The Media Campaign Stephen Ward and Dominic Wring

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Media Campaign Stephen Ward and Dominic Wring View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Loughborough University Institutional Repository 13. Out with the Old, In with the New? The Media Campaign Stephen Ward and Dominic Wring The 2017 General Election will likely be remembered as the campaign where the once dominant forms of TV and print journalism were challenged by digital platforms. This piece analyses this development while also acknowledging that social media networks do not operate in isolation from their more traditional counterparts and content is often shared between them. That said, digital networks did provide Labour Party supporters with significant opportunities to challenge and rebut claims made by the Conservative- dominated press during this campaign. A significant amount of this material focused on the merits (or not) of the two major rival parties and most especially their leaders. In comparison, other politicians received considerably less attention than in 2015. The 2017 media campaign was not expected to showcase the kinds of innovation or generate the many surprises it subsequently provided. Its unexpected calling meant there was minimal time for campaign planning. In media terms, the rival platforms were often portrayed as though they were operating in parallel universes. So- called traditional media, especially newspapers, were seeking to appeal to older core voters and seen as relentlessly negative, anti-Jeremy Corbyn and pro- Conservative. By contrast, social media was viewed as a vibrant sphere dominated by young, left-leaning voices with a heavily pro-Corbyn agenda. In the aftermath, it could be argued that 2017 marked a watershed moment, one where social media finally proved its electoral worth and the power of the press was significantly challenged. Intriguingly, the media election was not, however, solely characterized by innovation given it too would hark back to an era of two party politics. Thus the campaign proved to be a highly presidential affair dominated by both of the main parties and their leaders. These factors will be in turn considered in assessments of the role and nature of traditional, as well as social, media in this election. 1. ‘Strong or Stable’? The Tories’ Communication Malfunction It came as a shock when, shortly after the UK had agreed to invoke Article 50 to leave to the EU, Theresa May reneged on her earlier promise and called the General Election for 8th June. Although a surprise, the Daily Mail welcomed this as an opportunity to ‘CRUSH THE SABOTEURS’, a reference to parliamentarians opposed to Brexit (Daily Mail, 2017a, p1). Unfortunately for May, the supportive media coverage and consistent polling leads she had enjoyed since entering Downing Street were about to come to a dramatic end. May’s limitations as a communicator were exposed during the election. Her apparent discomfort and even robotic style became self-evident in the way she repeatedly recited the party’s initial advertising strap-line ‘Strong (and) Stable Leadership in the National Interest’ during her opening campaign appearances. Later, forced to deny she had performed a ‘u-turn’ over her manifesto’s so-called ‘dementia tax’, the ‘Maybot’ was increasingly criticised by media commentators and satirists who recycled the ‘strong and stable’ phrase to mock her (Crace, 2017). The Prime Minister remained the overwhelmingly dominant face of her party in news coverage terms (Scammell, 2017). The two rivals for the premiership dominated reporting of this campaign (Table 13.1). Significantly, in percentage terms the Tory leader featured twice as much in reporting of the election as her predecessor David Cameron had in 2015 (Deacon et al., 2015). That Cameron had, like May this time, been the single most prominent politician two years before underlined the even more highly personalised, presidential nature of the 2017 campaign. Table 13.1: Most prominent politicians (TV and print news appearances) Rank Politician % items 1 Theresa May (Con) 30.1% 2 Jeremy Corbyn (Lab) 26.7% 3 Tim Farron (Lib Dem) 6.8% 4 Nicola Sturgeon (SNP) 3.7% 5 Boris Johnson (Con) 3.6% 6 John McDonnell (Lab) 3.4% 7 Paul Nuttall (UKIP) 3.4% 8 Amber Rudd (Con) 2.8% 8 Diane Abbott (Lab) 2.8% 10 Emily Thornberry (Lab) 1.8% Source: Deacon et al., 2017a, p7. Despite her media prominence Theresa May refused to appear on live television alongside her rivals. Her strategists likely calculated that the Conservatives’ substantial lead in the polls meant the Prime Minister had little to gain from participating in face-to-face debates (Coleman, 2017). Although initially uncontroversial with most colleagues, May’s risk-averse decision might not have been so harmful to her reputation had other aspects of the ensuing Conservative campaign not proven so problematic. The Prime Minister explained her refusal to appear in leader debates was because she preferred to ‘get out and about and meet voters’ (BBC, 2017). But this claim was visibly undermined when May was subsequently filmed knocking on a door and failing to elicit any response from the occupant. When the Prime Minister did spontaneously converse with a voter in Oxfordshire it proved an uncomfortable experience in which she listened to complaints about government funding cuts to disability care (Shaw, 2017). Both embarrassments highlighted the obvious limitations of interpersonal campaigning, not to mention May’s stated reason for not participating in a media opportunity that would have reached the largest possible audience of voters. May’s refusal to participate in face-to-face leader debates rendered her open to the charge she was seeking to avoid proper democratic scrutiny. This perception was reinforced by carefully controlled ‘public’ appearances in which she spoke in front of supporters holding Conservative placards. This now familiar, but somewhat staid format, was increasingly criticised by journalists keen to cross-examine politicians about live stories rather than passively listen to their pre-scripted messages (for an earlier critique of this see Oborne, 2005). This tension was palpable in the questioning of a seemingly panicked May about her so-called ‘dementia tax’ in what was intended to be another routine controlled appearance soon after the party’s manifesto launch. Elsewhere even straightforward queries from a local reporter in Plymouth were met with stock responses from the Prime Minister during an awkward interview where the journalist likened their encounter to ‘a postmodern version’ of popular BBC radio comedy programme Just A Minute (Blackledge, 2017). Once the Prime Minister’s credibility had been questioned, particularly over the Conservatives’ apparent manifesto ‘u-turn’, every aspect of her self-promotion was more readily challenged. Her appearance on supposedly ‘softer’ interview programmes did not necessarily convey the impression she might have hoped. On primetime BBC1 magazine style The One Show May and her husband Philip digressed into talking about who did the ‘boy jobs’ and ‘girl jobs’ at home. Similarly, when ITV journalist Julie Etchingham asked the Conservative leader what was the ‘naughtiest’ thing she had done in her life, her surreal response was to admit to once running through a field of wheat when she was younger. The light-hearted questioning elicited responses that were further gifts for satirists and also offered a demonstration of how even the most seemingly innocuous queries could help undermine a politician’s image as a credible figure. 2. For Many Audiences Not a Few Journalists: Labour’s Media Strategy. There was a marked consensus among the expert ‘commentariat’ that Labour was on course for a major defeat in this election. The Financial Times’ political correspondent summed this up when he suggested: ‘One thing is certain: this is going to be a very bad election for a divided Labour Party and a weak Mr Corbyn’ (Payne, 2017). The reasons for the impending landslide defeat were the supposedly ineffectual Jeremy Corbyn, the party’s ‘lurch to the left’ and its alleged lack of credibility on key issues. Corbyn’s leadership abilities had been constantly questioned since his elevation to the post and were once again challenged on ITV’s Good Morning Britain only hours before the election was announced. Interviewer Piers Morgan compared his guest to Arsene Wenger, the beleaguered manager of their favourite football team Arsenal, in suggesting he too might want to consider his position so that the team could recover and progress. The ensuing General Election would prove to both a liberating period, as well as a turning point for the Labour leader. The campaign Jeremy Corbyn led confounded expectations, particularly among his many critics in the media, which had even included Labour-leaning newspapers such as the Guardian and Mirror. As the election progressed they were the only dailies that supported the party, as Table 13.2 shows. The overwhelming majority of national newspaper coverage remained trenchantly hostile towards Labour, rather than favourable towards the Conservatives. Table 13.2: Political allegiance and circulation of daily national newspapers, May 2017 Print Title Declaration Circulation Unique online browsers Daily Mirror Labour 0.65 5.41 Daily Express Conservative 0.38 2.05 Daily Star No declaration 0.43 1.02 The Sun Conservative 1.58 4.96 Daily Mail Conservative 1.44 15.37 Daily Telegraph Conservative 0.48 4.78 The Guardian Labour 0.15 8.47* The Times Conservative 0.46 Paywall I No declaration 0.27 6.58 (NB independent.co.uk) Financial Times Conservative 0.20 Paywall Sources: Mayhew, 2017a; Mayhew, 2017b; Ponsford, 2017. Note: *denotes figure for April This, however, temporarily changed during the hiatus over the ‘dementia tax’ when the focus of criticism briefly switched to the Tories, as Figure 13.1 demonstrates (see ‘Week 3’). Nonetheless the overwhelming bulk of commentary in the press was negative rather than positive, and most of the negative was overwhelmingly directed at Labour.
Recommended publications
  • Blueprint 2016
    6 6 Acknowledgments Online Components The digital version of this Blueprint has been This last year was unlike any other in that I spent one month of it on a writing optimized with links that enhance and deepen sabbatical courtesy of the Rockefeller Foundation’s Bellagio Residency the conversation around topics raised. To explore program. The work I did and the people I met there will forever expand my anything that is printed in bold purple, please visit thinking about all things digital and civil. Colleagues from Stanford and all our grantcraft.org/blueprint16 to access your free workshop participants at the Digital Civil Society Lab helped me investigate digital copy and to be connected with related many new ideas. Special thanks to Anne Focke, editor, and Foundation Center blogs and discussions. staff Jen Bokoff, Amanda Dillon, Christine Innamorato, Cheryl Loe, Erin Nylen- Wysocki, Lisa Philp, and Noli Vega. Big thanks to this year’s intrepid external lucybernholz.com readers: Jara Dean Coffey, John E. Kobara, Katie Marcus Reker, Anisha Singh pacscenter.stanford.edu White, Gurpreet Singh, Gene Takagi, and Kate Wing. Their breadth of knowledge pacscenter.stanford.edu/digital-civil-society pushed my thinking, and their editorial guidance clarified some of my text. I am philanthropy2173.com responsible for all remaining mistakes. © 2015 Lucy Bernholz. This work is made available under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 Unported License, creative commons.org/licenses/by0nc/4.0. ISBN 978-0-9847811-6-4 For more information, contact [email protected] and [email protected]. Copies available for free download at grantcraft.org.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Emily Thornberry
    1 EMILY THORNBERRY ANDREW MARR SHOW, 5TH FEBRUARY, 2017 I/V EMILY THORNBERRY, SHADOW FOREIGN SECRETARY Andrew Marr: We've been seeing this week the first signs of canvassers stumbling around the by-election centres of Stoke Central and Copeland. That's where Labour will hear a meaningful verdict on their recent performance. The Shadow Foreign Secretary Emily Thornberry joins me now. Emily Thornberry, 47 Labour MPs, including 10 front benchers voted against the whip or didn’t support the whip this week. Were they right do so? You have a remain constituency. Emily Thornberry: Listen, I know your narrative is, as you said at the top of the programme, that we are hopelessly divided. I really don’t think that is fair. Let me say why. The Labour Party is a national party and we represent the nation and the nation is divided on this, and it is very difficult and many MPs representing majority remain constituencies have this very difficult balancing act between do I represent my constituency, or do I represent the nation? Labour, as a national party, have a clear view. We have been given our instructions. We lost the referendum. We fought to stay in Europe but the public have spoken and so we do as we’re told. But the important thing now is not to give Theresa May a blank cheque, we have to make sure we get the right deal for the country. Andrew Marr: Absolutely, and I want to come onto that, but it sounds as if you’re saying that you understand the motives of those Labour MPs who voted with their conscience against triggering Article 50 and will carry on doing so.
    [Show full text]
  • How the TV Debates Were Organised in #GE2015 and Their Impact: the Full Story
    How the TV debates were organised in #GE2015 and their impact: the full story blogs.lse.ac.uk/polis/2017/04/19/how-were-the-tv-debates-organised-in-ge2015-and-what-was-their-impact- the-full-story/ 2017-4-19 I wrote the chapter on broadcasting for the Cowley/Kavanagh Election 2015 book. Here is the section on the negotiations that led to the TV ‘debates’ and their impact – for the full chapter and the authoritative record of all aspects of that campaign, get the book here! By Charlie Beckett, Professor in the Department of Media and Communications, LSE and director of Polis, the LSE’s journalism think-tank. @CharlieBeckett In this election broadcasting tried to reflect a changing political landscape. Television in particular was challenged to adjust to the impact of the smaller parties such as the Greens, UKIP and the SNP. Editorially, broadcasters had to cover a diverse range of issues of varying degrees of scale, importance and relevance to different audiences. All journalists, but most obviously broadcasters, found themselves limited in scope by the unprecedented levels of party stage-management. There were the usual concerns about delivering impartiality and information but perhaps the hardest task for the broadcast journalists was to fulfil their key democratic functions at election time: to engage the public and to hold politicians to account. The strategic reluctance of the main parties to conduct more open campaigns meant that the desire for dramatic broadcasting to match the significance of the stakes was frustrated. Like all journalists, broadcasters were also misled by erroneous polling to construct a false narrative around the relative success of the two main parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Survey Report
    YouGov / Election Data Survey Results Sample Size: 1096 Labour Party Members Fieldwork: 27th February - 3rd March 2017 EU Ref Vote 2015 Vote Age Gender Social Grade Region Membership Length Not Rest of Midlands / Pre Corbyn After Corbyn Total Remain Leave Lab 18-39 40-59 60+ Male Female ABC1 C2DE London North Scotland Lab South Wales leader leader Weighted Sample 1096 961 101 859 237 414 393 288 626 470 743 353 238 322 184 294 55 429 667 Unweighted Sample 1096 976 96 896 200 351 434 311 524 572 826 270 157 330 217 326 63 621 475 % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % HEADLINE VOTING INTENTION: Westminster [Weighted by likelihood to vote, excluding those who would not vote or don't know] Con 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Lab 92 92 95 92 93 92 92 93 92 94 90 97 94 90 94 93 93 89 95 Lib Dem 5 6 1 6 3 5 5 6 7 3 7 2 5 8 4 4 4 9 3 UKIP 0 0 4 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Other 1 2 0 1 3 2 1 1 1 3 2 0 1 2 1 1 3 1 2 Other Parties Voting Intention [Weighted by likelihood to vote, excluding those who would not vote or don't know] SNP/ PCY 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 Green 1 1 0 1 2 1 1 1 0 2 2 0 1 2 1 1 0 1 1 BNP 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Respect 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Other 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 © 2017 YouGov plc.
    [Show full text]
  • Conduct of Ms Emily Thornberry
    House of Commons Committee on Standards and Privileges Conduct of Ms Emily Thornberry Eleventh Report of Session 2005–06 Report and Appendix, together with formal minutes Ordered by The House of Commons to be printed 27 June 2006 HC 1367 Published on 28 June 2006 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited £0.00 The Committee on Standards & Privileges The Committee on Standards and Privileges is appointed by the House of Commons to oversee the work of the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards; to examine the arrangements proposed by the Commissioner for the compilation, maintenance and accessibility of the Register of Members’ Interests and any other registers of interest established by the House; to review from time to time the form and content of those registers; to consider any specific complaints made in relation to the registering or declaring of interests referred to it by the Commissioner; to consider any matter relating to the conduct of Members, including specific complaints in relation to alleged breaches in the Code of Conduct which have been drawn to the Committee’s attention by the Commissioner; and to recommend any modifications to the Code of Conduct as may from time to time appear to be necessary. Current membership Rt Hon Sir George Young Bt MP (Conservative, North West Hampshire) (Chairman) Rt Hon Kevin Barron MP (Labour, Rother Valley) Rt Hon David Curry MP (Conservative, Skipton & Ripon) Mr Andrew Dismore MP (Labour, Hendon) Nick Harvey MP (Liberal Democrat, North Devon) Mr Brian Jenkins MP (Labour, Tamworth) Mr Elfyn Llwyd MP (Plaid Cymru, Meirionnydd Nant Conwy) Mr Chris Mullin MP (Labour, Sunderland South) The Hon Nicholas Soames MP (Conservative, Mid Sussex) Dr Alan Whitehead MP (Labour, Southampton Test) Powers The constitution and powers of the Committee are set out in Standing Order No.
    [Show full text]
  • Press Freedom Under Attack
    LEVESON’S ILLIBERAL LEGACY AUTHORS HELEN ANTHONY MIKE HARRIS BREAKING SASHY NATHAN PADRAIG REIDY NEWS FOREWORD BY PROFESSOR TIM LUCKHURST PRESS FREEDOM UNDER ATTACK , LEVESON S ILLIBERAL LEGACY FOREWORD EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1. WHY IS THE FREE PRESS IMPORTANT? 2. THE LEVESON INQUIRY, REPORT AND RECOMMENDATIONS 2.1 A background to Leveson: previous inquiries and press complaints bodies 2.2 The Leveson Inquiry’s Limits • Skewed analysis • Participatory blind spots 2.3 Arbitration 2.4 Exemplary Damages 2.5 Police whistleblowers and press contact 2.6 Data Protection 2.7 Online Press 2.8 Public Interest 3. THE LEGISLATIVE FRAMEWORK – A LEGAL ANALYSIS 3.1 A rushed and unconstitutional regime 3.2 The use of statute to regulate the press 3.3 The Royal Charter and the Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Act 2013 • The use of a Royal Charter • Reporting to Parliament • Arbitration • Apologies • Fines 3.4 The Crime and Courts Act 2013 • Freedom of expression • ‘Provided for by law’ • ‘Outrageous’ • ‘Relevant publisher’ • Exemplary damages and proportionality • Punitive costs and the chilling effect • Right to a fair trial • Right to not be discriminated against 3.5 The Press Recognition Panel 4. THE WIDER IMPACT 4.1 Self-regulation: the international norm 4.2 International response 4.3 The international impact on press freedom 5. RECOMMENDATIONS 6. CONCLUSION 3 , LEVESON S ILLIBERAL LEGACY 4 , LEVESON S ILLIBERAL LEGACY FOREWORD BY TIM LUCKHURST PRESS FREEDOM: RESTORING BRITAIN’S REPUTATION n January 2014 I felt honour bound to participate in a meeting, the very ‘Our liberty cannot existence of which left me saddened be guarded but by the and ashamed.
    [Show full text]
  • Media Education Journal – Autumn/Winter 2004/5 ‘Invisible Journalists’ by Jenny Mckay, University of Stirling [email protected]
    Media Education Journal – Autumn/Winter 2004/5 ‘Invisible Journalists’ by Jenny McKay, University of Stirling [email protected] If you go into a newsagent to buy a magazine you’re likely to find around 450 titles to choose from. If you shop at one of the bigger supermarkets there might even be as many as 800. Yet this still represents only a small selection of the total number of magazines published in the UK. That figure is about 8,500 and can’t be precise because every year another 500 or so titles are launched. Some disappear too but the fact is that the UK has a large and lively periodicals industry publishing a huge range of titles to expanding audiences at home and abroad. These audiences tend to trust what they read in their magazines more than they trust their newspapers. Millions of magazines are sold weekly and almost everyone reads or buys one, or more likely several, at least on an occasional basis. This year saw the birth of two magazines which additionally represent the birth of a sector. Zoo and Nuts have found their young male readers and look set to thrive thanks, partly, to their multi-million pound launch budgets (£8.5m and £8m respectively) but also to the skill of their publishers in manipulating consumers into changing their behaviour. So now the UK has a men’s weekly magazine market that didn’t exist before, and that is ‘bursting with potential’ according to Sylvia Auton, chief executive of IPC Media which publishes Nuts.
    [Show full text]
  • THE 422 Mps WHO BACKED the MOTION Conservative 1. Bim
    THE 422 MPs WHO BACKED THE MOTION Conservative 1. Bim Afolami 2. Peter Aldous 3. Edward Argar 4. Victoria Atkins 5. Harriett Baldwin 6. Steve Barclay 7. Henry Bellingham 8. Guto Bebb 9. Richard Benyon 10. Paul Beresford 11. Peter Bottomley 12. Andrew Bowie 13. Karen Bradley 14. Steve Brine 15. James Brokenshire 16. Robert Buckland 17. Alex Burghart 18. Alistair Burt 19. Alun Cairns 20. James Cartlidge 21. Alex Chalk 22. Jo Churchill 23. Greg Clark 24. Colin Clark 25. Ken Clarke 26. James Cleverly 27. Thérèse Coffey 28. Alberto Costa 29. Glyn Davies 30. Jonathan Djanogly 31. Leo Docherty 32. Oliver Dowden 33. David Duguid 34. Alan Duncan 35. Philip Dunne 36. Michael Ellis 37. Tobias Ellwood 38. Mark Field 39. Vicky Ford 40. Kevin Foster 41. Lucy Frazer 42. George Freeman 43. Mike Freer 44. Mark Garnier 45. David Gauke 46. Nick Gibb 47. John Glen 48. Robert Goodwill 49. Michael Gove 50. Luke Graham 51. Richard Graham 52. Bill Grant 53. Helen Grant 54. Damian Green 55. Justine Greening 56. Dominic Grieve 57. Sam Gyimah 58. Kirstene Hair 59. Luke Hall 60. Philip Hammond 61. Stephen Hammond 62. Matt Hancock 63. Richard Harrington 64. Simon Hart 65. Oliver Heald 66. Peter Heaton-Jones 67. Damian Hinds 68. Simon Hoare 69. George Hollingbery 70. Kevin Hollinrake 71. Nigel Huddleston 72. Jeremy Hunt 73. Nick Hurd 74. Alister Jack (Teller) 75. Margot James 76. Sajid Javid 77. Robert Jenrick 78. Jo Johnson 79. Andrew Jones 80. Gillian Keegan 81. Seema Kennedy 82. Stephen Kerr 83. Mark Lancaster 84.
    [Show full text]
  • Women Mps in Westminster Photographs Taken May 21St, June 3Rd, June 4Th, 2008
    “The House of Commons Works of Art Collection documents significant moments in Parliamentary history. We are delighted to have added this unique photographic record of women MPs of today, to mark the 90th anniversary of women first being able to take their seats in this House” – Hugo Swire, Chairman, The Speaker's Advisory Committee on Works of Art. “The day the Carlton Club accepted women” – 90 years after women first got the vote aim to ensure that a more enduring image of On May 21st 2008 over half of all women women's participation in the political process Members of Parliament in Westminster survives. gathered party by party to have group photographs taken to mark the anniversary of Each party gave its permission for the 90 years since women first got the vote (in photographs to be taken. For the Labour February 1918 women over 30 were first Party, Barbara Follett MP, the then Deputy granted the vote). Minister for Women and Equality, and Barbara Keeley MP, who was Chair of the Labour Party Women’s Committee and The four new composite Caroline Adams, who works for the photographs taken party by Parliamentary Labour Party helped ensure that all but 12 of the Labour women party aim to ensure that a attended. more enduring image of For the Conservative women's participation in the Party, The Shadow Leader of the House of political process survives Commons and Shadow Minister for Until now the most often used photographic Women, Theresa May image of women MPs had been the so called MP and the Chairman “Blair Babes” picture taken on 7th May 1997 of the Conservative shortly after 101 Labour women were elected Party, Caroline to Westminster as a result of positive action by Spelman MP, enlisted the Labour Party.
    [Show full text]
  • — — the Way We Will Work
    No. 03 ASPEN.REVIEW 2017 CENTRAL EUROPE COVER STORIES Edwin Bendyk, Paul Mason, Drahomíra Zajíčková, Jiří Kůs, Pavel Kysilka, Martin Ehl POLITICS Krzysztof Nawratek ECONOMY Jacques Sapir CULTURE Olena Jennings INTERVIEW Alain Délétroz Macron— Is Not 9 771805 679005 No. 03/2017 No. 03/2017 Going to Leave Eastern Europe Behind — e-Estonia:— The Way We Will Work We Way The Between Russia and the Cloud The Way We Will Work About Aspen Aspen Review Central Europe quarterly presents current issues to the general public in the Aspenian way by adopting unusual approaches and unique viewpoints, by publishing analyses, interviews, and commentaries by world-renowned professionals as well as Central European journalists and scholars. The Aspen Review is published by the Aspen Institute Central Europe. Aspen Institute Central Europe is a partner of the global Aspen network and serves as an independent platform where political, business, and non-prof-it leaders, as well as personalities from art, media, sports and science, can interact. The Institute facilitates interdisciplinary, regional cooperation, and supports young leaders in their development. The core of the Institute’s activities focuses on leadership seminars, expert meetings, and public conferences, all of which are held in a neutral manner to encourage open debate. The Institute’s Programs are divided into three areas: — Leadership Program offers educational and networking projects for outstanding young Central European professionals. Aspen Young Leaders Program brings together emerging and experienced leaders for four days of workshops, debates, and networking activities. — Policy Program enables expert discussions that support strategic think- ing and interdisciplinary approach in topics as digital agenda, cities’ de- velopment and creative placemaking, art & business, education, as well as transatlantic and Visegrad cooperation.
    [Show full text]
  • Mason Why Its Kicking Off
    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Contact: Sarah Shin Publication: 23 JANUARY 2011 [email protected] ISBN: 978 1 84467 851 8 (020) 7437 3546 Tel: +44 (0)20 7437 3546 Fax: +44 (0)20 7734 0059 www.versobooks.com PRESS RELEASE *** EMBARGOED UNTIL 14 JANUARY *** Incisive grassroots account of the new global revolutions by acclaimed BBC journalist, published to coincide with the first anniversary of the start of the Arab revolts in Tunisia PAPERBACK ORIGINAL WHY IT’S KICKING OFF EVERYWHERE THE NEW GLOBAL REVOLUTIONS By Paul Mason Paul Mason is available for interview and comment. Why It’s Kicking Off Everywhere is available for extraction. • Major launch event at Southbank Centre on Thursday 2 February, 2012 • Our world is changing dramatically. Social upheaval has followed worldwide economic crisis and the gulf between the haves and the have-nots is widening. In 2011, this profound disconnect found expression in events that we were told had been consigned to history: revolt and revolution. • In this compelling new book, Paul Mason sets out to explore the causes and consequences of this current wave of struggle, illuminating the links between the economic and social crisis. Mingling with protestors in locations from Westminster to Wisconsin, Mason is a weatherman in a hurricane. In Why It’s Kicking Off Everywhere he reports from the frontlines of protest, through teargas in Athens and clashes in Cairo. • Blending eyewitness reportage with historical insight, Mason draws parallels with the revolutions of 1848 and uprisings of the early twentieth century, as well as more recent expressions of discontent including the anti-globalization protests of 1999 and Climate Camp.
    [Show full text]
  • TV Leaders' Debates
    BRIEFING PAPER Number 5241 , 14 October 2020 By Neil Johnston and TV leaders' debates Hazel Armstrong Contents: 1. Background 2. 2010 General Election 3. 2015 General Election 4. 2017 General Election 5. 2019 General Election 6. Do we need a Debates Commission? www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 TV leaders' debates Contents Summary 3 1. Background 5 2. 2010 General Election 8 2.1 Initial proposals 8 2.2 2010 agreement 8 2.3 The 2010 debates 10 3. 2015 General Election 14 3.1 The initial proposals 14 3.2 House of Commons debate on 11 March 2015 18 3.3 Ofcom’s consultation on party election broadcasts for ‘major parties’ 20 3.4 The 2015 debates 21 4. 2017 General Election 24 5. 2019 General Election 27 6. Do we need a Debates Commission? 32 6.1 E-petition calling for an Independent Debates Commission 35 6.2 Do they make any difference? 37 Appendix A – Key principles – 2010 debates 39 Appendix B – Programme format – 2010 debates 41 Cover page image copyright: Flickr image Parliament Week welcomes BBC Question Time to Westminster Hall Parliamentary copyright/Catherine Bebbington. NonCommercial 2.0 Generic (CC BY-NC 2.0) 3 Commons Library Briefing, 14 October 2019 Summary Televised election debates between party leaders took place during the 2010, 2015, 2017 and 2019 Parliamentary general elections campaigns. During the 2019 campaign there were, for the first time, two head-to- head debates between Prime Minister Boris Johnson and the Leader of the Opposition, Jeremy Corbyn.
    [Show full text]