitwell, tion in the service of the British reading of Cary … is essential to the and among its patrons were Augus- Red Cross during the First Balkan understanding of the English’.1 tus John, J. M. Keynes, Comp- War in 1912. The King of Monte- Though the titles of the politi- ton MacKenzie, A. A. Milne and negro himself decorated Cary for cal trilogy give away a religious C. P. Snow. The Liberal Party had valour for his efforts in assisting the theme, Cary’s primary intention invited Cary to write a treatise as wounded. A memoir of his experi- was also to explore ‘the whole Lib- early as 1931, but this new introduc- ences – his first attempt at writing, eral angle and its religious basis’.2 tion resulted in a volume originally which contains several sketches and ‘Cary was a profoundly religious to have been entitled ‘Liberty and diagrams – was published posthu- spirit of that intensely individual Freedom’. Published as Power in mously in 1964. and protestant kind which cannot Men, it became the club’s selection Applying for a post in the find fulfilment in any corporate for May 1939, billed as ‘an examina- Northern Nigerian political ser- body; he had to carve out his creed tion of the failures and disappoint- vice in 1914 so that he could afford by himself and for himself. Brought ments of democracy in practice’. In to marry, Cary headed for new up as an orthodox Anglican, he lost it, Cary makes the point that both adventures but was invalided back all religious faith in early manhood totalitarianism and anarchy lead to to England in 1915. Following his to find a new one in mature life. It the same thing – to the erosion of permanent return in 1920 (his wife was not orthodox; it was not Chris- freedom and personal choice, and to deplored his long absences), he set- tian in any substantial sense. Cary tyranny. Democracy, on the other tled in Oxford. Throughout the did not identify God with Christ hand, rather than being some sort 1920s he wrote extensively, but was or with any kind of personal spirit’.3 of state of political bliss, is in fact not to publish his first novel,Aissa Indeed Cary admitted, ‘No church a never-ending argument about Saved, until 1932 at the age of forty- would have me’. Religion, he said ideas and direction: a debate which four. Critical acclaim did not really in a 1954 interview he gave in the Joyce Cary simply propels rather than settles come, however, until 1936 when Paris Review, ‘is organized to satisfy (1888–1957) anything for too long; a constant

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 17 joyce cary – liberal traditions

Joyce Cary and leader, but breaks with him ‘over his wife Gertrude ways and means’,9 objecting to the love of power over men which he detects in Marxist philosophy. As Power in Men explores these ques- tions, so too does the trilogy tell of Nimmo’s experiments with various ideologies: ‘Cary makes an analy- sis of what meanings are necessary to political creativity. The argu- ment of Power in Men is therefore relevant to the action of the tril- ogy, and in the broadest possible and most fundamental ways. That Power in Men and the novels rise in different directions from the same source should make us more alert in either case to what Cary’s vision of the human situation ultimately is,’ writes Hazard Adams in his 1963 introduction to Power in Men.10 Intrigued by the idea of return- ing to Africa, in late 1942 Cary agreed to travel to Tanganyika to take part in a project for a propa- conflict of ideas in a world of ‘per- After the threat of invasion receded, ganda film that the Ministry of petual creation’. however, there was room for other Information was producing. It was In Power in Men Cary traces, ideas, including his most ambitious one of several designed to keep point by point, the meaning of lib- yet. To be a Pilgrim, the central part up morale, to rally the Empire to erty and of man’s creative power, of Joyce Cary’s first trilogy (which the war effort and to highlight the which, he writes, is realised through includes what is arguably his most constructive features of the Brit- education and industry. Identifying famous novel The Horse’s Mouth, ish Imperial system. The direc- the absence of a true measurement apart from, perhaps, Mister John- tor, Thorold Dickinson, had been of happiness in Jeremy Bentham’s son) is the memoir of Tom Wilcher alerted to Cary’s knowledge of formula – the ‘greatest happiness for who reflects on a life overshadowed Africa through a new treatise, the greatest number’ – Cary instead by his brilliant brother Edward, a The Case for African Freedom (Cary presents an alternative: the greatest Liberal member of parliament since believed in African gradualism), liberty of the greatest number, meas- 1906. ‘The essence of To be a Pilgrim which had just been published. ured by pay, leisure and education. is the sense of life as pilgrimage,’ Although Cary knew nothing Building on the old definition of wrote Cary, ‘and the whole back- about films, he undertook to write liberty as the ‘absence of restraint’, ground of the book is democratic the script with the director. It was or what Cary calls ‘freedom from’, history as facet of the protestant not until after they had set sail for he defines freedom as ‘the provision evangelical mind …’.7 Edward east Africa on The Duchess of Rich- of the means to self-fulfilment’, or appears to be the prototype of mond, however, that either real- ‘freedom to’. Chester Nimmo, the central char- ised they had left the script behind. Power in Men was the last selec- acter of the ‘political’ trilogy which Talk of films was a new world to tion of the Liberal Book Club to the author began after the war, Cary, who asked cameraman Des- reach print before the outbreak of in which he explores in detail the mond Dickinson (no relation) who war led to the abandoning of the life of another fictional MP whose his favourite film star was. ‘Greta project. Though Cary was unhappy meteoric career as a Radical ends Garbo,’ was the reply. ‘Oh?’ Cary with the editing of the work, the in failure when the Liberals were asked. ‘Who’s she?’ The crew were TLS commented on its chapter and trounced in the 1922 elections. staggered to realise that Cary knew verse style as an excellent idea if the In this, the second trilogy, Cary hardly anything about film and had book were ‘to become the philo- explores the liberal and protestant in fact seen very few.11 sophical basis for Liberalism reborn’ traditions of English politics. Of Men of Two Worlds, though not and following its publication he was all his works, it is the most closely a box-office success, was received offered a parliamentary candidacy linked to Power in Men. ‘Chester well by the critics and, more impor- by the Liberal Party leadership. It Nimmo’s memoirs of his childhood tantly, it whetted Cary’s appetite took Cary two weeks to reply to this and youth are a great departure for for more. His next project, begun invitation. Declining the offer and Cary. They suggest John Bunyan, in 1945, was to be a propaganda citing other ‘present commitments’, and Charles Dickens in his tragic documentary, again directed by the real reason, disclosed in a letter, and comic veins,’ writes Malcolm Dickinson, on the irrigation works was that he felt he had ‘neither time Foster.8 Nimmo first hears a disciple the British administration had built nor money to fly at politics’.6 of Proudhon, ‘a sort of Tolstoyan in northern India. The film, it was Cary spent the first part of the anarchist’ who despised religion. hoped, would help to ‘convince the war as an ARP warden in Oxford. He then meets a Marxist labour Indian population of the benefits of

18 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 joyce cary – liberal traditions

British rule at a time when it was directly challenged the tradition self-help and divine providence’, very important that India remain of the Catholic Church. It, in turn, and the socialists, in the guise of the peaceful’.12 Cary was to handle the denounced him, but Wycliffe’s new Labour Party, became the voice script, but the volatile situation influence had already spread, partic- of the working people because of that he and Dickinson encountered ularly to Bohemia where it inspired ‘the unwillingness of an economi- upon their arrival in India led them the Hussites whose demands have cally oppressed people to await the to abandon the project, the crew been credited with anticipating the benevolence of providence’.14 forced to avoid more than one riot. Reformation. By the early seven- But Liberalism has bequeathed This did not deter their appetites teenth century, Archbishop Laud’s many of its attitudes – freedom for for filmmaking, however. On their church, though oppressive and emotional fulfilment, intellectual return to England, Dickinson began intolerant, begot the anarchist and freedom, physical security – to its a commercial project for a feature republican sects that overthrew the successors on both left and right, film dealing with the process of rev- monarchy in England. But Eng- asserts Cook, and this Cary explores olution. Also written jointly by the land, writes Cary, was lucky in that in the novels: ‘For Cary, the value of director and Cary, the first script for the early parliamentary tradition human life was supreme. In affirm- The Secret People was an exploration allowed the bloodless ‘glorious’ ing the truth he and Nimmo unite of anarchist beliefs, and was set in revolution of 1688 which estab- to make the trilogy a statement as the summer of 1914. However, Cary lished toleration as a principle and well as a picture of Liberalism.’15 In withdrew from the film during its asserted the rights of the people and the novels, Cary does well to remind production because the producers freedom of religion: civil liberty. his readers about the truth of this struggled with his script, which And though the revolution was not legacy: ‘I suppose nobody now can they felt was too literary. A new democratic, it continued to produce realise the effect of that revolution,’ script, written by the director and apostles of democracy, idealists and he wrote in the first part of the tril- Wolfgang Wilhelm, set the story philosophers for the next 150 years. ogy, Prisoner of Grace. ‘Radical lead- in the 1930s, but Cary remained The great Reform Bill of 1832 made ers like Lloyd George really did interested in the film’s progress way for true democratic govern- mean to bring in a new kind of state, and visited the studios many times ment and it was the new middle a “paternal state”, that took respon- and it was here he met a young star ‘Britain is class of manufacturers who joined sibility for sickness and poverty’ making her screen debut: Audrey the Liberal Party (first known by and he directly refers to ‘the true Hepburn. This was to be Cary’s last profoundly that name in the early 1830s), and spiritual roots of the British Liberal involvement in film. Turning away which also contained radicals who tradition – the veritable Protestant from that medium to a new pro- a Liberal fought for the welfare of the masses. succession of the free soul’.16 ject that would better enable him During the latter half of the Cary believed that the Liberal to express his ideas, he soon began state,’ wrote nineteenth century, parliament revolution of the previous two writing again, and the film’s themes Cary in the steadily became more democratic centuries was no ‘passing phase’ foreshadowed those to which he and every new franchise bill meant and that it was the natural expres- was finally able to give satisfactory essay Brit- a further devolution of power as sion of human development, of the expression in his political trilogy, the clamour for votes for all became individual’s desire for freedom. To and in a number of essays. ain’s Liberal louder. In the twentieth century, his mind, there were only two alter- ‘Britain is profoundly a Liberal the Liberals were displaced by the natives. ‘What I believe,’ he said, ‘is state,’ wrote Cary in the essay Brit- Influence.‘ As socialists with their programme for that wangle is inevitable in the mod- ain’s Liberal Influence. ‘As we know it free social services, the abolition ern state, that is to say, there is no today it has two main sources: the we know it of poverty and the redistribution choice between persuading people Protestant tradition, and the Whig of wealth which led to the welfare and shooting them’.17 By ‘wangle’ revolution of 1688 with its ideals of today it has state. But it was the great reforming Cary refers to the apparently per- toleration and individual right’.13 Liberal government of 1906 which petual habit of the politician who Originally published in French as two main was to institute the social welfare can never give a straight answer, ‘L’influence britannique dans la programme that introduced medi- who may be economical with the révolution libérale’ in the June 1955 sources: the cal inspection and, where neces- truth, equivocal, and even disin- issue of Comprende, the essay traces sary, treatment of school children, genuous in the face of political pres- the religious tradition to before the Protestant safeguards for neglected or abused sure and the need to ‘persuade’. This reformation. The Catholic Church, children, the old age pension and leads us back to the political trilo- Cary points out, was a source of tradition, National Insurance: the social pol- gy’s central theme: when persuasion Liberal opinions long before, in that icy framework, in other words, that leads to accusations of lying, what it was the only house of learning and and the Whig still exists today. should our response be? Malcolm the only secure refuge open to men revolution of In instituting these meas- Foster summarises the problem of ‘a reflective turn’. The Church ures, the Liberal government had thus: ‘how can a politician achieve taught charity, forgiveness, love of 1688 with its moved from Victorian laissez faire that elusive balance between moral- one’s neighbour and even tolerance. towards social responsibility, but ity and practicality?’.18 The novels However, men of learning naturally ideals of tol- it remained opposed to the ideas tackle the natural prejudice against bred a spirit of enquiry and many of the left. Ironically, as Cornelia politicians who tell lies, which inevitably became heretics in the eration and Cook points out, the same tradi- Cary believed to be an inevitable eyes of Rome. tions which linked Liberalism to part of democratic society. This But it was not until the four- individual the labour movement ‘also mili- is not to say that he approved. On teenth century, Cary explains, that tated against the levelling spirit of its publication, he felt that read- the first English reformer, Wycliffe, right’. socialism, clinging to the spirit of ers of Not Honour More ‘completely

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 19 joyce cary – liberal traditions misunderstood the crucial point of life would die without poets, and principal characters whose stories the trilogy’, i.e. that politicians did democracy must have its spellbind- it retells, the work is a positive one, not necessarily have to be ‘crooks’, ers.’ Nimmo ‘belongs to the type asserts Jack Wolkenfeld. ‘It affirms especially in a democracy, saying in of all of them’, he said, mentioning important fundamental values’, he a radio interview, ‘Now I am very Lloyd George, Aneurin Bevan and writes. ‘Each of the books uses the glad of the chance in this broadcast Billy Graham among others, reveal- same basic standards by which to to deny this because it is just the As an explo- ing the character type on which he measure men, decency, truth [and] opposite I believe’.19 based Nimmo, the ‘spellbinder’.23 sincerity … The man who most Foster identifies the question of ration of Cornelia Cook writes that, tries to live by these standards and whether the trilogy’s main protago- though not directly based on him, who, though ultimately unsuccess- nist Chester Nimmo MP is ‘as good two major Nimmo’s characterisation ‘was ful, comes closest to doing it is also as he could be in his special circum- greatly facilitated by Cary’s use of the man who has greatest freedom stances, and better than many were influences David Lloyd George as an historical of the mind, and who in addition is in much easier ones?’ as central to on British model’, 24 referring to his religious the man whose intuition [through the novels. Is he saved by his protes- boyhood, opposition to the Boer creative imagination] has brought tant faith in man’s personal relation- political life War and career in parliament: ‘As him closest to the spiritual reality. ship to God? Or is he a crook? Lloyd George became President of By these standards Chester Nimmo The answer can only be found – how the the Board of Trade in 1905, Chester is not an extremely good man. But within the pages of the second in that year becomes Under-Secre- under the circumstances, he is per- book, Nimmo’s memoir, Except the Liberal Party tary for Mines. He is promoted to haps the best man possible. He is Lord. The quote, from Psalm 127 Asquith’s Liberal Cabinet in 1908, the certainly the freest.’27 (‘Except the Lord build the house, influenced year Lloyd George became Chancel- The trilogy was Cary’s last they labour in vain that build it’) lor of the Exchequer’.25 Further simi- major work. Diagnosed with motor implies that Nimmo’s stance is that the preoc- lar parallels are drawn between the neurone disease in 1955, Joyce Cary ‘government, like each life, is a two careers, which end with the 1922 died two years later at his home in house which must be built with the cupations of election defeat and both men’s with- Oxford. As an exploration of two inspiration of – not in spite of – the drawal from government. major influences on British political Lord’, 20 and that therefore no man British poli- Like other members of Cabinet, life – how the Liberal Party influ- or state can be absolute, and men pacifist Chester Nimmo’s moment enced the preoccupations of Brit- are fallible and are required to act as tics and how of crisis comes in the final days ish politics and how the progress of they see fit. before war is declared, when two democracy and freedom is ensured To write the novel, and in par- the progress his colleagues resign rather than in a dangerous and confusing ticular to paint a credible picture become members of a War Cabi- world – the novels are not without of Nimmo’s father, Cary turned to of democracy net. He is widely expected to resign a fair measure of humour and are numerous books and essays on the and freedom along with the others but stays on, an enjoyable and enlightening read Seventh Day Adventists. In addi- much to the dismay of his constitu- which deserve a wider audience. tion, Nimmo as a youth is intro- is ensured in ents. During the July 1914 crisis, duced to the world of play-acting though most leading Liberals were John Morris received his Ph.D. at the through his attendance at the Lil- a dangerous determined to stand by France, Lib- University of Exeter in 2011. He is cur- mouth Great Fair. This ‘foreshad- eral newspapers were against war, rently adapting his thesis, which focuses ows his own role as political orator and confus- and at least five non-interventionist on the deployment of music in British and practitioner of deception, and members of the Cabinet – the fic- World War Two propaganda, for publi- the idea of class conflict’.21 ing world tional Nimmo included – intimated cation by IB Tauris in 2013. Nimmo favours ‘wangle’ over that a declaration of war would ‘shooting people’, but this gets him – the novels lead to their resignations. Indeed 1 Walter Allen, Writers and their Work, into trouble. ‘Persuasion is an art,’ Nina Nimmo expects her husband No. 41, Joyce Cary (Longman, 1963), Cary said, ‘but not necessarily an are not with- to resign. She recounts being con- p. 29. art of lies’,22 but in the whole tril- fronted as late as 4 August – the day 2 Cornelia Cook, Joyce Cary – Liberal ogy he attempts to demonstrate out a fair war was declared – with reports of Principles (Vision Press, 1981), p. 209. how persuasion can degenerate into the resignations of anti-war Minis- 3 Golden L. Larsen, The Dark Descent: lies by showing the actual unfold- measure of ters in the London papers and being Social Change and Moral Responsibil- ing of events in the continuous pre- asked why Chester was not among ity in the Novels of Joyce Cary (Michael sent, as Nimmo responds to them, humour and them. ‘I said that it must be a mis- Joseph, 1965), p. 193. using his imagination to react as take of the reporters, who had left 4 ‘The Art of Fiction No. 7, Joyce he believes he should. In the Paris are an enjoy- him out,’ she says. ‘It did not occur Cary’, interview with Cary in the Review interview Cary said: ‘In the able and to me for one moment that Chester Paris Review, No.7, Fall-Winter 1954– democracies we persuade. And this would not resign. He had pledged 55, p. 5. gives great power to the spellbinder, enlightening himself never to enter a War Cabi- 5 Larsen, The Dark Descent, p. 193. the artist in words, the preacher, net …’. 26 The novel explores this 6 Malcolm Foster, Joyce Cary, A Biogra- the demagogue, whatever you call read which decision and its ramifications in phy (Michael Joseph, 1968), p. 337. him. Rousseau, Marx, Tolstoy, detail and Cary paints rather an 7 Ibid., p. 407. these were great spellbinders … deserve ambiguous portrait of Nimmo, 8 Ibid., p. 483. My Nimmo is a typical spellbinder the pacifist who changes his mind 9 Joyce Cary, Power in Men (University … Poets have started most of the a wider without actually tendering his res- of Washington Press, 1963), Introduc- revolutions, especially national- ignation in the process. Although tion by Hazard Adams, p. xxxiii. ist revolutions. On the other hand, audience. the trilogy ends in the deaths of the 10 Ibid., p. xlv.

20 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 joyce cary – liberal traditions

11 Foster, Joyce Cary, p. 363. 15 Ibid., p. 230. 18 Foster, Joyce Cary, p. 479. 24 Cook, Joyce Cary, p. 196. 12 Ibid., p. 378. 16 Joyce Cary, Prisoner of Grace 19 Ibid., p. 492. 25 Ibid., p. 196. 13 A. G. Bishop (ed.), Joyce Cary – (Michael Joseph, 1952), p. 383. 20 Cook, Joyce Cary, p. 177. 26 Cary, Prisoner of Grace, p. 259. Selected Essays (Michael Joseph, 17 Andrew Wright, Joyce Cary, A 21 Larsen, The Dark Descent, p. 189. 27 Jack Wolkenfeld, Joyce Cary, The 1976), p. 210. Preface to His Novels (Chatto & 22 Bishop, Cary Essays, p. 231. Developing Style (New York Uni- 14 Cook, Joyce Cary, p. 177. Windus, 1958), p. 154. 23 ‘Art of Fiction’, p. 5. versity Press, 1968), p. 187. Letters The 2010 election and the candidate for the Walsall South Lloyd George Land Taxes May 1947. However, this pact Coalition constituency at the general (( Journal of Liberal History 73), only applied to England and Martin Pugh, in his review of election of 1987, more than ‘Punch cartoonist Bernard Wales. A separate pact, between K. O. Morgan’s Ages of Reform: forty years after his death, Pat Partridge expected the com- the Scottish Unionist and Lib- Dawns and Downfalls of the British Collins was vividly remem- petition between the Liberal eral National Associations, was Left (Journal of Liberal History 73), bered by older voters of all and Labour candidates at the not announced until 2 Decem- states that ‘there is scant his- persuasions. Hanley by-election to deliver ber 1947. torical support for [the] view’ One of the local party offic- the seat to the Unionists’. Further, Kellie Castle (about that an early second election ers, the late Millicent Gray, Who can say what Partridge two miles west of Arbroath following May 2010 if the Lib- recalled Asquith’s visit to thought? The two weekly in Angus (aka Forfarshire) – eral Democrats had allowed a Walsall during Collins’s brief Punch political cartoons were which was at one time owned minority Conservative govern- reign as MP in 1922–24. She devised by an editorial com- by Captain Archibald Ramsay, ment to take office, ‘would lead described Collins as being mittee, hence their often pon- the crypto-fascist Tory MP to … an inevitable government almost illiterate. This often derous character. The artists imprisoned in 1940–44 under victory’. led him into hilarious misun- drew to order, though they may Defence Regulation 18B – was Leaving aside the fact that derstandings of vocabulary. well have been generally com- not in Charles Kerr’s former Labour achieved a majority to When refurbishment of the fortable with the views they constituency of Montrose last for a full term at both the spacious vestibule of Walsall portrayed. Burghs (Montrose, Arbroath, 1966 and October 1974 elec- Town Hall was being discussed, From the 1920s and 1930s Brechin, Forfar and Inverber- tions, and his repetition of the a fellow councillor suggested newspaper political cartoonists vie) but in the then county con- error that Labour ‘lost’ the that a chandelier would make like David Low and Vicky were stituency of Forfarshire. 1951 general election – when an attractive feature. This was given licence to express their Thirdly, in her ‘The Lib- it polled its highest ever vote – instantly dismissed by Col- own convictions as forthrightly eral election agent in the the problem would have been lins on the grounds that ‘We as they chose; but I don’t think post-Reform Act era’, Nancy Cameron’s opportunity to couldn’t afford to employ any- Punch ever changed its practice. LoPatin-Lummis completely blame the Liberal Democrats’ one to play it!’ Andy Connell ignored the fact that there were failure to join a coalition for Incidentally, Miss Gray, three Reform Acts in 1832: political instability in the face though in her eighties, was one one for England and Wales, of economic crisis. Such cir- of my keenest supporters. She Henry George the socialist one for Scotland and one for cumstances would hardly have had dissented from the deci- A few comments on three Ireland. Indeed, in two respects produced a propitious electoral sion of Walsall Liberals to opt articles in the Journal of Liberal the Scottish Act was the most atmosphere for the Liberal for the Liberal National faction History 73 – significant of the three. Not Democrats. after 1931. She remained, with Firstly, in his ‘The Lloyd only did the Scottish electorate Arguably, every ‘early’ a handful of colleagues, loyal to George land taxes’, Roy increase from about 4,500 to election since 1923, when the the independent Liberal Party Douglas stated that it is quite about 65,000 (with the English Liberal Party benefited from of Samuel/Sinclair/Davies inaccurate to describe the US and Welsh electorate increasing its apparent reunification after until the general election of economist and philosopher from about 435,000 to about the Lloyd George coalition, 1951, when the local party at Henry George, an early advo- 652,000) but the increase in has seen a diminution of the last bravely decided to contest cate of land value taxation, as a the number of Scottish MPs Liberal vote, on occasion, such the seat after a lapse of twenty ’socialist’. However, in George’s from 45 to 53 went a little way as in 1924, 1931 and 1951, cata- years. The Tory candidate still most significant electoral ven- to reducing Scotland’s under- strophically so. These are not fought under the Nat-Lib-Con ture – as a candidate for Mayor representation, on a popula- encouraging precedents. label. Walsall returned a Labour of New York in 1886 – he ran tion basis, in the House of Michael Meadowcroft MP from 1945 to 1955 before on a Socialist ticket, with the Commons which had existed being split into North and result being Abram Hewitt since 1707. However, such South Divisions. (Democrat) 90,552, Henry under-representation continued Pat Collins Lionel King George 68,110 and Theodore until about 1891 (with Welsh I read with great interest Gra- Roosevelt (Republican) 60,435. under-representation having ham Lippiatt’s comprehensive Secondly, in his ‘Liberal continued until about 1861 and article on the charismatic Pat Punch and cartoons National leader – Charles Kerr, Irish under-representation until Collins, former Liberal MP for According to the note on the Lord Teviot’, David Dutton about 1881). Walsall (Journal of Liberal History 1912 cartoon that illustrates referred to the Woolton-Teviot Dr. Sandy S. Waugh 73). When I was parliamentary Roy Douglas’s article on the (Tory-Liberal National) pact of

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 21 New Liberalism and the Edwardian Public Sphere Norman Angell and Angellism Reconsidered

‘New Liberalism and the Edwardian Public Sphere: Norman Angell and Angellism Reconsidered’ represents an attempt to reassess the publicity efforts of the Edwardian foreign policy dissenter, Norman Angell. Contrary to traditional interpretations, Ryan Vieira argues that Angell should be interpreted, not as a failed peace activist, but rather as an intellectual and, ultimately, as one aspect of the period’s ‘new liberalism’ and liberal revival.

22 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 New Liberalism and the Edwardian Public Sphere Norman Angell and Angellism Reconsidered

n 1909, a journalist for the To his contemporaries, Angell new liberal and ‘public intellectual’, Daily Mail named Ralph Lane was judged in terms of his abil- it suggests that the line between published, under the penname ity to stimulate public discussion. publicity and politics is not as sharp Norman Angell, a pamphlet He was judged, in other words, as as Angell and his chroniclers would entitled Europe’s Optical Illusion a ‘public intellectual,’ and, given have us believe. Iwhich, a year later, was expanded the immense public currency that Angell’s political identity was into a book entitled The Great Illu- his work achieved, he was viewed largely based on the ideals set out sion: A Study of the Relation of Military overwhelmingly as a success. by John Stuart Mill in On Liberty. Power in Nations to their Economic and Despite this, however, most histori- ‘If there is any one book which Social Advantage. In these writings, ans have represented him as a failed explains a man’s intellectual life’, Angell argued that a war between peace activist. This historiography Angell noted, ‘the fact that at Germany and Britain would be has, for the most part, distinguished twelve I read and was entranced and irrational because the rapid means between the public currency of entered a new world as a result of of communication and the exten- Angell’s ideas (the extent and con- reading Mill’s On Liberty explains sion of credit had made these coun- sistency of their presence in pub- most of my subsequent intellec- tries economically interdependent.1 lic political discussion) and their tual life.’7 As is well known, Mill Between 1910 and 1913 Angell’s political effect (the extent to which upheld openness of debate and book sold more than two million they had an impact on political individual judgment as the founda- copies and was eventually trans- practice) and, on this basis, has tion of rationality in politics, and lated into twenty-five languages.2 concluded that Angell was politi- thus it should not be surprising that Moreover, the book inspired the cally ineffective.5 In part this stems Angell believed that the basis of lib- formation of clubs and societies on from Angell’s own autobiography, eral democracy was robust debate an international scale dedicated to where he noted that ‘in drawing in an open public sphere: ‘[t]here interrogating its ideas.3 In the four any lesson’ from his Great Illusion can be no sound democracy with- years before the First World War, experience ‘one should distinguish out sound individual judgment …. Angell’s work stimulated sub- sharply between the publishing suc- That skill cannot possibly be devel- stantial public political discussion cess and the political failure … the oped save by the habit of free toler- causing one author in the Pall Mall book provoked discussion all over ant discussion.’8 The issue for Angell Magazine to claim that: ‘The Great Europe and America … yet its argu- was not simply the volume of pub- Illusion has taken its place among ment failed to influence policies to lic debate, but rather its tone. ‘The the few books that have stirred any visible extent.’6 Contrary to question is not whether we discuss the minds of men and the obscure Angell’s assertion, the present paper public policy’ Angell wrote, ‘we author of the modest pamphlet has contends that it is misleading to do it in any case endlessly, noisily, become the leader of a new school of think of Angell as a ‘political fail- Norman Angell raucously, passionately. The ques- thought.’4 ure’. By arguing that Angell was a (1872–1967) tion is whether we are to carry on

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 23 new liberalism and the edwardian public sphere: norman angell and angellism reconsidered

‘An Angel of Angell quickly became aware of Peace’, by the some of the ideas dominating Brit- cartoonist ish political discussion, particularly Strickland (1912) as it related to foreign affairs. Here he found a widespread, unques- tioning attachment to an outdated political language in which war was conceived of as either inevitable or economically beneficial. Later, in his autobiography, he commented:

I was quickly to find that these men, many of whom had great influence in politics and journal- ism, and public life generally, all accepted as truths so self-evident as not to be worthy of discussion certain axiomatic premises which were, I soon became convinced, either dangerous half-truths or complete and utter fallacies.13

Angell was terrified by the political dogmatism that characterised pub- lic debate in the Northcliffe crowd, and this became his primary moti- vation for writing what became The Great Illusion: ‘… the fears I felt were deep and real and The Great Illusion was born of them.’14 In 1909 Angell self-published Europe’s Optical Illusion and, once published, he used his contacts in the press to secure favorable reviews.15 Angell’s most fruitful the discussion with some regard to a satisfaction – the recent events press contact was Percy Parker, evidence, some sense of responsibil- analyzed here would show that then owner of Public Opinion, who ity to truth and sound judgment; these forces of rationalism have believed that Europe’s Optical Illusion or with disregard of those things spent themselves, and that sen- would become ‘the book which had in favor of indulgence in atavistic timent is once more coming to the greatest effect on the thought emotion.’9 Angell believed that if occupy the first place in public of man and on his ultimate social political discussion always main- policy.11 well-being.’16 Parker devoted a great tained ‘the temper of reasonable- deal of time and energy to helping ness, toleration of contrary opinion, According to Angell, this shift in Angell promote his ideas. Through the attitude of enquiry and the the public temper was most obvi- reviews in Public Opinion, Angell’s open mind’ political communities ous in the growing ‘impatience of thesis was introduced to a large and could avoid ‘senseless panics which discussion’ that characterised the politically important audience. One so often in politics lead us into dis- discursive practices of Edwardian letter sent from Angell to Parker astrous courses.’10 The problem for political debate. In Angell’s view, lists the distribution of 2,034 copies Angell, however, was that public it seemed as though his contempo- of Public Opinion, which contained a political discussion in his contem- raries were possessed of a general review of Angell’s work. Of these porary period appeared to be any- unwillingness to critically interro- 175 were sent to English newspa- thing but rational. gate the axioms of political thought. pers, 94 to American newspapers, In his now largely forgotten 1903 In 1905, when Angell was hired by 667 to the House of Commons, book, Patriotism Under Three Flags: A Alfred Harmsworth (later Lord 611 to the House of Lords, and 487 Plea for Rationalism in Politics, Angell Northcliffe) to manage the opera- to American Congressmen.17 Simi- noted that the turn of the century tions of the Parisian English lan- larly, a separate letter indicates that had brought with it a general shift guage newspaper the Daily Mail, Parker had distributed favorable in the mood of the public: this view was confirmed. reviews to 30,000 businessmen.18 As one of Harmsworth’s high- With the help of media contacts While it is true that the Victo- ranking employees, Angell became such as Parker, Angell’s political rian era, as much in England included in the newspaper baron’s pamphlet was becoming exceed- as in America, reflects on the circle and was exposed to some of ingly popular.19 Indeed, it was also whole a contrary spirit – the pre- the most powerful and influential not long before Angell was being dominance of a reasoned effort men in British political culture.12 approached by ‘half the publishers towards well-being, rather than Through contact with these men, in London’ to expand his pamphlet

24 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 new liberalism and the edwardian public sphere: norman angell and angellism reconsidered into a book.20 He accepted the offer organisation to pursue his Great ascertainable, tangible facts … and of the William Heinemann publish- Illusion campaign full time. to encourage their discussion.’33 ing firm, and late in 1910The Great After 1911, Angell concentrated More important for our purposes, Illusion appeared. his efforts on creating new dis- however, was the methodology With a deteriorating interna- cursive spaces (such as discussion through which this aim was pur- tional situation Angell’s arguments groups, periodicals, etc.) through sued. The Foundation used existing were deeply plugged in to the con- which he could further scrutinise spaces for debate and created new cerns and anxieties of the Edward- the outdated political language that discursive spaces in order to publi- ians. It is therefore not surprising he believed formed the founda- cise Angell’s work. that The Great Illusion attracted the tion for contemporary discussions Throughout 1912 Angell lec- attention, praise and scorn, of some of war and peace. In these efforts tured at various, often prestigious of Europe and North America’s he received invaluable help from institutions throughout Britain.34 In most important public men. Among Reginald, Viscount Esher.26 Esher addition to this the Garton Foun- these was Angell’s then boss North- was what Angell called the eminence dation also created new spaces for cliffe, who had originally, ‘pooh- grise behind the British throne: he debate, such as the monthly periodi- poohed the idea’ that Angell’s thesis was a good friend of the royal fam- cal War and Peace: A Norman Angell ‘could hold water or … affect poli- ily, who had made it his business to Monthly and the many discussion tics practically’, but by the end of get to know all the political leaders, groups that were formed through- 1910 had become convinced that ‘in public men, and writers so that he out Britain. In both venues Norman a cheap edition [The Great Illusion] could advise the King of their quali- Angell, the Garton Foundation, could run into a million.’21 North- ties.27 Moreover, Esher had close ties and those who participated in the cliffe threw himself into theGreat to Britain’s military elite and there- discussion showed themselves to Illusion campaign, providing Angell fore, like Northcliffe, he seemed an be welcoming of criticism and con- with funding and giving him space unlikely convert to the Great Illusion cerned primarily with the open- in the Daily Mail to engage the crit- campaign.28 Nevertheless, Esher ended analysis of political questions. ics of his book and to ‘push home its had been one of the first public men More doctrinaire attitudes were thesis’. 22 Late in 1911, the Daily Mail to whom Angell mailed copies of seen as problematic and contrary to provided Angell with an important Europe’s Optical Illusion, and he was the spirit of the movement. As B. N. point of entry into the Edwardian thoroughly impressed with the Langdon-Davies, then an important public sphere. pamphlet.29 Esher would become Garton organiser, told an audience Northcliffe’s decision to even more supportive of Angell’s at the Leeds Norman Angell League give Angell space in the Daily work when he witnessed discus- on 17 April 1914: Mail proved timely. Follow- sions of Angell’s thesis in Desart’s ing the Franco-German dispute sub-committee for the Committee The dangers to avoid in the in Morocco, the question of the of Imperial Defense.30 In fact, Esher conduct of a movement such as financial impact of international became so intrigued by Angell’s ours are many. I propose to run conflict became increasingly topi- work that he was able to convince briefly through a few which have cal and the debate over Angell’s the philosophically minded for- occurred to me. Petulance, the thesis gained further momen- mer Conservative Prime Minister attitude of impatience towards tum.23 Using the columns of the Arthur Balfour and the wealthy those who are obsessed with the Daily Mail, Angell engaged the industrialist Richard Garton to join old views, is most disadvanta- panicked ‘collective mind’ in criti- Angell and himself in forming the geous. So also is pedantry, the cally rational public debate. Here By the close Garton Foundation for Promoting irritating way of seeming to he expressed and elaborated on the Study of International Polity. regard ourselves as alone pos- his ideas, while also listening and of 1911 Nor- The Garton Foundation was sessing the true doctrines and responding to his critics.24 Angell’s arguably the most important the dangerous habit of assert- columns in the Mail seem to have man Angell’s organisation in the growth of Nor- ing dogmatically as facts many impacted the tone and character of man Angellism. Its aim, according things which are really only public political debate. One corre- public scru- to the Memorandum of Associa- tendencies.35 spondent wrote to the Mail’s editor tion, was ‘[t]o promote and develop in December 1910, claiming that tiny of com- the science of International Polity The Garton Foundation was strictly Angell’s ideas were ‘filtering down and economics as indicated in the non-partisan and attached to rather rapidly just now through the monly held published writings of Mr. Nor- Angell’s principle that ‘The Right mass of (so-called) patriotic preju- man Angell, and for the purpose of Free Speech is an empty thing dice that is apt to blind nations to ideas regard- aforesaid to organise and federate unless it is accompanied with a sense the real conditions that would be ing war and those who may become interested of the obligation to listen to the brought about by war.’25 By the in the said science …’31 ‘It was for other fellow.’36 Thus by 1914, Angell close of 1911 Norman Angell’s peace had the discussion of this thesis, and could write: ‘the educative policy public scrutiny of commonly held for its examination by theoretical of the Garton Foundation is one ideas regarding war and peace had brought him students, and by practical men of which can equally be supported and brought him a large and sympa- business, that the Garton Founda- approved by the soldier, the Navy thetic audience. Collectively, this a large and tion was instituted,’ wrote Esher in League man, the Universal Service audience represented the bounda- 1912.32 In other words, the Garton man, or the naval economist and the ries of an emerging political move- sympathetic Foundation hoped to ‘bring before Quaker.’37 ment: Norman Angellism. In early the mind of the European public The admission of fallibility on 1912 Angell left the Northcliffe audience. the significance of a few simple, the part of Norman Angell and

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 25 new liberalism and the edwardian public sphere: norman angell and angellism reconsidered his Garton colleagues became a If the circle includes a certain the club to be ‘… thoroughly alive.’49 cornerstone of the political iden- number generally hostile to Despite its success, this organisa- tity that Angell and his followers pacific conceptions, so much tion has received scholarly attention constructed. As Angell wrote to a the better. They will, by their within neither the historiography reader in 1911, ‘so far from declining points of interrogation act as a surrounding Angellism nor that of to listen to my opponents, they are stimulus to the investigation of the Canadian peace movement. This just the people whom I listen to most the rest, while on their side they is problematic not simply because carefully.’38 Similarly, when another will certainly benefit by a better of the organisation’s popularity, but reader wrote to Angell claim- understanding of factors, which because the University of Toronto ing that he had found flaws inThe even from the purely military Club was a model of the inclusive- Great Illusion, Angell responded: ‘[c] point of view can no longer be ness that characterised the discursive ertainly I shall be delighted to have neglected.43 spaces which Angell had created. you indicate the errors which have In the way of the clubs and soci- crept into my book. I am only too This attitude was also evident in the eties in Britain, the University of well aware that having but very Garton Foundation’s monthly peri- Toronto International Polity Club incomplete leisure, many imperfec- odical, War and Peace. As the lead firmly adhered to a language of tions have been allowed to pass, and writer put it in the inaugural num- inclusion and a spirit of inquiry. Its I shall be grateful to have some of ber: ‘That failure of understanding formal objects were: them indicated.’39 Again in his auto- which we call war … is a natural biography he reiterated the impor- and necessary outcome of certain To encourage the study of inter- tance of accepting and considering beliefs and misconceptions which national relations; to discuss criticism: can only be corrected by those intel- problems relating to armed lectual processes that have marked aggression; to consider means In the case of any person whose all advance in understanding – con- of settling international disputes judgment is really deserving of tact and discussion.’ Therefore the without war; to stimulate a sym- confidence, how has it become purpose of the journal was ‘[t]o pathetic appreciation of the char- so? Because he has kept his mind impress the significance of just those acter, problems and intellectual open to criticism of his opinions facts which are the most relevant currents of other nations; and to and conduct …. The steady habit and essential in this problem, to do cooperate for the furthering of of correcting and completing his what we can to keep them before these aims with similar organisa- own opinion by collating it with public attention and to encour- tions in other universities.50 those of others, so far from caus- age their discussion.’44 For this rea- ing doubt and hesitation in car- son, War and Peace aimed to remain The Club was not a peace organisa- rying it into practice, is the only ‘strictly non-partisan’ and published tion per se, but rather was aimed at stable foundation for a just reli- pieces both by Angell’s supporters anyone interested in international ance on it.40 and his critics.45 The resulting effect issues.51 According to its manifesto, was such that War and Peace became the club was based ‘first and fore- Though Angell vigorously pro- a sphere of critical discussion based most, on individual breadth of view’ moted his work, he clearly did not on the mutual give and take of Angell and was the product of no ‘clique, see himself as propagandist but open-ended debate. nor of any single college.’52 This rather a creator of public discus- The tremendous growth of Nor- pushed for point was reiterated by the organi- sion. As one reviewer in Everybody’s man Angellism was not limited by sation’s second president, C. R. Magazine noted: ‘Mr. Angell has Britain’s shores. By June 1913, The a reciprocal Young, who in 1915 defined the club a mind like an edged blade, but he Great Illusion had sold 11,000 cop- as ‘… an association of eager enquir- uses it like a scientist, and not like a ies in Germany, 21,000 copies in dialogue to ers, of searchers after truth …’53 The crusader. He is not a propagandist, France, and 15,000 copies in Italy.46 hope of the club was that ‘by its he is an elucidator.’41 Moreover, Angell had received sup- become the broad and open-minded interest in Angell pushed for a reciprocal portive letters from the King of Italy, every phase of internationalism …’ dialogue to become the dominant the Emperor of Germany, and the dominant it could ‘form student opinion and characteristic of the new discur- Prince Consort of Sweden. Angell’s send forth from the University men sive spaces that were founded in the work also developed a tremendous character- and women trained to think clearly wake of The Great Illusion. Upon public currency in Canada, where and without prejudice.’54 the founding of the Manchester his book had gone through six edi- istic of the In membership, the Club was University War and Peace Society, tions by 1914.47 The character of highly diverse. In terms of gender, Angell wrote in an open letter to Norman Angellism in Canada can be new discur- fully half of the 300 who attended its members: ‘[s]uch a club should seen through an examination of the sive spaces the inaugural meeting were female, include men of as diverse opinions University of Toronto International nearly half of its 250 members in as possible – quite as much those Polity Club, founded on 23 October that were 1914 were female undergraduates, interested in the machinery of 1913. Within one year this organi- and from 1915 to 1916 women made warfare, as those interested mainly sation had 250 formal members, it founded in up more than half of its executive. in the bearing of these matters on attracted several high profile speak- Additionally, membership in the social progress.’42 Angell believed ers, it held meetings with attendance the wake club was not just limited to stu- that such an ideologically diverse figures over 300, and it caused Angell dents, but open to the general pub- membership would only increase to refer to Toronto as ‘the intellec- of The Great lic, and the club actively encouraged the quality of debate that occurred tual centre of the Dominion.’48 By 11 membership from people of differ- within the society: April 1914, Toronto’s Star reported Illusion. ent cultures and political points of

26 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 new liberalism and the edwardian public sphere: norman angell and angellism reconsidered view.55 According to its manifesto This was that of the peace activist, that we University, 1971); Martin Ceadel, the single requirement for member- are to assess Angell, then it ceases to Semi-Detached Idealists: the British Peace ship was, ‘sincerity of conviction primar- be sensible for us to claim that there Movement and International Relations, or honesty of doubt.’56 As Gilbert existed a division between his pub- 1854–1945 (Oxford University Press, Jackson, Vice President of the club, ily how he lishing success and political failure. 2000); Weinroth, ‘Norman Angell told a Toronto Star reporter, ‘[w] In fact, it is Angell’s immense public and the Great Illusion’; Hines, ‘Nor- e exist for the purpose of thought understood currency and the character of the man Angell Peace Movement’. and discussion …. We think that the debate which he created that make 6 Norman Angell, After All: The Auto- subject of war and peace is one that his work: him politically significant. Moreo- biography of Sir Norman Angell (Hamish interests most people, and we try not as peace ver, given Angell’s popularity both Hamilton, 1951), pp. 149–150. to study it from all points of view, at home and abroad, it seems that 7 Norman Angell, Reminiscences of Sir getting opinions of men of all types activism he should be ranked among the Norman Angell, Columbia University Oral of mind …. We number among our most significant new liberals of the History Collection, part 1, No. 8, p. 11 members Imperialists, Liberals, and but as the Edwardian period. 8 Ball State University (hereafter BSU), Conservatives, Socialists and Indi- Norman Angell Collection, Box 46, vidualists.’57 In light of this it is clear reassertion Ryan Vieira is a doctoral candidate at ‘Power’ that as a discursive space the club McMaster University. His current 9 Angell, After All, p. 145. was characterised by a language of of rational- research explores the role of time and 10 Norman Angell, ‘War as the Failure inclusion and a spirit of inquiry. temporality in British constitutional of Reason’, in J. M. Robertson (ed.), Although Angell’s Great Illusion ism in public development between the Victorian and Essays Towards Peace (Watts, 1913), p. campaign did not stop what became Edwardian periods. 69; BSU, Norman Angell Collection, the First World War, it did undoubt- political Box 47, Norman Angell, ‘Democracy edly raise both the quantity and 1 This paper will not detail all of the and the Main Street Mind’. quality of public political discus- debate. arguments of The Great Illusion as these 11 Angell, Patriotism Under Three Flags: A sion, not only at home but abroad are available in a great deal of the exist- Plea for Rationalism in Politics, (Fisher as well. As one author in Canadian ing literature. Here I will allude to Unwin, 1903), pp. 3, 14. Magazine wrote: ‘Napoleon made Angell’s arguments only when neces- 12 Included in this set were J. L. Garvin, the world tremble; Norman Angell sary and only insofar as they apply to Leo Maxse, Kennedy Jones, and Lord has done even more, he has made the general argument of the present Roberts. Moreover, an interesting the world think.’58 It is here that thesis. For a detailed summary of fact which McNeal’s dissertation Angell’s political significance emer- Angell’s arguments see Paul David brings to light is that in the months ges. By opening up spaces for free- Hines, ‘Norman Angell Peace Move- when Angell was finishing ‘Europe’s wheeling and critical public debate ment, 1911–1915’ (Unpublished Ph.D. Optical Illusion’ he was working in Angell became implicated in the dissertation, Ball State University, close quarters with George Saun- reinvigoration of British liberal- Muncie, Indiana, 1964), Chapter 1. ders and William Fullerton – two of ism that had been called for by ‘new 2 Howard Weinroth, ‘Norman Angell the most anti-German of all of The liberal’ thinkers and authors such as and the Great Illusion: An Episode of Times’ foreign correspondents. ‘At the L. T. Hobhouse and J. A. Hobson. Pre-1914 Pacifism’,The Historical Jour- very least, both Saunders and Full- The recent work of historian Chris- nal, 17, No. 3 (1974), p. 551. erton provided him with a constant topher Mauriello has demonstrated 3 It is worth noting that such clubs and reminder of the anti-German feel- that much of new liberalism’s pol- societies were not limited to the Eng- ing that he attempted to counteract itical identity was built on the idea lish-speaking world. Organisations in the book.’ Hugh Peter Gaitskell of a rational public sphere: that is, a such as Verband fur Internationale McNeal, ‘Making War Expensive and public sphere defined by the free use Verstandingung and Student Verein Peace Cheap: The Emergence of New of independent reason.59 This idea, became closely associated with the Liberal Internationalism in Anglo- Mauriello has shown, led the new Norman Angell peace movement. American Thought, 1897–1914’, liberals to place a high degree of sig- For a discussion of Angell’s connec- (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Har- nificance on the role of ‘public intel- tion with German student organisa- vard University, 2000), p. 119. lectuals’; men of letters like Goethe tions see: Hines, ‘Norman Angell 13 Angell, After All, p. 138. or Mill who were equally commit- Peace Movement, 1911–1915’, pp. 14 Ibid, p. 141. ted to ‘mixing with mankind … 105–119; Philip Dale Supina, ‘The 15 For instance, Angell’s association guiding their counsels, undertaking Norman Angell Peace Campaign in with H. W. Massingham led to H. N. their service, and getting something Germany’, Journal of Peace Research, 9, Brailsford’s enthusiastic review in the accomplished for the obvious good No. 2 (1972), pp. 161–164. Nation: H. N. Brailsford, ‘The Motive of the world or the village.’60 4 The William Ready Division of Force of War’, Nation, 6, No. 12, 18 Angell was the public intellec- Archives and Special Collections, December 1909, pp. 490–492. tual in action and he was thus part McMaster University (hereafter 16 Percy Parker, ‘An Unchallenged of the revival of deliberative poli- WRAC), Norman Angell Collec- Book: The Book of the Day – A Wor- tics that the new liberal thinkers tion, Box 5 Clippings File, ‘The Great thy Candidate for the Nobel Literature had envisioned. Indeed, as I have Illusion’, Pall Mall Magazine, January and Peace Prizes’, Public Opinion, 27 tried to show, this was primarily 1913. January 1911, (99): 2570. how he understood his work: not 5 See Albert Marrin, Sir Norman Angell 17 WRAC, Norman Angell Collec- as peace activism but as the reasser- (Twayne Publishers, 1979); Philip tion, Box 1, Percy Parker to Norman tion of rationalism in public politi- Dale Supina, ‘Norman Angell and the Angell, 26 January 1911. cal debate. If it is by the standard of Years of Illusion, 1908–1914’ (Unpub- 18 WRAC, Norman Angell Collec- the ‘public intellectual’, and not by lished Ph.D. Dissertation, Boston tion, Box 1, Percy Parker to Norman

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 27 new liberalism and the edwardian public sphere: norman angell and angellism reconsidered

Angell, 2 March 1911. was invited by Arthur Balfour to by some mysterious process the his Contemporaries: A Selection of 19 In May 1910 Angell wrote to become War Secretary. In 1905, virus of Norman Angell was Reviews and Articles Reproduced and Parker that he was receiving he became a permanent member working in their minds, for one Bound up, Issued Privately for Per- letters ‘from every imaginable on the Committee of Imperial after the other, these magnates sonal Friends and Some Students, p. 8. sort and condition of person: Defence. For a more detailed of commerce and of finance, 42 BSU, Norman Angell Collecton, financiers, politicians, journal- biography see Peter Fraser, Lord corroborated by their fears and JX1963A52, Norman Angell, ‘An ists, writers, soldiers, university Esher: A Political Biography (Hart- anticipations, the doctrine of Open Letter to the Manches- professors, etc.’. BSU, Norman Davis MacGibbon, 1973). The Great Illusion.’ BSU, Nor- ter University War and Peace Angell Collection, Box 20, Nor- 27 Angell, Reminiscences, p. 106. man Angell Collection, Box 29, Society’. man Angell to Percy Parker, 18 28 See McNeal, ‘Making War ‘Viscount Esher’s Speech at Cam- 43 Ibid. May 1910. Expensive and Peace Cheap’, pp. bridge University’. 44 ‘About Ourselves’, War and Peace, 20 Angell, Reminiscences, p. 105. 153–157. 31 WRAC, Norman Angell Col- 1, No. 1, October 1913, p. 1. 21 BSU, Norman Angell Collec- 29 In January 1910, he wrote a sup- lection, Box 7, ‘Memorandum 45 Supporters: Bertrand Russell, tion, Box 27, Angell to F. W. portive and encouraging letter to of Association’, Garton Founda- ‘Why Nations Love War’, War Wile, 3 November 1910; BSU, Angell: ‘I hate flattery, but I am tion Members Agreement, clause 3, and Peace, 2, no. 14, November Norman Angell Collection, Box not flattering when I urge you article 1. 1914, pp. 20–21; H. N. Brails- 29, Norman Angell to Kennedy to push home your main thesis. 32 BSU, Norman Angell Collec- ford, ‘On Preventing Wars’, War Jones, 1911. Your book could be as epoch tion, Box 29, author unknown, and Peace, 2, no. 17, February 22 Ibid. Supina’s dissertation pro- making as Seeley’s Expansion of ‘A Note on the Organization of 1914, pp. 71–72; J. A. Hobson, vides evidence that Northcliffe England, or Mahan’s Sea Power. the Garton Foundation’, 1912. ‘The Limitations of National- was also in some way funding It is sent forth at the right psy- 33 Norman Angell, ‘The Interna- ism’, War and Peace, 1, no. 6, Angell’s peace work. Supina chological moment and wants tional Polity Movement’, The March 1914, p. 155; E. D. Morel, points to the fact that, when to be followed up if you have Foundations of International Polity ‘Foreign Policy and the People’, Angell left the Daily Mail in time and drive.’ BSU, Norman (W. Heinemann, 1914), p. 218. War and Peace, 1, no. 3, February 1912, his propaganda expenses Angell Collection, Box 7, Regi- 34 A few British organisations that 1914, p. 129; Ramsay MacDon- instantly increased to three nald Esher to Norman Angell, Angell spoke at under the aus- ald, ‘The War and After’, War and times their previous size. Supina, 11 January 1910. This letter had pices of the Garton Foundation Peace, 2, no. 13, October 1914, p. ‘Norman Angell and the Years of a great impacted on Angell who included: the British Chamber of 5; For an additional list of con- Illusion.’ p. 103. later said it was largely Esher’s Commerce (Paris), the Chatham tributors see Angell, After All, 23 See ‘The Kaiser’s Answer: Effect support of ‘Europe’s Optical Club (London), the South Place p. 169. Critics: Frederic Harri- in Germany, Severe Financial Illusion’ which was responsi- Institute (London), the Pioneer son, ‘Mischievous and Immoral’, Depression, Comments of Berlin ble for the pamphlet’s expan- Club (London), the Midland War and Peace, 1, no. 3, December Press’, Daily Mail, 9 September sion into a book. As he wrote to Institute (Birmingham), the 1913, p. 65; A. Rifleman, ‘The 1911, p. 5. Esher: ‘I think, in a sense, you are National Liberal Club (London), Fallacy of Norman Angellism’, 24 For an example of Angell ‘push- responsible for the book, because the Glasgow Liberal Club, the War and Peace, 1, no. 4, January ing home’ his thesis see Nor- if it had not been for your kind Leeds Chamber of Commerce, 1914, p. 103. A. Rifleman, ‘The man Angell, ‘The Lesson of the encouragement given to the the Liberal Colonial Club, and Fallacy of Norman Angellism: Bourse Panics’, Daily Mail, 15 pamphlet on which it is based I the United Service Institution. Further Instances’, War and Peace, September 1911, p. 4c–d. For an am not sure that it would have BSU, Norman Angell Collection, 1, no. 5, February 1914, p. 167. example of Angell engaging his been written.’ For his support Box 29, John Hilton, ‘Report for 46 Supina ‘Norman Angell and the critics see Norman Angell, ‘The Angell dedicated his 1914 book 1912’; ‘Overseas Dominions: Mr. Years of Illusion’, p. 132. Great Illusion and the War: A The Foundations of International Norman Angell on their Impreg- 47 Main Johnson, ‘Norman Angell: Reply to my Critics’, Daily Mail, Polity to Esher. BSU, Norman nability’, The Times, 1 November Apostle of Peace’, Canadian Maga- 5 October 1911, p. 4d–e. For an Angell Collection, Box 7, Nor- 1913, p. 5g; ‘Mr. Norman Angell zine, (Toronto: The Ontario Pub- example of Angell’s ideas being man Angell to Reginald Esher, and the Use of Armies’, The lishing Co., March 1914), p. 531. discussed in editorial columns 30 October 1910. Times, 9 October 1913, p. 5g. 48 For membership figures see ‘Pol- see ‘The Risk to Germany’, 30 In a speech at Cambridge Uni- 35 BSU, Norman Angell Collec- ity Club Serves Noteworthy Daily Mail, 8 September 1911, versity Esher commented on tion, Box 29, B. Langdon Davies, Ends’, Star (Toronto), 11 April p. 4b. For an example of Angell witnessing these talks: ‘I have ‘Dangers to be Avoided’, in 1914, p. 10c. Speakers to the club being criticised see ‘War and the had the opportunity of listen- ‘Leeds Norman Angell League in its first year included John Money Markets: A Real Test for ing to very confidential inquir- Conference’. Lewis (editor of the Toronto Norman Angell’, Daily Mail, 4 ies into, and discussions of, the 36 BSU, Norman Angell Collec- Star), G. E. Jackson (Cam- October 1911, p. 4f. economic effects upon our trade, tion, Box 45, ‘Free Speech’. bridge Lecturer in Economics), 25 Francis Haslam, ‘The Lesson commerce and finance on the 37 Angell, ‘The International Pol- J. A. Macdonald (editor of the of Bourse Panics: Mr. Norman outbreak of a European war in ity Movement’, p. 211. Toronto Globe), Sir John Wil- Angell on War’, Daily Mail, 15 which we ourselves might be 38 WRAC, Norman Angell Col- lison (Canadian correspondent December 1910, p. 9f. engaged. This inquiry extended lection, Box 1, Norman Angell to the London Times), Alfred 26 Lord Esher was a man of tre- over many months, and many of to R. Walton, 28 April 1911. Noyes (English poet), and N. W. mendous political influence the wealthiest and most influen- 39 BSU, Norman Angell Collection, Rowell (leader of Ontario’s during this period. Not only tial men of business from the cit- Box 4, Norman Angell to Thomas provincial Liberal Party): BSU, had he been a good friend of ies of the United Kingdom were Carter, 1 November 1911. Norman Angell Collection, Box King Edward, but he was also called to give evidence before 40 Angell, The Great Illusion, p. 173. 29, ‘Memo for Norman Angell’, the overseer of Queen Victoria’s those whose duty it was to con- 41 Everybody’s Magazine, May 1911, 15 February 1914. The club’s first private papers. In 1902, he served clude the report. I am sure that reproduced in, WRAC, Nor- meeting filled the newly built on the Elgin Commission on the very few, if any, of those eminent man Angell Collection, Box 6, YMCA’s auditorium achiev- South African War. In 1903, he witnesses had read his book, but The Work of Norman Angell by ing an attendance of 300: ‘New

28 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 new liberalism and the edwardian public sphere: norman angell and angellism reconsidered

University Club Hears Able 50 UTARMS, Office of the Reg- 54 Ibid. Club Serves Noteworthy Ends’, Addresses’, Globe (Toronto), 5 istrar, A1973-0051/239, ‘Inter- 55 A shining example of the cos- Star (Toronto). December 1913. According to national Polity Club Report for mopolitan nature of the club is 58 Johnson, ‘Norman Angell: the Star extra tables had to be 1915’. the fact that on 8 December 1914 Apostle of Peace’, p. 534. brought in to accommodate the 51 ‘There is assuredly nothing in it held a ‘cosmopolitan night’ 59 Christopher Mauriello, ‘The inaugural meeting, ‘Varsity Peo- these objects that commits the where representatives of various Public Sphere and the Liberal ple are Fond of Polity Club: Big Club, as a club, to the advocacy cultures could express ‘in speech Imagination: Public Intellectuals, Crowd, with Many Ladies, Hear of either peace or war. On the or in music, the infinite variety New Liberalism, and the Trans- Speakers at International Din- contrary there is much that will of the peoples of the earth as formation of Culture, 1880–1920’ ner’, Star (Toronto), 5 Decem- appeal to all students of World well as something of their com- (Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, ber 1913. University of Toronto problems.’ ‘International Polity mon possessions.’ UTARMS, Brown University, 1995). Archives and Records Manage- Club Report for 1915’. Office of the Registrar, A1973- 60 Christopher Mauriello, ‘The ment (hereafter UTARMS), 52 UTARMS, Office of the Reg- 0051/239, ‘Cosmopolitan Night’, Strange Death of the Public Office of the Registrar, istrar, A1973-0051/239, ‘Inter- Star, 8 December 1914. Intellectual: Liberal Intellectual A1973-0051/239. national Polity Club Report for 56 ‘International Polity Club Identity and the Field of Cul- 49 ‘Polity Club Serves Noteworthy 1914’. Report for 1914’ tural Production in England, Ends’, Star (Toronto), 11 April 53 ‘International Polity Club 57 UTARMS, Office of the Reg- 1880–1920’, Journal of Victorian 1914, p. 10c. Report for 1915’. istrar, A1973-0051/239, ‘Polity Culture, 6, no. 1 (2001), pp. 1–26.

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65) the ground. The thesis will focus on three geographic regions (Home Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in Counties, Midlands and the North West) in order to explore the situation private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK the Liberals found themselves in nationally. Research for University of and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of Leicester. Supervisor: Dr Stuart Ball. Gavin Freeman ; [email protected]. the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Four nations history of the Irish Home Rule crisis Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. A four nations history of the Irish Home Rule crisis, attempting to rebalance the existing Anglo-centric focus. Considering Scottish and The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper Welsh reactions and the development of parallel Home Rule movements, Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and along with how the crisis impacted on political parties across the UK. Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston Sources include newspapers, private papers, Hansard. Naomi Lloyd-Jones; Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a [email protected]. friend of Jeremy Bentham and a supporter of free trade and reform, and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster ‘Economic Liberalism’ and the Liberal (Democrat) Party, 1937–2004 and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or A study of the role of ‘economic liberalism’ in the Liberal Party and the references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected]. Liberal Democrats. Of particular interest would be any private papers relating to 1937’s Ownership For All report and the activities of the Liberal Unionists Unservile State Group. Oral history submissions also welcome. Matthew A study of the Liberal Unionist party as a discrete political entity. Help with Francis; [email protected]. identifying party records before 1903 particularly welcome. Ian Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; [email protected]. The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16 Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Andrew Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Messeleka-Boyer, 12 bis chemin Vaysse, [email protected]. 81150 Terssac, France; +33 6 10 09 72 46; [email protected].

Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 The political career of David Steel, Lord Steel of Aikwood Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an David Steel was one of the longest-serving leaders of the Liberal Party understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include and an important figure in the realignment debate of the 1970s and ‘80s personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of that led to the formation of the Liberal Democrats. Author would like to the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a hear from anyone with pertinent or entertaining anecdotes relating to Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. Steel’s life and times, particularly his leadership, or who can point me towards any relevant source material. David Torrance; davidtorrance@ Beyond Westminster: Grassroots Liberalism 1910–1929 hotmail.com . A study of the Liberal Party at its grassroots during the period in which it went from being the party of government to the third party of politics. The Lib-Lab Pact This research will use a wide range of sources, including surviving The period of political co-operation which took place in Britain between Liberal Party constituency minute books and local press to contextualise 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff University. Jonny Kirkup, 29 the national decline of the party with the reality of the situation on Mount Earl, Bridgend, Bridgend County CF31 3EY; [email protected].

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 29 David and Frances

Dr J. Graham Jones ame Margaret Lloyd at Cerrig-y-Druidion in Denbigh- George died at her shire (while in a mad rush en route uses A. J. Sylvester’s beloved north Wales from Bron-y-de, his home at Churt, detailed diaries in the home Brynawelon, in Surrey, to Brynawelon, Cric- Criccieth on the cieth), and had to be informed of custody of the National morningD of 20 January 1941 after a his wife’s death by his friend Lord mercifully brief illness. Although Dawson of Penn, the esteemed Library of Wales to the couple had been semi-estranged royal physician, over the telephone. examine the tortuous for many years, spending only Dawson had told him softly, ‘Your relatively brief intervals in each wife died at twenty past ten this build-up to the marriage other’s company, usually dur- morning’. The situation was, in the ing the month of August, Lloyd words of Lloyd George’s Principal of Lloyd George and George was still devastated. Part Private Secretary A. J. Sylvester, Frances Stevenson at of his grief could be explained by ‘most pathetic. LG was broken and his unfortunate, tragic failure, he sobbed at the other end of the Guildford Registry attributable to exceptionally heavy telephone: I heard him. I expressed falls of snow across the country, to my deep grief for him; he sobbed, Office on 23 October reach the deathbed scene in time. “She was a great old pal”. I said, The old man had been forced to “You are very brave”, but he said: 1943. spend the previous night at a hotel “No, I am not”’.1

30 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 David and Frances

The following day the London October 1931, and a close personal until after Lloyd George’s death in train was able to get through to friend to Megan Lloyd George, had March 1945. In her heart of hearts, Criccieth bearing their elder son rushed to Brynawelon as soon as Frances considered Sylvester vain, Richard, widely known as Dick, she had heard of Dame Margaret’s over-ambitious and touchy. Behind and his wife June, and their second death. The scenes she then saw had his back she would always laugh son Gwilym and his wife Edna. confirmed her view that the Lloyd at him and his voice which had a Members of the family were thus Georges were ‘a genuine circle, con- strong nasal twang overlaying a reunited in their profound grief. sisting of people who did not merely marked Staffordshire accent and his The immensely tragic and moving put up with each other, but were tendency to rub his hands together events of these days made a very genuinely fond of each other how- rather subserviently which made deep impression upon Sylvester, ever much they had to put up with’. him appear, in her view, a modern clearly an emotional man: ‘I shall Upon her arrival at Brynawelon, day Uriah Heep. Sylvester in turn never forget LG’s face when he ‘Lloyd George threw his arms about accused Frances of being prim, stiff, drew up in the Rolls Royce driven me, burst into tears and sobbed out and intent only on providing com- by Dyer. I have never seen anybody that he would never forget me com- fort for Lloyd George and personal looking so near death. His face ing at that moment’.3 self-seeking. was an awful colour. For the first Generally A. J. Sylvester was Dame Margaret’s funeral took time in my life I saw him wearing a extremely loyal to Lloyd George place just three days after her death woollen scarf’. Although there had whom he served devotedly, some- on Thursday, 23 January. A pri- long been an extremely deep rift times at considerable personal cost vate funeral service at Brynawelon between father and son, and Dick and sacrifice to himself, for more at 2 p.m. saw Lloyd George once had long considered that Lloyd than twenty-two years. He was more ‘overcome with grief and in George had treated his mother also most fond of Dame Margaret floods of tears’. Thereafter the cof- shamefully for decades, now, ‘LG who tended to take his side in fam- fin was borne the two miles from fell into Dick’s arms and sobbed. ily squabbles. He, in turn, was at Brynawelon to the Criccieth public Supported on the arms of his fam- pains for the rest of his life to try ceremony on a simple traditional ily he boarded the train and went to ensure that she was given the farm wagon, pulled by sixty-five to sleep’. Only Sylvester and their attention and respect which, he felt members of the Criccieth home son-in-law Sir Thomas Carey- convinced, she deserved. He also guard, each of whom was carry- Evans, himself a medical man too enjoyed a reasonable rapport with ing an individual wreath. All shops and married to their second daugh- Megan. With Frances Stevenson, and private houses had their blinds ter Olwen ever since 1917, felt suf- however, Sylvester’s relationship tightly pulled down along the ficiently composed and in control to was at best uneasy. In her view, he route taken by the funeral proces- go to see the body of Dame Marga- had displayed an enormous van- sion.4 Lloyd George, still sobbing, ret lying in her coffin: ‘She looked ity when he had dictated to Lloyd rode behind the farm wagon with very peaceful. LG did not see her. I George that he must be known as his two sons, his younger brother do not think he has ever seen death: ‘Principal Private Secretary’ as William George and ‘little David’, I learn that he did not even see part of the deal when he had re- the elder son of Major Gwilym Mair. Neither did Dick or Gwilym joined Lloyd George’s staff in 1923. Lloyd George, still only ten years see her’. A little later Sylvester met Frances, recognising that he would of age. At the cemetery there were Megan Lloyd George in the hall at undoubtedly be a useful asset as to be no women mourners. The Brynawelon – ‘She just fell into an addition to LG’s personal staff, sheer poignancy of the scene was my arms. The scenes I witnessed had magnanimously shrugged increased by the fact that Dame between members of the family her shoulders and did not quibble. Margaret was to be buried in the were most pathetic’.2 Thelma Caza- But a latent, simmering antago- Left: Frances same grave as their eldest (and let, the Conservative MP for the nism between the two persisted, and David Lloyd favourite) daughter Mair Eluned, Islington East constituency since although it was somewhat masked George in 1943 who had died at the family home at

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 31 david and frances

Routh Road, London, at just sev- 1941 would inevitably prove short- The death native village of Llanystumdwy enteen years of age back in Novem- lived and largely cosmetic. For which he had bought, together with ber 1907 after a failed operation to years on end she had deeply resented of Dame some forty acres of agricultural treat a burst appendix. At the time the fact that she had had to leave land, shortly before the outbreak her father had been the President of Bron-y-de, Churt each time Dame Margaret of the war in September 1939. The the Board of Trade under Sir Henry Margaret or Megan had decided to property had already been exten- Campbell-Bannerman. Subse- go there. Such a scenario she was Lloyd George sively reconstructed and modern- quently Mair’s simple grave had just no longer prepared to tolerate. ised, and orchards had been planted been turned into a Lloyd George The battle lines were being drawn. potentially on eight acres of the land containing family vault, crowned by a majes- As Sylvester put it in rather exag- no fewer than three thousand trees. tic sculpture of a teenage girl exe- gerated language in early Febru- meant a Frances clearly subjected the ailing cuted by Sir W. Goscombe John, ary, ‘The fight is ON, not only with wholly old man to considerable pressure. monumental sculptor par excel- Germany, but between Frances and ‘She either does not realise or does lence at the beginning of the twen- the family’.6 cataclysmic not care that this puts him in great tieth century. This vault was now Within just two days of Dame difficulties. For him to go to stay at re-opened for the first time thirty- Margaret’s funeral, Lloyd George change for Ty Newydd would be just another three years later as Dame Margaret had told Megan (who had inherited damn fool thing amongst many was finally laid to rest. ‘LG, stand- Brynawelon absolutely under the her hus- which he has done lately. It would ing between Dick and Gwilym, terms of her mother’s will) rather be the talk of the constituency, trembled and sobbed, but bore tactlessly that he could no longer band. He especially if she went with him his grief bravely. Dame Margaret afford to continue to pay her an which is what I think she is after’. would have been delighted if she allowance towards the upkeep had always Moreover, whenever Megan or could have seen the whole setting. of the property as he had previ- Olwen now visited Churt, Frances I have been to many important ously done. In Sylvester’s percep- assumed stubbornly refused to budge from funerals, none was so impressive as tive words, ‘Yet he is spending a the house, and she also began to this’.5 On the mountainside nearby fortune in having all sorts of peo- that he was squander Lloyd George’s money, stood Mynydd Ednyfed Fawr, the ple around him who do not earn for example on hiring a private car farm where Maggie had been born a fraction of their salaries’. Meg- likely to pre- to take her daughter Jennifer to her on 4 November 1864 and where she an’s intense annoyance was even school at Bakewell. As she herself had spent much of her childhood exceeded by that of the family’s decease his put it neatly to Sylvester, ‘Things and youth. Welsh housekeeper Sarah Jones are different now: I have had a lot The death of Dame Margaret who had constantly backed Lloyd wife who had to put up with for years’. The idea Lloyd George potentially meant a George in family disagreements been almost of marriage was already in the air. wholly cataclysmic change for her for more than four decades. Now ‘I can only suspect that that is what husband. He had always assumed she vowed that she would never two years his she is after, as when she and Eve- that he was likely to predecease condescend to speak to him again.7 lyn [Sylvester’s wife] were on their his wife who had been almost two Megan’s intense grief was further junior and way home from America, she said years his junior and in robust health. increased by her recent split from that LG had promised to marry Now the unthinkable had actually her long-term lover the Labour in robust her if anything should happen to happened, and LG’s major link with MP Philip Noel-Baker, a wrench- Dame M. Yes, but there seemed lit- his Welsh roots and with his con- ing experience which she had cer- health. tle chance of anything happening stituency base had been suddenly tainly felt very deeply and of which then! LG is always loudest in his removed. Also he was well aware her father knew nothing. The very criticisms and statements when the that, decades earlier, he had given same month their local GP at Cric- thing is not likely to happen’.9 his word to his private secretary, cieth Dr Rees Prytherch intimated By March Sylvester could record mistress and confidante Frances to A. J. Sylvester that Lord Dawson that ‘LG is insisting on Frances Stevenson that, if he ever found had informed him of his convic- showing herself about the house at himself a free man, he would, after tion that Lloyd George was already Bron-y-de when Megan is there. a decent interval had elapsed, make suffering from a growth in the Looks as if LG and Frances are an honest woman of her. Frances bowel, likely to prove malignant, trying to drive her away’. About a might well now be willing to bide as well as dangerously high blood month later Megan had personally her time, but she was certainly not pressure: ‘He might go off at any telephoned Sylvester from Churt to prepared to give up the prize which time, or he might live a number of inform him that she felt ‘very fed up. was at long last within her grasp. years. I said that I had made up my She said that her Father was behav- For thirty years she had grudgingly mind that he would never again ing very peculiarly’. Sylvester went played the role of the perpetual mis- take office and was not fit for it. on to record the same day that the tress, obliged to make herself scarce Prytherch agreed’.8 old man was ‘not on speaking terms each time her love rival Dame Mar- At the beginning of February at the moment with Olwen who is garet came out of Wales. She had Lloyd George duly returned to at Brynawelon’. Megan meanwhile long craved respectability, a sta- Bron-y-de, Churt. He was pres- had caught sight of Frances in the tus – and a wedding ring. And she surised by Frances Stevenson not house at Churt so that ‘as a result was certainly not now prepared to to continue subsidising the bills for she did not speak to her Father the back down, regardless of the feel- Brynawelon, but rather to use his whole weekend and just snubbed ings of the Lloyd George family. resources on renovating and mod- him’. The timing of the quarrel was Frances’s apparent sympathy for ernising Ty Newydd, the farm- indeed most unfortunate, as Thelma them in their tragic loss in January house situated on a hill behind his Cazalet had only just suggested to

32 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 david and frances

Lloyd George that he should give perhaps go to live at Ty Newydd he expected that Llanystumdwy Megan an annual allowance of with Frances. Then we shall have had contributed most of that sum, £2,000. Problems were mounting some fun’.11 ‘including Ty Newydd’. ‘At this as Megan simply did not have a suf- By the beginning of the follow- remark Megan’s face set like a ficient personal income to meet the ing year – 1942 – the relationship piece of chiselled marble. She said running costs of Brynawelon. She between father and daughter had not a word. There was silence. LG also had a cottage at Chesham in the become a little less frosty. In the understood’. Feelings ran especially Chiltern Hills in Buckinghamshire spring the question of the marriage high in the area at the time because for which her father still continued was back on the agenda. Frances had it was known that William Jones, to pay the weekly rent of £5-5s-0d. asked A. J. Sylvester, confidentially, who was acting as the manager of Further problems were arising from to send her details of the procedure the Ty Newydd farm, and his wife Lloyd George’s request to the dis- for marriage in a Baptist chapel – had recently visited Lloyd George at tinguished Welsh architect Clough totally unknown to Lloyd George. Bron-y-de, Churt and had returned Williams-Ellis to assess Ty Newydd The old man had been talking about home with ‘“instructions” to get and then prepare a professional resigning his seat in the House of the place ready for Easter as LG was report on ‘what is required to make Commons and possibly accepting going to stay there “with someone it habitable during war time with a a peerage and going to the House else”’. The news had then spread view to LG going to live there when of Lords. Frances assured Sylvester around Criccieth like wildfire as he goes to Wales’. Commented Syl- that he personally would cer- a wagon of furniture arrived at vester, ‘That will start a row to be tainly not lose out materially in the Ty Newydd. ‘If LG takes Frances sure and some talk in the constitu- event of such an eventuality. Lloyd and Jennifer to Ty Newydd there ency. And all this at a time when LG George, still generally pessimistic will be an unholy row. Megan will has agreed to make a special garden and defeatist about the allied war regard it as an insult to the memory at Brynawelon to the memory of effort, was talking about the desir- of her Mother, and Megan tells me Dame Margaret’.10 ability of making a negotiated peace that not even Gwilym would tol- The relationship between settlement with Hitler and even erate that. But happily the place Megan and her father was evidently thought that he himself might still is not ready, so he cannot go to Ty rapidly deteriorating, a newfound be called on to form a new govern- Newydd for Easter’.14 tension born of Frances’s remain- ment to achieve this. No one really Frances had already told her ing at Churt during the weekends. took this seriously.12 daughter Jennifer that she and On 24 April Sylvester recorded ‘a The old man had certainly aged Lloyd George were to be married, terrific row in progress between ever more rapidly since the death of and quite innocently the twelve LG and Megan. … Megan saw Dame Margaret, he almost always year old girl had asked him when [Frances] there the other day, and looked very pale, and his leonine the wedding ceremony was likely as a consequence just ignored her like head and neck had shrunk to take place: ‘Taid [Lloyd George] Father and refused to speak to him. considerably. Frances undoubtedly roared with what sounded like very She has had nothing to do with The rela- feared that he might well be try- embarrassed laughter at my ques- him since and stays at her cottage at ing to get out of marrying her, a tion, and said something fairly non- Chesham’. There was further fric- tionship course which members of the Lloyd committal. … I suspect that LlG tion between father and daughter George family would all certainly would have been not unwilling to over Lloyd George’s demands that between have applauded: ‘We probably continue with the status quo with- payments for secretarial support expected them to continue living as out my intervention. (I think I may now had to be reduced and over Megan before’.13 Did Lloyd George himself have asked Frances first, and that his insistence that furniture should also hope, in his heart of hearts, that she suggested I asked Taid.)’.15 It is not be removed from the family and her Frances would be happy to carry on clear that by this time Lloyd George home at Victoria Road, London – as before? Did he also hope that her was becoming increasingly unstable ‘She flew right off the handle and father was long, passionate affair with Colonel psychologically and was certainly said that no one would prevent T. F. Tweed back in the late 1920s not in a position to assume govern- her taking things which had been evidently had somehow negated his pledge mental office. He was constantly given to her by her Mother which to her? Possibly he felt that his accusing Frances of becoming inti- were her own property’. Megan’s rapidly dete- mistress, who had herself become mately involved with other men. annoyance knew no bounds – ‘He a mother in October 1929, might On the evening of 28 April Frances is fussing and bothering about lit- riorating, a in consequence be less concerned had telephoned A. J. Sylvester at tle things which he ought not to about getting married. his home – ‘Don’t you think he is bother his head about. To think of newfound Before the end of March Lloyd awful? He is trying to get some all that brilliance, all those talents, tension born George had taken lunch at the grievance against me. He is in that all those gifts, just going to seed, House of Commons with Megan, mood just now. He is crazy. Does because that is what they will do, of Frances’s Gwilym and A. J. Sylvester. After not seem to be satisfied unless quar- with a lot of women around him, lunch Megan had shown her relling. He was better, but now he fussing him, making an old man of remaining father a telegram which she had is bad again. It is so upsetting. You him. It is the most pathetic thing I recently received from a Mr Lam- feel you are guilty all the time. have seen’. The question of finan- at Churt bert, the organiser of Criccieth People get the idea that he is unreli- cial support to meet the running Warships Week, noting that the able. One day he is telling Hankey expenses of Brynawelon was an during the Criccieth area alone had raised to turn Winston out; next day he is especially thorny issue. ‘I think he some £70,000 for the cause. Lloyd lunching with Winston. Cripps has will be up to his monkey tricks and weekends. George responded by noting that no use for him. I think Cripps sized

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 33 david and frances

LG up at those talks they had before ‘I have seen seen LG in many a wangle’, wrote autumn. At the end of October he went to Russia. He is so selfish Sylvester at the beginning June, ‘but Frances told Sylvester, ‘It’s as I and jealous. It never occurs to him LG in many never one like this. He is playing a thought, he wants to wait for two to ask himself: “What job of work very deep game between Megan years for the sake of appearances. can I do?”. But he won’t do any- a wangle’, and Frances. One of them must be After that I do not think LG will thing except develop quarrels with disappointed one day’.19 bother about Megan. I suggested any one’.16 wrote Syl- Before the end of the month to him that he should get Dawson Megan’s totally intransigent atti- he was recording in his diary the to see her [Megan] and talk to her tude clearly remained the primary vester at the opinions of George Dyer, Lloyd when it is settled. LG thought it stumbling block to the proposed George’s chauffeur, who now was a very excellent idea. It would marriage. Nervous, Frances asked beginning believed that Frances had ‘com- save LG a lot of unpleasantness and Sylvester to act as a go-between and June, ‘but pletely changed. She is terribly Dawson could put it on medical test the waters: ‘I would like to jog mean and greedy and has turned grounds’. Three weeks later Syl- it on a bit. I think I am perfectly jus- never one absolutely against him [Dyer] for vester took tea with Lord Dawson tified in taking things into my own some reason which he cannot imag- at the House of Lords and warned hands. Everybody is expecting it like this. ine’. Dyer had firm evidence that him of Carey-Evans’s conjecture in the neighbourhood’. Sylvester, she was regularly diverting some of about Lloyd George’s irregular also afraid of upsetting Megan, He is play- the coke supply intended for Bron- bowel movements. Dawson, fear- demurred and decided first to y-de to her own cottage Avalon. ing the existence of a growth, felt approach Olwen to see how the land ing a very There was also considerable fric- that LG should be pressed to have now lay within the Lloyd George tion between Frances and Mrs Ben- an x-ray – ‘He felt that if LG’s family.17 Another rather under- deep game nett, the housekeeper at Bron-y-de health were in doubt that would hand tack adopted by Frances was ‘because Miss Stevenson interferes strengthen the case for the mar- to invite Megan’s old friend Thelma between with the domestic staff and is so riage. He thought Frances had a case Cazalet to lunch at the Savoy Hotel, mean to them’. There were other and that she would marry him even London, and request her to inform Megan and bones of contention too – Frances on LG’s deathbed’. But Dawson also Megan of the impending marriage: was making regular use of Lloyd pointed out ‘the likely unfavour- ‘No ambassador can ever have been Frances. One George’s car to run personal errands able reactions round Criccieth’ to charged with a more uncongenial and to ferry her family members news of the marriage, while Megan mission’. Thelma, too, was hesitant, of them must from place to place, including her ‘might just break off entirely with but eventually agreed to approach elderly parents. Her younger sister her Father’. Days later Lloyd George Megan if Olwen was also in attend- be disap- Muriel Stevenson had been quietly discussed the proposed marriage ance, but, predictably, ‘The inter- pointed one added to the Bron-y-de estate pay with his second son Major Gwi- view was as unpleasant as I feared. roll ‘as a land worker to prevent lym Lloyd-George, the Minister Megan’s relations with her father day’. her being called up, but she does of Fuel and Power in the wartime had been specially close – almost precious little work’. The surplus coalition government, subsequently telepathic’.18 In Megan’s obsessive, money from the sale of eggs on the reporting dejectedly to Frances that almost paranoid mind, the question estate was also being pocketed by his son ‘was not very favourable. of the marriage had become inexo- Muriel, while Dyer was chauffeur- Gwilym had said that it would not rably entwined with the proposed ing Frances willy-nilly from place be popular with the people of Cric- move to Ty Newydd, where she had to place although petrol was in woe- cieth. Megan would not accept it recently seen the furniture arrive. fully short supply during war-time. either’. Clough Williams-Ellis had rather Sylvester summed up, ‘All this talk Lloyd George tried valiantly tactlessly showed Megan a plan of has left a very bad impression upon to renege on his pledge to marry the reconditioned property and my mind. If she marries LG, how Frances, now arguing that ‘the pre- the rooms which it contained. She long will it be before she interferes sent circumstances were all right: had arranged to see Lord Dawson in the wider sphere and perhaps it suited him all right, so why alter on 8 May. Three days later Frances works against me? I have never it?’. Enraged by LG’s backtrack- reported to Sylvester that Lloyd trusted her TOO MUCH. She has a ing, Frances took pains to remind George had become ‘very worried very sweet smile, and a very engag- him ‘of the chances she had had to about Megan. He wants to buck her ing manner, but my Heavens she’s be married which she had given up’ up and get her out of this mood. He HARD! Look at her face. (And I for his sake. Lloyd George had just is afraid that if she becomes worse, have a memory: that in 1932 my retorted sharply, ‘That is all done it may become chronic. … He does revelation of she and Tweed to LG with’, and Frances had insisted, not mind quarrelling with her, but at his blunt request)’.20 ‘Honourable people think you he does not like her being ill’. Lloyd By the high summer of 1942 should do it’. LG had simply said, George had tried to diffuse the situ- Frances had begun wearing a ring ‘There are no honourable people’. ation by assuring Megan that ‘he sporting a large single diamond He had been much swayed by warn- would not do anything without first on her engagement finger. There ings from Gwilym that ‘the people’ talking to she and Gwilym’. The seemed, however, to be something would be ‘critical’ of the marriage. whole issue was becoming bogged of a rapprochement between Lloyd Sylvester had warned Frances ‘that down in some confusion and uncer- George and Megan, although the it looked to me as if LG was trying tainty. In order to play for time and former still stubbornly refused to to get out of it: at any rate, he had to save his own skin, Lloyd George give any kind of lead to the nation a game on’. Frances was not, how- was constantly trying to reassure in wartime. The question of the ever, to be put off, instructing the both Frances and Megan. ‘I have marriage again resurfaced in the ubiquitous Sylvester to establish the

34 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 david and frances difference between a church wed- Frances telephoned me tonight he calls ‘divided and conflict- ding by special licence and a regis- after 10 p.m. She had had an ing loyalties’. But she does not try office wedding by civil law. The interview with Lord Dawson understand. There is only one matter dragged on, Frances tell- this afternoon at 3 p.m. She person who matters, and that is ing Sylvester on 26 November, ‘I said he was very nice and very loyalty to herself.24 told him [Lloyd George] the other kind. He has seen Megan again day that if it was not soon settled I and he says she is irreconcil- What was still generally unknown should go mad’. On the last day of able. I think she must have gone to everyone in the family circle the month, while Megan was stay- there yesterday evening. He (except possibly to her sister Olwen) ing at Bron-y-de for the weekend, said he had thought after his was that Megan was at an emotional Frances had said to Lloyd George, first interview he might be able crisis point because of the break-up ‘I cannot go on like this. It is very to do something, but he realises of her relationship with her married humiliating to me to go out the now that nothing he says makes lover Philip Noel-Baker the year moment Megan comes’. Lloyd any impression. She just goes before. In so doing, she had adhered George, sympathetic, replied, ‘I round and round and just comes faithfully to her mother’s wishes. must do something about it’. back to this one thing – HER Philip for his part had resolutely Frances was encouraged by MOTHER. refused to leave his wife Irene – the Lloyd George’s solicitor John Mor- She said repeatedly that if this only scenario which would have ris to leave him to reflect for a thing happened [the marriage of enabled Megan to have had a happy while and then to come to a deci- her father to Frances Stevenson] ending with him. Now her father, sion. Morris had informed her that that her relations with him were it seemed, was going to achieve Gwilym was generally ‘friendly FINISHED, and her life would that happiness in his last days by disposed’ to the idea of the mar- be finished. Apart from that, marrying his long-term mistress riage, but, ‘LG was afraid of Megan. of course, he says there is abso- who had made Dame Margaret The actual snag was Criccieth. As lutely no reason why it should unhappy literally for decades. In LG did not often go to Criccieth, not go forward. There would the words of Ffion Hague, ‘Megan’s he recommended her not to press be some criticism, including the grief, disappointment and hatred of going to live there. The question of re-opening of the criticism about Frances made her unpredictable and her social position would be greatly the treatment of ‘the old girl’. volatile’. 25 jeopardised by William George’s He said that to me. Some people, Lloyd George was to celebrate position. William George’s name he said, think LG did wrong; his eightieth birthday on 17 Janu- stinks in Criccieth’. Frances had but Dawson said that would ary 1943, potentially a high-profile replied, ‘I cannot take action. LG not matter very much. For the occasion when journalists and pho- is an old man; I do not like to bring people who would criticise him tographers were to be invited to pressure on him’.21 another lot would say he was Bron-y-de to interview and take On 3 December Megan had a doing the right thing. He did not pictures of the octogenarian for- private meeting with Lord Daw- set much store upon that. mer prime minister and survey his son to discuss her father’s marriage Gwilym would not stand expansive estate and its produce. A plans. Within days, apparently, in the way. Dawson knows LG private family luncheon was also Lloyd George had put his foot wants it. He said there is no to be held at the house to mark the down that, in the event of Megan doubt that it would be a worry auspicious and symbolic milestone. visiting Bron-y-de at any point in to him for Megan to behave like The press indeed displayed great the future, Frances was always to that. In that case, I shall just sit The matter interest in reporting the occasion. remain at the house. Never again back and allow him to decide. I On 15 January Lady Olwen Carey- would she make herself scarce.22 shall not bring any more pressure dragged on, Evans telephoned A. J. Sylvester for The following day Frances tel- to bear, but I shall feel very bit- advice about attending the birth- ephoned Sylvester: ‘Frances said ter about it. I gave Dawson my Frances tell- day party at Bron-y-de, now only LG wondered what Megan’s atti- views. He agreed with my point two days away – ‘I said that noth- tude would be. She might say to her of view. I told LG all this, and of ing Sylvester ing and no one ought to stop she and Father: As long as you do not marry course he is going to turn against Megan going to Churt on Sunday I will speak to you; but, on the her. Oh, yes, I can see that has on 26 Novem- and greeting their Father on his other hand, the moment it is done I happened already. He does not ber, ‘I told 80th birthday, whether Frances Ste- shall have nothing to do with you. like to be crabbed. The first thing venson was there or not. If neither “On the other hand, if she would he said was: ‘Well, she will not him [Lloyd of LG’s daughters were present, agree not to break off relations with come down here again’. Once he would be able to point to the him, that is as much as he wants”. I they start that they will soon get George] the fact that they had both neglected am very glad she is not coming this at loggerheads. I think he will him upon a most important occa- weekend. I am not going to clear leave her severely alone. You other day sion. If he should die in his sleep out again for her. LG said to me last cannot talk to her like a normal on Sunday night, and they had not time, “When Megan comes again, being: she does not understand. that if it was been to see him, how great would you must avoid going away”. They She is not a normal woman. be their remorse. I said I had never hate it with her here. There is noth- She has this mixture of sex and not soon set- behaved generously in a case of ing natural about it and everybody religion which creates the most doubt when I had had occasion says it is so quiet’.23 extraordinary obsession in her. tled I should to regret my action. Olwen later On 11 December she rang him Dawson tried to explain to her spoke to Lord Dawson, who gave again: her Father’s difficulties – what go mad’. her similar advice’. Sylvester then

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 35 david and frances discussed matters with Frances Ste- distinct impression that the mar- gesture and make it generously venson, and ‘an instruction’ came riage plans had been dropped, in the and you will never regret it.29 to hand from Lloyd George that hope that Megan would then more ‘he would be pleased to see Olwen readily attend the birthday lunch. Megan had attended the birthday and her family and Megan, but it Megan had still vacillated, but had lunch believing that Frances had was understood that Frances would been won around, it would seem, by by now renounced the idea of mar- be there too’. Following this, Sir a long letter from Lord Dawson on riage, but this was soon to be proved Thomas and Lady Olwen Carey- 15 January: totally erroneous. Frances was still Evans decided to travel to Churt.26 determined to press ahead. On the day of the birthday, The birthday would seem to The family feuds inevitably a large number of newspapers offer an opportunity for a ges- persisted. The evening following carried long features on Lloyd ture because other members of the luncheon on 19 January, Lady George’s political career, most the family will be going down Olwen Carey-Evans telephoned notably the Sunday Express which, [and] there will be the occasion Sylvester to say that she had expe- in an article entitled ‘He saved us to carry off any difficulties. And rienced ‘a terribly difficult time last time; today he is 80’ by Bever- if the gesture were made it can- with Megan on Sunday night when ley Baxter, published an extensive not be doubted it would make a they got back. She cried inces- interview with him.27 The family great difference to your father’s santly. “Megan could not get over indeed duly assembled for lunch at comfort and happiness. If you the fact that she had been disloyal Bron-y-de as previously arranged make the gesture, as I hope you to Mummy. She said she would not ‘on the strict understanding that will, it must be warm and really go down [to Bron-y-de, Churt] ever Frances would also be present’, friendly in its quality. It need not again”’. When Sylvester interjected and it must have been a consider- last long, but you could make the that Megan ‘was very friendly with able strain on her to fulfil for the short time Miss S. was there an her Father today’, Lady Olwen first time the role of hostess of the occasion and then as it would be a replied, ‘Yes, but Megan is not house and to receive many mem- family party she would probably the same when Miss Stevenson is bers of the Lloyd George family go from the room on her own. about. I do not know what we can there en masse. Recorded A. J. Now I want you to listen to do about it now. I suppose we shall Sylvester, ‘This is the first time me. I both understand and sym- have to put up with it. Megan has the family as a whole have been pathise with your feelings and won hands down with the other there with Frances’. The elder especially those which surround thing, and we have to consider that’. grandchildren were serving in the your mother’s memory, but I am Pressed by Sylvester to explain this armed forces and thus unable to sure she would wish nothing but cryptic reference, Lady Olwen get leave to attend the celebrations. that the evening of your father’s continued, ‘Father has told Megan On their arrival, Lady Olwen, Sir life should be made as smooth as again definitely that he won’t marry Thomas and their son known as possible. He is in need today of her (Miss Stevenson)’. Rather taken Bengy within the family circle physical care and is likely in this aback by what he knew full well to had greeted Frances cordially and respect to become more depend- be wholly untrue, Sylvester asked politely shaken hands with her. ent in the future. Miss S. fills this Megan had her again, ‘Are you sure he has told Megan had ‘simply ignored her’. role and there is no one else at her that again and recently?’, Lady They had all taken lunch together, once fitted available and accept- attended Olwen still insisted, ‘Yes. If I can but Frances had tactfully taken her able for this duty. do anything to help him now that leave for certain periods, and the If it be a fact that what you the birth- he has promised not to do the big family photographs and the toast feared is off, as it appears to be, thing, I want to help him as much as had pointedly not included her. At it must in justice be said she has day lunch I can. I am sorry for Megan because tea Olwen had sat next to Frances, now made a great sacrifice and she is in a difficult position. I have with Megan seated ‘some distance from what she has said to me I believing got a husband and children, but she away’. Later on, a telegram in the think she has made things easy has nobody. She must, of course, Welsh language had arrived from and put aside the bitterness of that Frances make her own life, and stand on her Criccieth. Frances asked Megan if her disappointment. … You are own. Megan said she would never the sender was known to her, but not called upon to be a friend but had by now forgive Father for having Miss Ste- Megan had responded by ‘turning only to be kindly, in the way you venson there’.30 her back on Frances and powder- understand so well, when you renounced A week after the eightieth birth- ing her nose!’. There was general meet her in the capacity as a nec- day celebrations Frances Stevenson relief, however, on all sides that the essary helpmate for your father the idea of contacted A. J. Sylvester yet again: celebrations had taken place ‘with- today. marriage, out any open breach’, but, when Knowing that you were Frances phoned me tonight to Megan Lloyd George had returned brought up as a Christian there but this see if there were any news. I at to Du Cane Road, the house can be no question that you once tackled her on the question owned by Sir Thomas and Olwen should make this gesture. … For was soon to whether she was quite satisfied Carey-Evans in London, ‘She just it is a matter of Christian char- that LG had not made any new cried her eyes out, saying that she ity for your father’s sake. He has be proved and definite promise to Megan, could never forgive her Father’.28 changed his intention mainly for that he would not marry. Frances Not wishing to annoy his you. From my deep attachment totally answered that she was quite cer- younger daughter more than was to you I do urge you on the next tain he had not done so. (I am not necessary, Lloyd George gave the suitable occasion to make that erroneous. at all convinced of this: Olwen

36 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 david and frances

told me definitely he had so It is ridicu- [Sylvester’s wife] has always said many for her when it comes to the promised Megan, but I am not that LG will never marry Frances. I point’.35 going to be repeated as having lous’. wonder if she is not right?’.32 Six weeks later the marriage made that statement). There were genuine fears within took place – a civil ceremony at Frances said, ‘He is willing Sylvester the family that Lloyd George might Guildford Registry Office on to delay it for a bit if she would well not survive for very much the morning of Friday, 23 Octo- consider being friends with reflected, longer. Having visited Bron-y-de in ber 1943. The previous day the me. Once on speaking terms May, Sir Thomas Carey-Evans saw ever-dependable Sylvester had with me, he has an idea that the ‘Megan Lloyd George ‘change colour com- transported ‘masses’ of flowers to whole thing would break down. said that pletely, he looked so ghastly’. There Bron-y-de in readiness for the cere- But she has not consented to was precious little love lost between mony the following day. The even- that. No, I am quite sure that her Father Lloyd George and his only son-in- ing before the wedding, a highly he has not sold the pass. I think law: ‘I cannot get on with that old distraught Megan Lloyd George he has got in mind to put it off, said that he Bugger. … The more I see of him, telephoned her father at Bron-y- not because of Megan at all, the more I loathe him. He is not a de. A heated exchange predict- but until he resigns from the would never man’s man, you know’. He found ably followed. Lloyd George was constituency. I have come to Lloyd George conjecturing about away from the drawing room for the conclusion that the whole do it. LG had resigning his seat in the House of so long that Frances felt obliged to thing is governed by that and Commons and possibly accepting a go to find out what was happening. the political situation. Once he a different peerage and going to the House of Soon, she returned convinced that has no feeling that he has no Lords: ‘I think the Almighty will ‘Megan would make her Father ill’, longer to fight another election, interpreta- decide for him: that is my opinion, and asking the trusted Sylvester in plain words he does not care and that not very long ahead. He to intervene. He in turn found his for Megan at all. Until he can be tion. He has got some heart trouble. When aged employer ‘somewhat upset sure of that he has to take some he gets very excited he gets very and exhausted’, protesting loudly notice of her, and especially if knew he pale with strain’.33 to Megan, ‘But Gwilym and Edna he thinks she is going to cut up But Lloyd George did not agree and Olwen agrees. … Well, rough. He is thinking it over promised expire, although he was grow- my dear, that shows that you are very carefully. I am sure he ing steadily ever weaker and more thoroughly selfish’. At this point does not intend to stand again. Frances that frail, and the plans for an October Sylvester volunteered to take over I think that is the reason why he he would do wedding went ahead largely in the telephone conversation with is delaying it for a little while secret. There was very little con- Megan in order to relieve Lloyd I am quite sure, and I have no it. And there tact between Lloyd George and George of the obviously escalating doubt at all, that he does intend Megan throughout the summer of ‘pain and strain’ of continuing to to do it. He is thoroughly honest we are. This 1943. They very rarely even spoke argue with his ever more enraged about that. Delay may be dan- on the telephone during the long daughter. ‘Did Father hear what I gerous. It is taking a risk, but conversa- summer recess. Then they met at said?’, demanded Megan. By now one has got to take it. There is Westminster largely by accident on sobbing hysterically down the no alternative. I feel that Megan tion, and his 8 September, the occasion of a fare- telephone, she went on, ‘People is a little fool. She has got it into well lunch given to Ivan Maisky, will laugh at him: I could not bear her head that because it is not reaction, who was then retiring as the Soviet people to laugh at him, because it done, it won’t be done at all. envoy to the United Kingdom, and would be terrible. … He must do That is where she is wrong. I am convinced his wife. The lunch was given by this knowing what he is doing. … sure she has no guarantee. He is Anthony Eden, the Foreign Sec- It is ridiculous’. Sylvester reflected, playing a game with her’. (I am me of one retary, and his second wife Bea- ‘Megan said that her Father said sure he is playing a game with trice. The meeting between Lloyd that he would never do it. LG had both of them!). 31 thing: that George and Megan was shrouded a different interpretation. He knew in an intense ‘air of artificiality. … he promised Frances that he would The following day, Sylvester spoke he was he He [Lloyd George] is still leading do it. And there we are. This con- to Lady Olwen Carey-Evans, ‘She Miss Stevenson to believe that he versation, and his reaction, con- told me privately that it made it himself who will marry her, and the fact that vinced me of one thing: that he was very difficult for her because of Megan has suddenly come into the he himself who wanted to marry Megan’s attitude. “Anything we can wanted picture again has thoroughly upset Frances’. do to make him happier I think it is to marry his plans. Megan still thinks LG Returning to the library at up to us to meet him. I am not cer- will never marry again. He told Bron-y-de, Sylvester found Lloyd tain if Mother knew that it would Frances’. Frances that he had had a row with George to be still ‘a little upset’, upset her. It is not being disloyal; Megan!’.34 That very same day Syl- but soon he became ‘quite com- and I do not want to be horrid to vester was able to record, ‘I think posed’. By now LG’s patience was anybody, because it works on him. he has made his mind up. I think running thin with his younger The main thing is to stop him mar- he now intends to do it (marry). daughter. Indeed, he had become rying and that we have done”’. He never intended to do it before ‘rather annoyed with Megan and Concluded Sylvester, ‘In the light the end of this year, but he did not her attitude’. Before retiring to bed, of Frances’s conversation last night want to say so. The only thing is Frances telephoned Gwilym and his and now Olwen, I am convinced will Megan do anything violent? wife Edna who gladly confirmed he is double crossing one of them, She will do anything she can to that that they both still planned to and I wonder which it is. Evelyn stop it. I think he will be one too attend the wedding ceremony the

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 37 david and frances following morning. LG was truly At Criccieth just occurred. The house was cov- low or mean for him to do to carry delighted. Upon hearing this happy ered in the choicest flowers. Lloyd out his object. He would quarrel news, the bride and bridegroom and through- George was positively delighted with Dame Margaret like Hell, or duly retired to spend the last night to find Frances’s daughter Jennifer with Megan, and prance away in the before their wedding in the under- out much of (possibly his daughter too), who middle of his rage. When he went ground ‘dug out’ at Bron-y-de. had been allowed home early from abroad with his family, he did noth- Here Lloyd George, still perpetu- north Wales school, waiting for them at the ing but calculate how long it would ally petrified of the Nazi bombers, house. They toasted the bride and be before he returned’.42 Three days at least felt safe and secure in his the news bridegroom and lunched on home- after the wedding, Frances wrote ‘dug out’, but it was by any stand- grown pork. As agreed, Sylvester to Jennifer, ‘What a marvellous ards a distinctly unromantic setting was received then issued a statement to the Press weekend it was, made all the more for a couple on the eve of their wed- with intense Association, and Bron-y-de was marvellous by having you here, & ding day.36 soon bombarded with incessant watching your joy. Since then, we After speaking to her father and astonish- telephone calls from journalists have just been snowed under by then to Sylvester on the telephone and press editors. Most of these letters & telegrams, including one in this frenzied, highly agitated ment and Sylvester fielded, often claim- from the P.M., & General Smuts, state of mind, Megan had promptly ing to be ‘the butler’ with but lit- & many members of the Cabinet. telephoned her brother Gwilym incredulity. It tle first-hand, detailed knowledge … I’ve also had a magnificent 17th and pleaded with him at least not of the course of events. Jennifer century Italian jewel from Lord to attend the wedding ceremony. was recorded also pretended to be a secretary Beaverbrook – rubies & diamonds Eventually he yielded, and rang while answering the telephone. – it takes your breath away. I feel Bron-y-de at 8.30 the next morning that some She later recalled, ‘When I arrived quite overwhelmed by it all’.43 But to tell his father that he would travel at Bron-y-de, a comment I made Frances’s subsequent efforts to rec- down there only in the afternoon. traditional to one of the genuine secretaries, oncile with Megan predictably fell In spite of this intense disappoint- that Frances’s bed had disappeared on stony ground. ment and setback, Sylvester found Lloyd George from her bedroom, was received Indeed at Criccieth and through- Lloyd George to be ‘fit and spar- with lascivious giggles. As Taid out much of north Wales the news kling’ on the morning of the wed- supporters was 80 and my mother 55 (and I 13) was received with intense aston- ding – ‘Yes, I am going to do it, so I had not thought of the marriage ishment and incredulity. It was now you know what you are down in the con- in terms of sex’.39 Frances rather recorded that some traditional here for!’. Only Sylvester and Franc- excitedly practised her new sig- Lloyd George supporters in the es’s younger sister Muriel Stevenson stituency nature as ‘Frances Lloyd George’. constituency and beyond had sim- attended the wedding ceremony and beyond Then Gwilym and Edna arrived ply broken down and wept on and acted as witnesses at Arlington at the house as expected, Gwilym hearing of the second marriage. House, the registry office at Guild- had simply asserting that Megan had been After all Dame Margaret had been ford. The press was excluded. The ‘much upset and he had had a very deeply revered in the area, and the little party then drove back to Bron- broken down bad time with her’. After taking very idea of a second marriage was y-de via the Punch Bowl, Lloyd tea, he shook hands with his father viewed as sacrilege and a betrayal. George looking ‘immensely happy’. and wept on but pointedly did not congratulate But Lloyd George, based at Bron- ‘The autumn tints of brown and red him on his marriage, confirm- y-de, Churt, and now aged almost of the trees in the great Bowl and hearing of ing Sylvester’s by now deeply held eighty-one years, was not inclined beyond, and the rolling hills up to view that here was indeed ‘a funny to worry overmuch. the Hogs Back looked wonderful. the second family’. 40 And the sun shone through a rather The marriage was noted widely Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior Archivist angry sky’.37 When she came to pen marriage. in the daily and Sunday newspa- and Head of the Welsh Political Archive her own memoirs more than twenty pers.41 Megan told her sister Olwen at the National Library of Wales, years later in the mid-1960s, Frances and her husband that the marriage Aberystwyth recalled vividly, ‘L.G. was looking was now ‘a closed door, and she was gay and handsome, and after the going to stand on her own feet’. 1 National Library of Wales (hereafter ceremony we drove up to Hind- Reflected Sylvester, ‘I personally NLW), A. J. Sylvester Papers A50, head around the Punch Bowl. Then never thought she would do any- diary entry for 20 January 1941. L.G. told the chauffeur to drive thing silly such as doing away with 2 Ibid., diary entry for 21 January 1941. to the farm office and introduced herself as she has sometimes indi- 3 Thelma Cazalet-Keir, From the Wings: me to the manager as “Mrs Lloyd cated’. He went on, ‘I feel that he an Autobiography (Bodley Head, 1967), George”. The whole countryside [Lloyd George] is an exceedingly p. 47. was bathed in sunshine, as was my lucky man. The Gods are certainly 4 See the funeral reports in the Car- heart, and a deep contentment pos- with him to a most remarkable narvon and Denbigh Herald and in the sessed me; contentment, but not the degree. In somewhat similar cir- North Wales Observer, both dated 24 thrills of the usual bride. Our real cumstances King Edward VIII was January 1941. marriage had taken place thirty dethroned. LG is elevated. He has 5 NLW, A. J. Sylvester Papers A50, years before’.38 lived a life of duplicity. He has got diary entry for 23 January 1941. On their return to Bron-y-de, clean away with it. When he went to 6 Ibid., diary entry for 9 February 1941. Lloyd George stopped to inform Criccieth to stay with Dame Mar- 7 Even after Lloyd George and Frances Mr Withers, the estate manager, garet, he was fretting to get back to had returned to live at Ty Newydd, of the exciting event which had Frances and Churt: nothing was too Llanystumdwy in September 1944,

38 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 david and frances

Sarah Jones still had not forgiven 13 Lady Olwen Carey-Evans, Lloyd 23 Ibid., diary entry for 9 December 34 Ibid., diary entry for 8 Septem- him for stopping the allowance George was my Father (Gomer, 1942. ber 1943. for Brynawelon in January 1941: 1985), p. 166. 24 Ibid., diary entry for 11 Decem- 35 Ibid. ‘I will not go [to meet Lloyd 14 NLW, A. J. Sylvester Papers A53, ber 1942. 36 Ibid., diary entry for 22 October George]. He stopped my money’. diary entry for 26 March 1942. 25 Ffion Hague, The Pain and the 1943. Under considerable pressure 15 NLW, Frances Stevenson Fam- Privilege: the Women in Lloyd 37 Ibid., diary entry for 23 October from Sylvester, she eventually ily Papers X3/1, reminiscences of George’s Life (Harper Press, 2008), 1943. relented, and, ‘There was a short Jennifer Longford, p. 26. p. 526. 38 Frances Lloyd George, The Years talk in Welsh. She told me after- 16 NLW, A. J. Sylvester Papers A53, 26 NLW, A. J. Sylvester Papers A55, that are Past (Hutchinson, 1967), wards that he had looked so dif- diary entry for 28 April 1942. diary entry for 15 January 1943. p. 272. ferent that she could not be other 17 Ibid., diary entry for 6 May 1942. 27 Sunday Express, 17 January 1943. 39 NLW, Frances Stevenson Fam- than civil’. (NLW, A. J. Sylvester 18 Thelma Cazalet-Keir, From the 28 NLW, A. J. Sylvester Papers A55, ily Papers X3/1, reminiscences of Papers A56, diary entry for 21 Wings, p. 52. diary entry for 17 January 1943. Jennifer Longford, p. 26. September 1944). 19 NLW, A. J. Sylvester Papers A53, 29 NLW MS 20,475C, no. 3172, 40 NLW, A. J. Sylvester Papers A55, 8 NLW, A. J. Sylvester Papers A50, diary entries for 7, 8, 11, 12, 13 Lord Dawson to Megan Lloyd diary entry for 23 October 1943. diary entry for 24 January 1941. and 21 May and 9 June 1942. George, 15 January 1943. 41 See, e.g., The Times, 25 October 9 Ibid., diary entry for 9 February 20 Ibid., diary entry for 28 June 30 NLW, A. J. Sylvester Papers A55, 1943. 1941. 1942. diary entry for 19 January 1943. 42 NLW, A. J. Sylvester Papers A55, 10 Ibid., diary entries for 10 March 21 Ibid., diary entries for 2 and 16 31 Idid., diary entry for 24 January diary entry for 25 October 1943. and 7 April 1941. July, 4 August, 23 October, and 1943. 43 NLW, Frances Stevenson Fam- 11 Ibid., diary entries for 24 and 30 19, 21, 23, 26 and 30 November 32 Idid., diary entry for 25 January ily Papers FCF1/2, Frances Lloyd April 1941. 1942. 1943. George to Jennifer Stevenson, 27 12 NLW, A. J. Sylvester Papers A53, 22 Ibid., diary entries for 3 and 8 33 Idid., diary entry for 23 May October 1943. diary entry for 3 March 1942. December 1942. 1943.

Liberal history quiz 2011 In the last issue, Journal of Liberal History 73, we published the questions in our annual history quiz at the Liberal Democrat conference in Birmingham in September last year. The winner was Stuart Bray, with an impressive 19 marks out of 20. Below we reprint the answers.

1. David Lloyd George 2. Shirley Williams, Crosby 3. Sir Archibald Sinclair 4. The Liberal Unionists 5. Colne Valley 6. The Tawney Society was named after RH Tawney who wrote Religion and the Rise of Capitalism 7. Lord John Russell 8. Elizabeth Shields 9. The Orange Book: Reclaiming Liberalism 10. Harry Willcock. He was the last person arrested for failing to produce an identity card in the UK in 1951. 11. 1959 12. Susan Kramer 13. Des Wilson 14. Name of pre-merger policy document; Thatcher’s reference in conference speech October 1990. 15. Liberal Prime Minister W E Gladstone who in a memo on his retirement wrote ‘What that Sicilian mule was to me, I have been to the Queen.’ 16. Gladstone enjoyed rowing at Eton and Rosebery requested that the Eton Boating song be played on a gramophone as he lay dying. 17. Alistair Stewart 18. All babies of the House (youngest MPs) at the time of their election 19. New Orbits Group 20. Dame Margaret Corbett Ashby

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 39 revival, based on the votes of a new class of young middle-class report professionals. This was a sudden, seminal breakthrough, not the start of a long hard slog to win seats one-by-one. Whatever Happened to ‘Orpington Man’? ‘So was Grimond wrong?’, Egan Liberal Democrat History Group meeting at the National asked. ‘Yes and no.’ In 1963 the electoral tide turned against the Liberal Club, 23 January 2012, with Dr Mark Egan and Liberals, leaving them with double Professor Dennis Kavanagh. Chair: Duncan Brack the number of MPs than in 1959 but fewer than during the Second Report by Dr Emily Robinson World War. To compound this lack of electoral breakthrough, Gri- his year, 2012, is the fiftieth just behind Labour in third place. mond’s hopes for realignment were anniversary of Eric Lubbock’s The candidate at the time, Jack ‘shattered’ by the size of Labour’s Tvictory in the 1962 Orp- Galloway, predicted that the Lib- majority in 1966. ington by-election. The History eral vote would double at the next That said, Egan noted the Group marked the occasion with election. As Egan commented, ‘this improved Liberal performances a meeting at the National Liberal prediction sounded unrealistic at in the Home Counties and in sub- Club, which asked ‘whatever hap- the time but turned out to be an urbs of Manchester in 1964. This pened to “Orpington man”?’ – that under-statement.’ supported Grimond’s intuition much-discussed new kind of voter Egan credited this improve- that the Liberals were beginning who was expected to change the ment to increased local activity, to gain the votes of opponents to party’s electoral fortunes. The and particularly the efforts of the the Conservatives in areas where speakers were Dr Mark Egan and local party secretary, Mrs Muskett. Labour was weak. Grimond had Professor Dennis Kavanagh. Much of this activity focused on also identified a new trend in Brit- Mark Egan, the author of Com- ward committees and local election ish politics – the increasing num- ing into Focus: the transformation of contests. At the 1959 local elections ber of voters who did not identify the Liberal Party, 1945–64, began the Liberals outpolled Labour for with either the Conservatives or by noting that although we are the first time, in 1962 they outpo- Labour. This was the reality of now familiar with enormous anti- lled the Conservatives and took ‘Orpington Man’. However, his government swings in by-elections, control of the council. vote would not come to the Liber- Orpington was perhaps the first By the time of the by-election, als as of right – it would have to be example of this, with a swing to the ‘thoughtful, dogged and very worked for, election by election. the Liberals of over 26 per cent. likeable’ Eric Lubbock had replaced As Egan concluded: Yet, the expected breakthrough did Galloway as Liberal candidate. The not happen. The Liberals did not party had also sent five professional Fast forward fifty years and gain the thirty or forty seats which agents to Orpington. Despite the Orpington Man might vote would have allowed them to hold party headquarters burning down for Clegg, Cameron or Blair. the balance of power, and to bring on the eve of the election, Lubbock Or Green in local elections, or about Grimond’s desired ‘realign- exceeded all expectations, turning UKIP in European elections. ment of the left.’ So, he asked, what a 14,000 Conservative majority into Orpington Man might choose went wrong? a majority of 7,855 for the Liberals. not to vote at all. Orpington Egan set the Orpington result in Orpington had become a safe Lib- signalled that British politics context, with a brief examination eral seat. This was such a shock that was changing, but not in a way of the Liberals’ increasingly poor the Liberal Party commissioned The result which would sweep the Liberals performance in both general and two internal reports on the reasons back to power. by-elections after 1945. This tale of for the success! was such a decline was broken by their strong While the leadership focused on Dennis Kavanagh, now Emeri- second place in the 1954 Inverness national factors, such as the seem- shock that tus Professor and a distinguished by-election, followed by similar ingly more ‘modern’ outlook of author on political science, was an results in Hereford in 1956, Roch- the Liberals in comparison with the Liberal undergraduate at the time of the dale in 1958 and eventually by a the Conservatives, the local party Orpington by-election. He recalled narrow victory in Torrington, also insisted on the importance of the Party com- how extraordinary the result in 1958. seven years of organising and hard missioned seemed and reflected on the panic The Liberal revival was, then, work which had preceded the vic- that it instilled in the Conservatives ‘in full swing’ by the Orpington tory. Egan quoted one local mem- two internal – as revealed by Harold Macmil- by-election in March 1962. In this ber who spoke of ‘faith, hope and lan’s Diaries. It was the fear that the solidly Conservative suburban canvassing – and the greatest of reports on Liberals were about to sweep the constituency, the Liberals had been these is canvassing.’ country, heightened by the Pro- steadily improving their perfor- Meanwhile, Grimond – ‘a the reasons fumo affair, that inspired Macmil- mance since losing their deposit visionary, an ideas man, bored by lan’s ‘Night of the Long Knives’. at a 1955 by-election. In 1959 the organisational detail and with no for the Kavanagh felt that the idea party managed to win 21 per cent interest in local politics’ – viewed of ‘Orpington Man’ was a rather of the vote – a result that put them the result as heralding a Liberal success. crude combination of PR and lazy

40 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 report journalism, similar to the more In many and were similarly based on reac- that was done in local organisation, recent ‘Mondeo Man’ and ‘Worces- tions against unpopular govern- the personal appeal of Eric Lubbock ter Woman’. Whereas parties now ways, Orp- ments and a divided Labour Party. and his strong roots in the local have recourse to sophisticated He concluded in agreement with community, and the historic weak- analytic tools which enable them to ington could the ‘ambiguous conclusion’ of Mark ness of the party in Kent – against identify particular subsets of voters Egan, reminding the audience which the later decline of Liberal on a range of characteristics, back be seen as that, although the core vote of the support could be seen as a reversion in 1962 the categorisation was more Conservative and Labour parties to type. straightforwardly geographic. Yet, the proto- declines at every election, the Lib- One audience member recalled the coming together of the new, eral Democrats are not well placed how he had been recruited to young, professional middle class and type of what to capitalise on this. Their voters lifelong Liberal membership by a the Home Counties suburbs did lay has become are less likely to ‘stick’ with them wine and cheese evening during the basis for later Liberal success. from election to election, their pol- the Orpington by-election. He Orpington was also, according the classic icy positions are not well known or emphasised the social aspect of the to Kavanagh, the forerunner of understood, they continue to suffer election, the personal support for two now-familiar electoral phe- pattern of from the electoral system, which Lubbock and the feeling of change nomena: by-elections as referenda penalises parties with an even geo- associated with the ‘Swinging ’60s’. on incumbent governments, and a Liberal graphical spread, and their growth There was a feeling of ‘sheer enthu- tactical voting. These have been the in support among young people is siasm’ which drove the Liberals ingredients of Liberal and Liberal by-election offset by the fact that this section of during this time. In particular, he Democrat resurgence over the past the electorate is least likely to vote. remembered travelling by motor- fifteen years. And they have very victory. He pointed to the 2010 general elec- cade up the M6 to Derbyshire, little to do with Jo Grimond. tion as evidence of this. where they were certain they were In many ways, Orpington could A lively discussion followed, going to win. be seen as the prototype of what with the many contributions from has become the classic pattern of a the audience stressing, among other Dr Emily Robinson is an Advance Liberal by-election victory. It was things, the importance of demon- Research Fellow at the School of Politics a forced election (i.e. not caused by strating successful administration and International Relations, University death), which gave the electorate in local government, the vital work of Nottingham. a reason to punish the incumbent party. Moreover, the Conservative government was itself unpopular. There was a third-party vote (in this case Labour), which could be squeezed. The Liberals had the momentum – following good show- In further search of ‘Orpington Man’ ings in Lincoln, Middlesborough The evidence re-examined and Blackpool, they were making headlines. Finally, a positive opin- By Michael Steed ion poll on the eve of the election allowed the Liberals to argue that the election should be seen as a ref- oth speakers at the History areas whose population had grown erendum on the government. All of Group meeting’s discussion most in the inter-war period. With these factors combined to provide Bof ‘Orpington Man’ referred just 12.3 per cent of the vote, Liberal an excellent opportunity for tactical to the wider pattern of Liberal support in the new Orpington itself voting. In addition, Lubbock was a voting in London and Manchester was unexceptional for the 1945 gen- personable candidate and the local suburban constituencies before and eral election; what was unusual was party was well organised. after the 1962 by-election in Orp- that this was quite a jump compared Like Egan, Kavanagh pointed ington itself. This note examines to the 9.3 per cent who had voted to the fact that, since the late 1950s, that wider pattern more precisely, Liberal in the previous general elec- the Liberals had been building and concludes that ‘Orpington tion (1935) in Chislehurst, the near- their strength in suburban seats in Man’ should be seen as an earlier est to a predecessor constituency. London and Manchester with no and more enduring component This was an exception which Liberal tradition. This was Betje- in the Liberal revival than has illustrated a rule. Although Lib- man’s ‘Metroland’, detatched from been generally recognised. The eral support declined generally any affiliation to the established phrase captures an important ele- between 1935 and 1945, the party’s political parties. Although the ment in the social changes which performance was extraordinarily party wasn’t yet winning seats in underpinned Liberal growth in uneven. For instance Orpington’s these areas, it was clearly breaking the Grimond era and were to make new neighbours also saw big jumps out of its Celtic fringe and finding a significant contribution to the in the Liberal vote: +8.4 in Bromley a new form of ‘Liberal Man’ in the party’s capacity to win seats by the and +3.9 in the reduced Chislehurst. suburbs. This was, Kavanagh felt, end of the twentieth century. Other newly drawn constituencies ‘the germ of the breakthrough that Orpington first appeared as a in the London suburbs also swung the party has made ever since.’ The constituency in 1945 due to a lim- dramatically to the Liberals. In surges in 1974, ’83 and ’87 were also ited localised redistribution. This 1935, the party had polled a mere particularly evident in the suburbs added 25 seats to the Commons in 7.5 per cent in the country’s largest

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 41 in further search of ‘orpington man’ constituency, the Hendon division well as new suburban areas around years of bad by-election results. of Middlesex, with 164,786 electors; Birmingham and Manchester; but During this decade, the only good its 1945 votes were 16.9 per cent and most stretched out of London – by-election votes were in Inverness 18.5 per cent in the two new seats of poetically, John Betjeman’s Metro- (1954) and Rotherhithe (1946). No Hendon North and South. land. Most of these voters lived in sign of Orpington Man there, or in Historians have conspicuously recently built homes, developing either of the two general elections failed to note this localised resur- new communities. Typically there (1950 and 1951); the only seats gained gence of Liberalism, simply seeing was no local Liberal tradition. in three-cornered fights were in the 1945 election as part of a con- Such voters had generally spurned Scotland. In its continued decline, tinuous pattern of Liberal decline; Liberal candidates in 1935 but the parliamentary Liberal party a contemporary history called it responded better to the platform became the more associated with ‘the Waterloo of the Liberal party’.1 that the party promoted in 1945. the Celtic fringe. Its pockets of local Overall, the Liberal Party did do This surely reflected the social government support were mostly badly in 1945, both losing seats and Liberal appeal of 1945, the shift in Pennine towns, where another seeing its share of the vote drop in away from the party’s traditional type of Liberal tradition lingered most of the seats it had fought in themes to its new Beveridgian on, expressed at Westminster in 1935. But most of these were in tra- message. The twelve Liberal MPs the form of Liberal MPs elected ditionally Liberal areas: the Celtic elected in 1945 were all from Wales through local Tory-Liberal pacts. fringe, agricultural constituencies or agricultural areas (often both); That makes the pattern of where Labour had yet to overtake but popular Liberal support had change at the 1955 general elec- it and a scatter of urban strongholds shifted massively towards newer, tion all the more intriguing. David such as Birkenhead or Middles- urban Britain. That was most Butler noted this as the first elec- brough, often seaports where the evident in the new-growth areas, tion since 1929 when Liberal sup- party’s commitment to free trade but the party also gained ground port rose, if slightly; but stressed had still meant something in the dramatically in some urban con- the unevenness of the pattern.2 1930s. In 1945 such traditional sup- stituencies where it had polled very Generally, the slight rise failed to port was still ebbing fast; yet as that badly in 1935, such as Reading (up match the loss already sustained tide ebbed, new support in newly from 5 per cent to 12.6 per cent) or between 1950 and 1951. Whilst built up areas emerged out of the Edinburgh Central (4.6 per cent to a handful of striking improve- political seabed. If we take the thir- 11.2 per cent). The post-1945 party ments in peripheral Britain (North teen cases where rapid inter-war at Westminster was thoroughly Cornwall, North Devon, Hereford growth led to redistribution in 1945 unrepresentative of what was hap- and Inverness) did bring the party which had had a Liberal candidate Orpington pening amongst Liberal voters. above the 1950 level, in other tradi- standing in 1935 (most did not), the by-election, However, for the moment it was tional strongholds, from Anglesey average Liberal vote rose from 12.8 March 1962 – the a flash in the pan. A by-election in to Dorset, the party’s support was per cent to 16.2 per cent. result is declared; Bromley four months after the 1945 ebbing lower still. Such rapid-growth areas the victor, Eric general election saw the Liberal However, Butler failed to notice included some seaside towns, as Lubbock, centre vote cut in half, a foretaste of ten an area of consistent, significant

42 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 in further search of ‘orpington man’ improvement which was to prove 1956–59 period suggests that the The long- and south-west England; some a harbinger of the future. Most social basis of the first Grimond by-elections gained by the fluke of constituencies with an improved revival lay more in the appeal of term par- vacancies, and then held by the hard by Liberal vote in 1955 had still Grimond’s new Liberalism to the work of the lucky victor; and most not recovered fully the losses of sort of people who lived in the liamentary recently some obviously university 1951. But among the two dozen newer suburbs. constituencies. But amongst the 57 exceptional constituencies where This was put to the test of the impact of are 86 lying in areas that qualified the 1955 Liberal vote exceeded the October 1959 general election. The for that special 1945 redistribution 1950 level, over half were in outer party only gained one, peripheral, ‘Orpington because of the huge growth in hous- suburban London or Manchester. constituency: North Devon. But it ing in the 1920s and 1930s. None of these had been areas of made striking advances in votes in Man’ was ‘Orpington Man’ deserves bet- traditional Liberal strength. Lead- the sort of areas where ‘Orpington only really ter too of political historians. Polit- ing this group of constituencies Man’ resided. The rise in its share ical change is not only measured were Twickenham (+2.4) and Orp- of the vote in Cheadle (+10.3) was apparent through the numbers of seats won ington (+1.9); there were also small only a shade less than that in North in the House of Commons. The increases in nearby Carshalton and Devon (+10.5), whilst Orpington after another unexpected response of women Richmond. itself with +8.8 was not far behind. and men in Orpington-type areas It is worth reflecting that this The average Liberal vote across generation. in 1945 and again in 1955 showed occurred before Jo Grimond made Britain rose only +1.8, but where that simple tales of Liberal decline the national impact he was about we can make 1955–59 comparisons From 1997 and of the party’s dependence on to. Clement Attlee was still leading in outer London the rise was +4.8 peripheral Britain were only part a Labour Party totally in hock to and in southern Greater Manches- onwards Lib- of the mid-twentieth century story. the trade-union block vote, whilst ter +6.8.4 The local elections of A new type of less class-bound and Sir Anthony Eden was brooding 1960 and 1961 confirmed further eral Demo- tradition-abiding voter had already over an imperialist nostalgia which growth in local Liberal strength in demonstrated by their behaviour was shortly to lead to the disaster of Orpington, so when the Conserva- crats have that some form of new politics was Suez. ‘Orpington Man’ was already tives precipitated the by-election, ready and waiting. From 1956 Jo stirring; or rather suburban men the seat was ready to fall like a ripe held several Grimond was able to harness that and women (so far as hard-working plum. something as the Liberal revival. party activists were concerned, Apart from Eric Lubbock’s per- of the sub- probably more often women), turn- sonal achievement in holding the Michael Steed, retired psephologist, lives ing instead to what most apparently seat until 1970, Orpington appar- urban con- in Canterbury, where he served as a Lib well-informed political pundits ently made little impact on Liberal stituencies Dem councillor until May 2011. He is a considered to be a moribund politi- fortunes in the immediately ensu- veteran of by-election campaigns starting cal party. ing years. A young psephological where their with Southend West in January 1959 Grimond became leader in researcher, writing immediately and including Orpington; he was Presi- autumn 1956, but already the May after the 1964 general election, advance was dent of the Liberal Party 1978–79. 1956 local elections had shown fur- clearly erred in dismissing Orping- ther small advances in the suburban ton Man so soon.5 Its Manchester prefigured in 1 R. B. McCallum & Alison Readman, belt, to be continued in each of the equivalent, Cheadle, was won by The British General Election of 1945 next three years. Since the Liberal the Liberals in 1966 – really a more 1955–59. (London, 1947), p. 243. Party’s historic base was so low in considerable achievement as this 2 D. E. Butler, The British General Elec- these areas, it took it several years was at a general election, not a tion of 1955 (London, 1955), p. 199–200. to begin to win more than a trickle by-election. Cheadle was the only 3 Brian Taylor in Keston & Hayes of seats. The first in the south-east urban seat to be gained without the ward, who is still attending Liberal London suburbs came in Bromley help of a by-election between 1935 Democrat conferences; his grand- in May 1957,3 next door to Orping- and 1983, and its main successor daughter Rebecca Taylor has just ton; the first gains in Orpington seat, Hazel Grove, was to be held become the Liberal Democrat MEP Urban District itself came in May again briefly in 1974. for Yorkshire. 1959. There were more gains in The long-term parliamentary 4 Calculations by the author based north London suburbs, particularly impact of ‘Orpington Man’ was strictly on constituencies with three- Finchley. only really apparent after another cornered fights at both elections, By then, the Grimond-led party generation. From 1997 onwards thirteen in outer London and three had secured striking parliamen- Liberal Democrats have held sev- south of Manchester. tary by-election advances, with eral of the suburban constituencies 5 Michael Steed, in D. E. Butler & Rochdale and Torrington in 1958 where their advance was prefigured Tony King The British General Election making the national headlines. in 1955–59. This produced a higher of 1964 (London, 1965), p. 351. These were both pockets of tradi- level of voting strength, activism, 6 These are four in south-west London, tional Liberal strength, feeding an presence in local government and so two on the southern side of Man- image of the party’s dependence on general credibility in these constitu- chester and two on the eastern side of such areas. Observations derived encies which in due course enabled Birmingham; it is debatable how far from parliamentary by-elections tactical squeezing of Labour voters. the latter pair (Solihull and Yardley) are of course always subject to the Following the 2010 general elec- belong in this group, as the growth accidents of where they occur. A tion, Liberal Democrats hold con- here of Liberal electoral strength is more careful study of the pattern stituencies that include traditional much later – but they are similar in of advance in local elections in the strongholds in Scotland, Wales housing and social history.

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 43 part of the press. The consequence was that many ordinary party Reviews members, wholly unaware at that point of the serious problems with Thorpe over a number of years, felt that the party officers had Portrait of a Liberal stalwart treated him unfairly. One such, Matt Cole, Richard Wainwright, the Liberals and Liberal Dr James Walsh, the candidate in Hove, tabled a motion of censure Democrats (Manchester University Press, 2011) to be debated at a closed session of Reviewed by Michael Meadowcroft the assembly. Cole tells how that Gruffydd Evans, as party president and Geoff Tordoff as party chair was a close political colleague popular with his parliamentary col- made formidable speeches telling of Richard Wainwright for leagues but was typical of his deter- delegates the facts of party life, but Ialmost forty years, from when mination to protect the party. As he doesn’t relate that Gruff, Geoff he recruited me to the party’s local Matt Cole emphasises, the decision and myself had privately agreed government department in Janu- did not come from any moralistic to resign forthwith if the motion ary 1962. I also need to declare an sensitivity – he had, after all, been were carried. Wainwright and interest, in that I was able to assist privy to the accusations against other officers were fiercely attacked Matt Cole in the preparation of his Thorpe for the best part of a decade but we wanted to face down the biography of Richard. It is a mark – but from a view that the intensity proposers directly. As it happened, of the thoroughness of his research of the public exposure of them was possibly for the first time ever play- that, though I worked with Rich- dragging the Liberal Party down ing the role of conciliators, Tony ard in a number of roles with vary- with its leader. Greaves and John Smithson got the ing intensity, and was a frequent The identification of Wain- motion withdrawn and the session visitor to his Leeds home, there is wright as the prime cause of ended on a procedural fix. a great deal in the book of which I Thorpe’s resignation had one tragic Cole’s biography is a very was unaware. consequence with which I was thoughtful work which deals sensi- Cole has divided his book into associated. I was in my third year as tively with Wainwright’s spiritual four parts, before parliament, out- chair of the Liberal Party Assembly foundation and the inevitable side parliament, in parliament and Committee and present at the 1978 political tensions it brought. He after parliament. While this divi- Assembly in Southport, at which accepted that it was not always pos- sion lends itself to a great deal of the unplanned arrival of Jeremy sible to take the moral high ground clarity in the narrative, it inhibits Thorpe had effectively hijacked the and that at times solidarity with an analysis of Wainwright’s per- proceedings. Clement Freud came colleagues was a greater necessity manent role across at least the first to me at the lunch break to inform three sections both as a sound and me that there had been a serious efficient chair of difficult party death threat against Wainwright committees and also as a party fixer and that, for his protection, I had to who was always quick to perceive arrange for him to speak from the internal and external dangers to platform rather than from the ros- the party’s political health and trum. This was wholly impractical, who regularly took action, usually not least because it would have been behind the scenes, to minimise the difficult to invent a reason why he damage. He was very surefooted was not following the established in his judgement and this enabled practice, and one could hardly give him to retain the party’s respect the real reason. and support. It would be difficult Richard was prepared to leave it to find an internal party election in to my decision and I got two burly which he did not top the poll. stewards to walk with Richard This role does not come out to the rostrum and then to sit on of the book as clearly as it might, each side of it, facing the audience. maybe because it was deliberately As expected, the speech passed exercised with considerable discre- without any untoward incident. tion. The one moment when he However, the suspected author of went over the parapet was when the death threat, a gay young liberal he decided that the Jeremy Thorpe from Guildford who had an obses- farrago had to be ended and used sive affection for Thorpe, commit- a BBC Radio Leeds interview to ted suicide some two months later. demand that Thorpe should sue for Matt Cole relates another inci- libel, and should do so immediately. dent at that same assembly which Thorpe was evidently unable to sprang from the necessity of hiding take such action and he resigned the internal party problems even from leadership two days later. Wain- the party membership for fear of wright’s action was far from being provoking a feeding frenzy on the

44 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 reviews than an individual’s conscience. He Matt Cole position, but we were wrong. He portrait of one of the Liberal Party’s did, for instance, some years later, was essentially loyal and pragmatic, postwar stalwarts, which en passant state that he had had great misgiv- has produced whilst firmly believing that the provides a great deal of material ings about the Falklands war but negotiators could have extracted a on the nature and vicissitudes of had stifled them in the interest of a highly better deal from the SDP, as well as the party to which Richard Wain- party unity. believing that, within the foresee- wright was so long affiliated. Cole’s thorough researches give readable able future, the innate philosophi- voice to Richard’s practicality and cal and organisational depth of Michael Meadowcroft was a Leeds City to his frustration with Liberals who and rightly the Liberal Party would see off the Councillor, 1968–1983, and Liberal depended on sentimentality. I had more superficial SDP. MP for Leeds West, 1983–87. He held forgotten, for instance, that he had affectionate Matt Cole has produced a highly numerous local and national offices in the sent me one of his typical typed portrait of readable and rightly affectionate Liberal Party. notes – usually on wafer thin paper – objecting to my quoting of a Rus- one of the sell Johnston peroration phrase, ‘As long as birds sing in unclouded Liberal Par- skies, so long will endure the power of the compassionate spirit.’ Rich- ty’s postwar ard chided me: ‘real Liberals realise Labour’s right wing that they have to come to terms stalwarts. with clouded skies and Original Stephen Meredith, Labours Old and New: The Parliamentary Sin. There are too many Liberals, in Right of the British Labour Party 1970–79 and the Roots of New my view, who share Russell’s senti- mentality.’ Russell wasn’t the only Labour (Manchester University Press, 2008) colleague that Richard believed Reviewed by Richard Toye to have insufficient depth – he cer- tainly didn’t cope with Clement Freud and he felt that David Pen- his book makes a useful con- always more complicated than that’ haligon’s disinclination to maintain tribution to the study of the (p. 37). In particular it is not easy a filing system diminished the Tpolitics of the 1970s, taking to trace a line between someone’s usefulness of his undoubted politi- as its starting point the idea that the apparent dispositions in the 1970s cal skills. right wing of the Labour Party has and whether or not they subse- His practicality was shown also not been sufficiently understood. quently joined the SDP. However, by the use of his skilfully amassed Its key claim is that ‘The parlia- even warring opponents had some personal finances. Having failed to mentary Labour right has been a things in common. One virtue of persuade the party to give a high more complex, heterogeneous and this study is its demonstration that priority to local government, in disputatious body than conven- factional behaviour was hardly 1961 Richard personally financed a tional accounts of a monolithic unique to the left. After he became separate department at party head- ruling Labour right or revisionist prime minister in 1976, James Cal- quarters staffed by Pratap Chitnis tendency would allow’ (p. 18). The laghan deplored the attempts of and, a year later, myself, plus secre- right’s intellectual divisions and small groups within the Parliamen- tarial support. Because it was sepa- consequent weaknesses, moreover, tary Labour Party to impose their rately financed it was able to keep were a significant cause in the par- views on the majority. In response, out of the regular internal party ty’s shift leftwards after Thatcher the centre-right manifesto group spats and was much more accept- came to power (which in turn declared that it ‘would be ready able with the Scottish Liberal Party triggered the SDP split of 1981). to disband the day after the [left- than the rest of the London-based These arguments are persuasive. wing] Tribune Group did so’ (p. party. By 1965 he argued that the Although the personal tensions 61), i.e. not at all. If the left was local government department had between the key right-wing figures often destructive, the right was not proved its value and that it should Tony Crosland, Denis Healey and always conspicuously loyal or help- be increasingly financed by the Roy Jenkins are well known, it ful to the leadership either. party and its councillors. This led would be wrong to put too much Meredith does a good job of to the formation of the Association emphasis on the conflicting ambi- dissecting the right’s divisions on of Liberal Councillors under its first tions of individuals at the expense the issue of Europe. He writes: ‘the chair, Alderman David Evans. of ideological factors. Jenkinsite core of pro-Europeans Matt Cole attempts to discern Of course, when one argues found themselves increasingly Richard’s views on the alliance for the existence of complex- alienated not just from the anti- with the SDP and on the eventual ity in Labour Party politics, one Europeanism of the Labour left, but merger of the parties but finds it is unlikely to go far wrong. It is also from colleagues of the parlia- difficult. He has to rely on close always possible to point to flaws in mentary centre-right who, anxious colleagues for what they had man- any suggested taxonomy, such as about party unity, refused to treat aged to draw out from Richard. between trade unionist ‘labourists’ the issue as an article of faith and Some of us who were very sceptical and middle-class intellectual ‘revi- as one that transcended the (tribal) about the alliance and who opposed sionists’. As the former Jenkinsite loyalties and adversarial character the merger believed that Rich- MP David Marquand comments of party politics’ (p. 94). The Jen- ard would be supportive of our in an interview for the book, ‘it’s kinsites were also divided from the

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 45 reviews more traditional/pragmatic ele- problems, especially after it lost its Richard Toye is Professor of Modern ments of the right by their greater narrow majority. Overall, though, History at the University of Exeter. concerns about trade union power, this is a sensible and interesting His most recent book is Churchill’s and this too formed part of the book that refines our comprehen- Empire: The World That Made backdrop to the foundation of the sion of an important period. Him and the World He Made (2010). SDP. In addition, Jenkins himself, increasingly detached from Labour, offered lurid warnings about the threat to freedom posed by high public spending; whereas Crosland, although prepared to rethink his own earlier hopes about the ben- Political theory and political thought efits of high spending, believed this position was extreme. The Duncan Kelly, The Propriety of Liberty: Persons, Passions and disunity, of course, was fundamen- Judgement in Modern Political Thought (Princeton University tally a product of the difficult and confusing economic situation that Press, 2010) Britain found itself in the 1970s. It is Reviewed by Eugenio F. Biagini worth remembering, though, that Labour kept the show on the road for a long time in spite of it. It was his is a challenging and He thought that the latter was Callaghan’s remarkable achieve- thought-provoking book strengthened by nineteenth- ment to keep his Cabinet together Twhich spans two disciplines, century ‘Higher Criticism’, with throughout the 1976 IMF crisis, political theory and the history of its rigorous analysis of the texts and laying the groundwork important political thought, using the latter demolition of the ‘mythical’ parts steps to recovery over the next as a tool to advance the former. It of the Bible. Green elaborated ‘[the] two years, although he eventually argues that ‘classical’ liberalism idea of the religious character of provoked the Winter of Discontent conceived of freedom as the sphere rational, moral action … [a] meta- by pushing his anti-inflation stance of man’s ‘appropriate agency’, or physical claim [which] can … be too far. ‘propriety’, understood as ‘the explored historically and contextu- The book is thoughtful, well capacity of individuals to choose ally through Green’s engagement researched and written in a clear between alternative courses of with historical biblical criticism style. I would have liked to learn actions … and then act on their and modern German philosophy a little more about the ‘parliamen- choices both in private and in pub- … through his assumption that tary’ aspect of the ‘parliamentary lic’ (p. 1). It involves choice, self- rational societies progress histori- right’. After all, the management restraint and judgment, the three cally towards a stage whereby the of the Commons formed one of essential components of a ‘progres- prerequisite of real freedom, legal the Labour government’s major sive or developmental, not fixed freedom, can develop’ (p. 255). or teleological’ understanding of Both for its emphasis on Prot- liberty (p. 5). It affects two dimen- estant Dissent and reliance on sions: the ‘quality of agency … [for ‘Higher Criticism’, Green stood which] one can be held responsible for what must inevitably be per- … as an autonomous agent’; and ceived as an ‘anti-Catholic’ defini- ‘shared or intersubjective judge- tion of Christianity. It was a view ments about the propriety of par- which had parallels with Giuseppe ticular actions, rooted in a common Mazzini’s idealisation of non-hier- conception of justice’ (p. 15). Using archical, non-dogmatic, rational such framework, Kelly tries to religion. Strangely, Kelly misses identify a middle course between the Mazzini parallel, and instead ‘negative’ freedom (‘non-domina- presents Green’s liberal religion in tion’) and ‘positive’ liberty (civic racial, rather than civic humanist or entitlement and participation). republican, terms: ‘Catholic coun- Using such framework the tries in general and the “Romance author revisits a number of well- nations” in particular, Green known liberal philosophers and argued, remained content with the economists, including John Locke, unreconciled character of religion Montesquieu, Adam Smith Toc- and morality’, an attitude ‘which queville, J. S. Mill and T. H. Green. stood in contradistinction to the The section on Green is perhaps the spiritual completeness craved by the most stimulating, partly because Teuton’. Green criticised the ‘Jesu- here the author engages with the itry’ which in Catholic countries question of religion (which the rest ‘“derationalised” the state from its of the book curiously neglects). position as the “passionless expres- Green was not a believer, but he sion of general right”, rendering it championed the civic virtue of instead the “engine of individual the Nonconformist tradition. caprice under alternating fits of

46 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 reviews appetite and fear”’ (p. 230). This somewhat difficult to understand was largely a caricature of the situa- his thought – including his secu- tion in the late nineteenth century, larised Protestantism – without when France, Italy and Spain saw reference to his models and sources vigorous struggles to establish the of inspiration. Finally, it is a pity rule of law on liberal principles. that Kelly does not pay more atten- However, Kelly’s interpretation of tion to religion, not only because Green is sadly more relevant to the of its centrality to political cultures situation in the early twenty-first in general, but especially because century, when it seems to provide the thinkers which he studies – a fitting epitaph forBerlusconismo as most obviously Locke, Smith and a system of degenerate democracy. Tocqueville – operated within By the same token, it is unfortunate an explicitly Christian definition that the philosophers considered of liberty and took the view that by Kelly are all British or French: religious freedom was essential to Italians and Spanish liberals would liberalism. have provided an interesting coun- terpoint here. Moreover, Green, Eugenio F. Biagini is Reader in Modern despite his eulogy of Dissent, drew History at Cambridge and a Fellow of his main inspiration not from Brit- Sidney Sussex College. He has pub- ish and French philosophy, but lished extensively on the history of Lib- from German idealism, and it is eralism in Britain, Ireland and Italy.

Judy’s story

Judy Steel, Tales from the Tap End (Birlinn Ltd, 2010) perfect family house which they Reviewed by Celia Thomas subsequently buy. The interweav- ing of political and family events, together with tales of the social and nyone thinking Tales from the party formally towards the end cultural history of the towns and the Tap End might be just of her time at university. villages of the Borders in Judy’s Aa light, gossipy book of Judy met David when they lively style, characterises the whole memoirs about David Steel and his were both students studying law at book. fellow politicians by a sycophan- Edinburgh University; but while The first political milestone tic wife should think again. This she practised briefly as a solicitor, Judy chronicles from her own point is very much Judy’s own story, working first as a Parliament House of view is the Abortion Act of 1968, proudly starting with her Orca- assistant, David chose politics – which David bravely pilots through dian great-great-grandparents becoming assistant secretary with the Commons, having come third who left for the mainland around the Scottish Liberal Party. They in the ballot for private members’ 1867. Their granddaughter, married in 1962. From then on, we bills. ‘At Cherrydene, I received ‘Auntie G’, is quite a presence are reminded not only of the main some mail directed at me personally throughout the book, starting political events since then, starting which either begged me to inter- with her crucial role in Judy’s with the Profumo scandal, but also vene or told me I was married to childhood when she and her three the early by-elections – particularly Herod.’ She sets out the arguments siblings were left by their parents crucial to Liberal fortunes. Within clearly and succinctly concluding: who, for long spells, were working six weeks of the 1964 general elec- ‘Halting that traffic in women’s in West Africa. Although born in tion, when David stood for the first misery was no mean achievement Scotland, Judy spent part of her time for Roxburgh, Selkirk and for a politician who was only thirty childhood in Buckinghamshire, Peebles, the MP died suddenly, and years old when the Bill was given when her father took a job at a tim- at the subsequent by-election, viv- its Royal Assent.’ ber research laboratory in Princes idly described by Judy, David won Other milestones follow – the Risborough. Coming back from with a majority of 4,657. (‘“It’s Boy plight of Ugandan Asians, the school one day, she was handed David!” screamed the headlines, indecisive February 1974 elec- a leaflet by a Liberal by-election and I found myself in bed with a tion, the referendum on Europe in candidate in which she discovered Member of Parliament.’) Soon they 1975 – all interlaced with the life of that the party was in favour of, were both on the campaign trail the Borders – the Common Rid- among other things, a Scottish again for the 1966 general election, ings and the rivalry between the parliament. Thus at the age of ten during which time they met a con- towns, a potted history of many she became a fervent Liberal, so stituent whose brother Sandy ‘won of their friends, their growing passionate was she about all things the Border Burghs for Mr Glad- family, and Judy’s involvement in Scottish, although she only joined stone in 1886’, and Judy finds the the arts. In 1976 she recalls events

Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012 47 reviews

with 25 per cent of the votes, they great hits, and others failed – she is had only twenty-three seats, and as honest about her artistic endeav- David was keen to resign. Judy was ours as she is about everything else appalled, and she and Archy Kirk- – but what surely was successful wood talked David into continu- was that she used her experience of ing, although they agreed he should small political meetings in village have a ‘sabbatical’. However, after halls to inspire her determination the 1987 election, which precipi- to bring dramatic performances tated the formation of the Liberal about local heroes such as James Democrats, David did resign as Hogg, to those same village halls leader, and he and Judy took on the all over the Borders. enormous project of transforming a The whole narrative of the book derelict Border tower into a family is interspersed with poems by Rob- home with money from a successful ert Burns, James Hogg, Sir Walter libel action against the News of the Scott and others – and by Judy her- World. Later still, Judy is able to self. This is quite a strange thing to tell the story of the first election to do, but it works here and gives the the Scottish Parliament, of which book a very distinctive character. David became Presiding Officer, Judy is an accomplished poet, and having become a peer in 1997. I’m glad she did not refrain from Young people new to the party putting in her own work. She also could do no better than read Judy’s uses the device of placing a piece of potted version of this particular up-to date-prose – written like a period of political history which is diary entry – before recounting an concise and well-judged. event many years before, as though Soon after the general election worried that readers will become of 1979, Judy had her first encoun- quickly bored by the past. It does ters with the performing arts, mean one has to remember quite which take up more and more of hard which year we are in – and I surrounding the resignation of Jer- her life and lead to her member- could have done with more help emy Thorpe from the party lead- ship of the drama committee of the here. Even more curiously, there are ership, which ultimately resulted Scottish Arts Council. Sometime also a few recipes – both hers and in David winning the leadership of in the 1980s she became immersed those of her friends. the party in 1976. Judy writes her in the writings of the Ettrick All in all, this is a book to treas- version of the whole matter in a Shepherd – James Hogg – a cel- ure. It combines social history clear-eyed way. Being the wife of a ebrated local eighteenth-century and geography, autobiography, party leader pitched her into a new farmer, writer, novelist, poet and biography, political history, story- life, much of which she enjoyed – musician – eventually founding telling and poetry – all told with Wimbledon, overseas visits, royal a Borders Festival of Ballads and flair, humour, honesty and verve. I banquets – and about which she is Legends in his honour, and writ- didn’t want it to end. very funny. ing a play herself based on one of However, the ‘bumpy road’ his stories. The festival became a Celia Thomas worked in the Liberal, which David had predicted hap- fixture, for which Judy wrote a then Liberal Democrat, Whip’s Office pened all too soon with the eight- great deal, organising many of the in the House of Lords from 1977 to een-month Lib–Lab Pact, which events, and directing some of the 2005. In 2006 she was created Baroness caused such heartache for the party. performances herself. Some were Thomas of Winchester. Then, three years later in 1981, the SDP was officially launched in the wake of the Labour Party’s lurch to the left, and, a few months later, Liberal Democrat History Group on the web the Alliance with the Liberals was formed. The l983 election cam- Email paign, with its uneasy joint lead- Join our email mailing list for news of History Group meetings and publications – the fastest and earliest ership of Roy Jenkins and David way to find out what we’re doing. To join the list, fill in the form at: http://bit.ly/LDHGemail . Steel, was a difficult one – not least because of the ‘Ettrick Bridge Sum- Website mit’, convened to try to sort this See www.liberalhistory.org.uk for details of History Group activities, records of all past Journals and relationship out. Judy is charac- past meetings, guides to archive sources, research in progress and other research resources, together teristically honest but doesn’t shed with a growing number of pages on the history of the party, covering particular issues and periods in much light: ‘What went on around more detail, including lists of party leaders, election results and cabinet ministers. my dining table I do not know, for although Peter (Hellyer) and I Facebook page kept our ears to the door, we were See us on Facebook for news of the latest meeting, and a discussion forum: not able to make anything out.’ www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup Although the Alliance ended up

48 Journal of Liberal History 74 Spring 2012