DOCSLIB.ORG

Political Killings in South Africa the Ultimate Intimidation

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Political Killings in South Africa the Ultimate Intimidation POLICY BRIEF 64 | OCTOBER 2014 Political killings in South Africa The ultimate intimidation David Bruce Summary Recommendations This policy brief provides a summary of current information on the nature and extent of the problem of political killings in South Africa. There remains a need for better understanding of the problem of The province of KwaZulu-Natal accounts for the overwhelming majority political killings in South Africa, of these killings and in recent years these have been increasingly localised which could be enhanced by: to specific areas, such as the Umtshezi (Estcourt) municipal area, Ulundi A comprehensive analysis of and KwaMashu. Though Mpumalanga was also associated with these 1 the criminal justice response killings, there appear not to have been any in the province since early to the problem. 2011. Whereas during the apartheid period political killings took place Standardised data collection in a diversity of circumstances, they now tend to be targeted 2 on all possible political killings ‘assassinations’, though some also occur in other circumstances. and ongoing monitoring of the Available information suggests that less than 10% of these killings have criminal justice response to them. resulted in convictions. There is a need for in-depth research and a In-depth studies of specific better understanding both of the obstacles to a more effective criminal 3 localities such as the justice response, as well as why the problem continues. Umtshezi (Estcourt), Ulundi and KwaMashu hostel areas in order to understand the factors contributing to the continuing POLITICAL KILLINGS CONTINUE to be Related to this there is ongoing concern status of these areas as hotspots a feature of political life in South Africa.1 about these killings and why they still for political killings. In the post-apartheid period these killings continue in South Africa. More in-depth analysis have been concentrated in specific 4 into the political culture of provinces, notably KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), Comparison with political KZN and how this differs from and to a lesser extent Mpumalanga. killings during apartheid other provinces. This might Though these killings seem to have During the apartheid period political also provide insight into why declined in Mpumalanga since 2010, violence and killings took multiple forms. the province makes such a there was a pronounced increase in the The circumstances in which deaths took disproportionate contribution number of these killings in KZN over place included numerous open clashes to the problem of political 2011 and 2012. Political killings in the between armed groups, massacres killings in South Africa. province have continued to be reported in which large numbers of people in 2013 and 2014. were killed, as well as killings during POLICY BRIEF_POL KILL_PROOF 5.indd 3 2014/11/03 5:45 AM POLICY BRIEF demonstrations, disappearances (where senior apartheid era government leaders people were killed after being abducted have claimed that they did not authorise and no trace of them could be found), the CCB or Vlakplaas units to act as incidents of ‘necklacing’ and others. ‘death squads’ it is clear that these units Violence reached its greatest levels of aimed to promote the government’s intensity during the period from 1990 agenda of suppressing resistance. to the final days before the April 1994 However, most current day political election, with 14 000 deaths in political killings appear to emanate from local violence during this period.2 conflicts and rivalries. Most current-day political killings appear to emanate from local conflicts and rivalries In post-apartheid South Africa, particularly There is no evidence that they fit in with from the late 1990s onwards, fatal a more widely shared agenda. political violence generally takes the form of what appears to be targeted killings Defining killings as political of specific individuals, often referred to For a killing to be ‘political’ it must as ‘assassinations’. It may also include be motivated by or connected to incidents where supporters of a political contestation or rivalry, either regarding party are killed not because of any position access to political power, or conflict over that they hold but as a way of intimidating the way in which the individual targeted members of that party in general. Targeted (or a group aligned with that individual), killings were also one dimension of is exercising his or her political power. political violence during the apartheid era In terms of a broad understanding with the full number believed to run to conflict, such as that between unions nearly 4003, more than 90% of which took or even between gangs, may be political place between 1985 and 1994. At that even if it is not linked to political parties. time they included killings outside South Politicians themselves may also be Africa and internally4 and included killings behind the killings of civilians who by members of government security they perceive to threaten their power. forces and by armed groups aligned However in this policy brief the focus is with the South African government. on killings of people who are associated with political parties. Some of the units that were involved in these assassinations, notably the South In some killings of political office bearers, African Defence Force’s Civil Cooperation or others who are linked to political Bureau (CCB) and a police unit based parties, it later emerges that the motive at the farm Vlakplaas, were exposed in for the killing was not political in nature. the early 1990s. Dulcie September, Rick Ultimately a killing cannot be classified Turner, Griffiths and Victoria Mxenge, as political unless one knows the motive Matthew Goniwe, Dr Fabian and Florence behind it. Unless the motive become Ribeiro,and David Webster were some clear (for instance through information of the more well known victims of these revealed at a trial) it would be more 14 000 killings. Forces linked to the liberation accurate to refer to killings of political THE NUMBER OF deaths that movements were also involved in killings office bearers or party members as OCCURRED AS A result OF of this kind.5 ‘suspected’ or ‘possible’ political killings. POLITICAL VIOLENCE BETWEEN Many of the apartheid era assassinations However the available evidence suggests 1990 AND THE ELECTIONS were aligned with a centrally defined that many of the killings of political office IN APRIL 1994 common agenda. Thus, even though bearers and individuals associated 2 POLITICAL KILLINGS IN SOUTH AFRICA POLICY BRIEF_POL KILL_PROOF 5.indd 4 2014/11/03 5:45 AM with political parties are indeed political From a process of scrutinising and Mpumalanga in nature and are not merely random verifying publicly available data on The other province that has been most criminal acts that coincidentally resulted political killings in press reports and strongly associated with political killings in the death of a politically connected other documentary sources it has has been Mpumalanga. Approximately person. There is therefore a substantial been possible to identify 54 incidents 14 people have died in political killings and continuing problem of political of political killings (some involve two in the province since 1998. Although killings in South Africa though every fatalities) in the period from January 2009 the problem has in some respects ‘possible’ political killing is not necessarily to May 2014 in KZN. In the period from been fairly persistent, the total number a political killing. 2006 to 2008 another seven killings were of deaths recorded represents a small identified, bringing the total to 61 fatal The phenomenon of political killings fraction of those recorded in KwaZulu- incidents involving a total of 70 fatalities. overlaps with, but is not synonymous Natal. Three of these killings took place Though the killings are widely distributed with that of the killing of anti-corruption in 2010. This was the highest number in KZN, there are specific localities whistle-blowers. Some political killings recorded in any one year. One killing such as Wembezi near Estcourt in the may target politicians who are involved was recorded in 2011 and none have northern Midlands that are associated in attempts to expose corruption occurred, or at least have received with a relatively large number of the perhaps authorised by other politicians public attention, since then. killings. The Ulundi and KwaMashu who are threatened by these efforts. Other provinces Hostel areas have accounted for seven However, other killings of whistle-blowers Political killings have also become of the 12 fatal incidents (resulting in do not target people connected to a prominent issue in North West in 14 deaths) in KwaZulu-Natal between political parties. recent years. Killings in North West January 2013 and May 2014. have included that of anti-corruption Distribution of political However information from political whistleblower and Rustenburg ANC killings in post-apartheid parties suggests that this total is not councillor Moss Phakoe in March 2009, South Africa comprehensive and that the total number and that of an ANC regional secretary, During much of the post-apartheid period of deaths in political killings in the period Obuti Chika, in December 2012. there has been no sustained monitoring from 2003 to 2013 numbers over 100 Shortly before Chika’s assassination of this phenomenon of political killings. with over 50% of this number having there was also an attempt on the life of As a result there is no comprehensive occurred over 2011 and 2012. One of the ANC provincial secretary. In June information on the problem. The picture the factors that sparked the increase 2014, there was an apparent attempt of political killings that is presented in in killings was clearly the launch of the on the life of a member of the this policy brief is based on recent research into the phenomenon.6 Other than during 2011 and 2012, the highest KwaZulu-Natal More than 90% of political killings in number of political killings in KwaZulu-Natal since post-apartheid South Africa have been 2003 was in 2009 in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
    VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United
    [Show full text]
  • Law and Post-Apartheid South Africa
    Fordham International Law Journal Volume 12, Issue 3 1988 Article 2 Law and Post-Apartheid South Africa Winston P. Nagan∗ ∗ Copyright c 1988 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Law and Post-Apartheid South Africa Winston P. Nagan Abstract This Article examines South African perspectives on the legal system within South Africa post-Apartheid, in particular the new focus on human rights. LAW AND POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICAt Winston P. Nagan* Introduction ............................................ 400 I. Law and the Unjust State ........................ 402 II. Post-Colonialism and the South African State .... 404 III. Theoretical Concerns About the Problem of P ow er ........................................... 406 IV. The Relevance of the Power Process to Constitutional Law ............................... 408 V. Conflict-Consensus, Pluralism, and the Constitutive Process ............................. 409 VI. Changes in the South African Power Process as Indicators of a Trend Towards an Alternative Legal O rder ..................................... 413 VII. The South African Power Processes .............. 413 VIII. Prescription as a Norm-Generating Process ...... 415 IX. Trends in Constitutive Expectations About Liberation and Human Rights in South Africa ... 418 A. The Altantic Charter ........................ 418 B. The Freedom Charter (1955) ................ 421 C. The UDF Declaration ...................... 425 D. Constitutional Guidelines for a Democratic South A frica ................................ 427 X . A ppraisal ........................................ 433 The Struggle and the Future Legal Order: Concluding Considerations ............... ......... 436 Appendix A: The Freedom Charter .................... 439 t This Article is based on a speech that was given at the University of Pittsburgh on March 18, 1988. The views expressed are personal to the author. * Professor of I.aw, University of Florida.
    [Show full text]
  • Anti·Apartheid
    FREE anti·apartheid iACTION! October 1985 BAY AREA FREE SOUTH AFRICA MOVEMENT No.4 BAFSAM Opposes Trade With Apartheid On October 8, the Bay Area Free South Africa Movement (BAFSAM) met with the Oakland Port Commission to demand that the Port of Oakland forbid the handling of both incoming and outgoing trade with South Africa. The struggle to get the Port Commis­ sioners to agree to this demand is part and parcel of an international call to break all diplomatic, economic and cul­ tural ties with the apartheid (racially­ segregated) regime. The call for breaking these ties with South Africa has been made by the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) and other black trade unions. It has been endorsed by the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), the World Fed­ eration of.Trade Unions (WFTU) and the International Labor Organization of the United Nations (!LO). Given that the United States is South Africa's number one trading partner, the BAFSAM has always stressed the importance of cutting off trade relations with the South African regime. the BAFSAM joins with the workers and community activists of New Orleans, Vancouver, B.C., Los Angeles, Tacoma, and Vancouver in Washington state, and picket line at the Oakland offices of the SAM, along with representatives from San Francisco who have refused to Pacific Maritime Association, and mon­ 20 other community organizations and unload or have delayed unloading itored and picketed other incoming trade unions, attended the West Coast South African car_go. ofteh risking vio­ ships laden with South African goods. Meeting to Stop South African Trade.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Annual General Meeting
    Annual General Meeting 2018 ONEBarloworld creating value About Barloworld Barloworld is a distributor of leading international brands providing integrated rental, fleet management, product support and logistics solutions. The core divisions of the group comprise Equipment (earthmoving and power systems) Automotive (car rental, motor retail, fleet services, used vehicles and disposal solutions) and Logistics (logistics management and supply chain optimisation). We offer flexible, value adding, integrated business solutions to our customers backed by leading global brands. The brands we represent on behalf of our principals include Caterpillar, Avis, Budget, Audi, BMW, Ford, Mazda, Mercedes-Benz, Toyota, Volkswagen and others. Barloworld has a proven track record of long-term relationships with global principals and customers. We have an ability to develop and grow businesses in multiple geographies including challenging territories with high growth prospects. One of our core competencies is an ability to leverage systems and best practices across our chosen business segments. As an organisation we are committed to sustainable development and playing a leading role in empowerment and transformation. The company was founded in 1902 and currently has operations in 16 countries around the world with approximately 79% of just over 17 400 employees in South Africa. The integrated report 2018 and a full set of supplementary reporting documents are available online at www.barloworld.com Contents IFC About 2 Our board 4 Notice of 11 Shareholders’
    [Show full text]
  • The Matola Raid 2
    THE MATOLA RAID 2. The people The human toll The Matola Raid caused the deaths of some 20 people. Thirteen ANC cadres were killed or mortally wounded. Five other cadres were abducted, and at least one was subjected to prolonged torture, then executed. For the cadres’ families, uncertainty and grief were compounded by Apartheid state prohibitions on attending the funeral in Maputo. A Portuguese citizen – an electrical engineer helping Mozambique’s power supply agency – drove accidentally into one of the raiders’ roadblocks, and was shot dead. ________________ The fate of the abductees The raiders abducted four ANC cadres: Selby Vuyani Mavuso, Thibe Ntsekang, Albert Mahutso and David Thobela. During post-Apartheid South Africa’s Truth & Reconciliation hearings, Mavuso’s fate was revealed. After continually refusing to succumb to interrogation, he had been handed over to the notorious “Vlakplaas” unit, tortured, and killed. Ntsekang is also believed to have been sent to “Vlakplaas” where he became an “askari” – an informant for the apartheid regime. Mahutso survived and is believed to have died in August 2013. Nothing is known of his life after his abduction in 1981. Thobela resurfaced in Mozambique some years after the raid. The circumstances of his release were mysterious, and his former comrades dissociated themselves from him. While many believed that ANC cadre Collin Khumalo was also abducted during the Matola Raid, recent evidence shows that he was in fact captured by the Security Police at Bhunye police station in Swaziland in 1984, and not at Matola in 1981. _________ Profiling the deceased cadres Some of the ANC cadres who died in the Matola Raid were charismatic leaders, whose deeds and personalities are on historical record.
    [Show full text]
  • Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report
    VOLUME THREE Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Introduction to Regional Profiles ........ 1 Appendix: National Chronology......................... 12 Chapter 2 REGIONAL PROFILE: Eastern Cape ..................................................... 34 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Eastern Cape........................................................... 150 Chapter 3 REGIONAL PROFILE: Natal and KwaZulu ........................................ 155 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in Natal, KwaZulu and the Orange Free State... 324 Chapter 4 REGIONAL PROFILE: Orange Free State.......................................... 329 Chapter 5 REGIONAL PROFILE: Western Cape.................................................... 390 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Western Cape ......................................................... 523 Chapter 6 REGIONAL PROFILE: Transvaal .............................................................. 528 Appendix: Statistics on Violations in the Transvaal ......................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Between States of Emergency
    BETWEEN STATES OF EMERGENCY PHOTOGRAPH © PAUL VELASCO WE SALUTE THEM The apartheid regime responded to soaring opposition in the and to unban anti-apartheid organisations. mid-1980s by imposing on South Africa a series of States of The 1985 Emergency was imposed less than two years after the United Emergency – in effect martial law. Democratic Front was launched, drawing scores of organisations under Ultimately the Emergency regulations prohibited photographers and one huge umbrella. Intending to stifle opposition to apartheid, the journalists from even being present when police acted against Emergency was first declared in 36 magisterial districts and less than a protesters and other activists. Those who dared to expose the daily year later, extended to the entire country. nationwide brutality by security forces risked being jailed. Many Thousands of men, women and children were detained without trial, photographers, journalists and activists nevertheless felt duty-bound some for years. Activists were killed, tortured and made to disappear. to show the world just how the iron fist of apartheid dealt with The country was on a knife’s edge and while the state wanted to keep opposition. the world ignorant of its crimes against humanity, many dedicated The Nelson Mandela Foundation conceived this exhibition, Between journalists shone the spotlight on its actions. States of Emergency, to honour the photographers who took a stand On 28 August 1985, when thousands of activists embarked on a march against the atrocities of the apartheid regime. Their work contributed to the prison to demand Mandela’s release, the regime reacted swiftly to increased international pressure against the South African and brutally.
    [Show full text]
  • UCT PRESS Catalogue 2018/19 2018/19 Contents
    UCT PRESS catalogue 2018/19 2018/19 contents 3 Introduction 44 Author index 4 New titles 45 Title index 11 Forthcoming titles 47 Contact us 18 Recent backlist 47 Marketing and sales 19 Cultural studies 19 Development studies 20 Economics 21 Health 22 History 24 Law 24 Literature and language 25 Natural sciences 25 Philosophy 26 Politics and security 27 Research skills 28 Urban studies 29 Backlist 30 African studies 30 Business and management 31 Cultural studies 31 Development studies 32 Economics 33 Environmental studies 34 Gender studies 34 Health 35 History 37 Law 38 Literature and language 39 Natural sciences 39 Politics and security 41 Psychology 42 Public administration 42 Research skills 43 Urban studies introduction 3 introduction UCT Press is committed to publishing high-quality, peer- reviewed monographs, scholarly publications with trade potential, and original research works in the area of the broad Humanities with an African perspective. We publish in print and digital formats and support open access delivery in principle. UCT Press endeavours to be the preferred university press for academic authors on the African continent. Titles for publication under the UCT Press imprint are approved by the UCT Press Editorial Board, which comprises faculty members of the University of Cape Town, the leading university in Africa. UCT Press is owned by Juta and Company (Pty) Limited. We routinely report to authors’ affiliated institutions on the peer- review process to facilitate application for DHET accreditation and subsidy. The prices indicated reflect those at July 2018. new titles 2018/19 new titles 5 Building a Capable State Service delivery in post-apartheid South Africa I Palmer, N Moodley & S Parnell ‘The authors present a rich, comprehensive but sober analysis of progress achieved by the South African public sector in the two decades after apartheid.
    [Show full text]
  • Sechaba, Vol. 24, No. 4
    Sechaba, Vol. 24, No. 4. Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org/. Page 1 of 38 Alternative title Sechaba Author/Creator African National Congress (Lusaka, Zambia) Publisher African National Congress (Lusaka, Zambia) Date 1990-04 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1990 Source Digital Imaging South Africa (DISA) Rights By kind permission of the African National Congress (ANC). Format extent 35 page(s) (length/size) Page 2 of 38 SECHABAAPRIL 1990official organ of the african national
    [Show full text]
  • Practical Solidarity : Connections Between Swedish Social Democratic Women and Women in the African National Congress of South Africa, 1960-1994
    ORBIT-OnlineRepository ofBirkbeckInstitutionalTheses Enabling Open Access to Birkbeck’s Research Degree output Practical solidarity : connections between Swedish social democratic women and women in the African National Congress of South Africa, 1960-1994 https://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/id/eprint/40170/ Version: Full Version Citation: Lundin, Emma Elinor (2016) Practical solidarity : connections between Swedish social democratic women and women in the African National Congress of South Africa, 1960-1994. [Thesis] (Unpublished) c 2020 The Author(s) All material available through ORBIT is protected by intellectual property law, including copy- right law. Any use made of the contents should comply with the relevant law. Deposit Guide Contact: email Practical Solidarity: Connections Between Swedish Social Democratic Women and Women in the African National Congress of South Africa, 1960-1994 Emma Elinor Lundin Department of History, Classics & Archaeology Birkbeck, University of London Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) July 2015 I declare that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Emma Elinor Lundin ABSTRACT This thesis discusses the struggle to increase women’s participation in public and political life by focusing on the activism of women within the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) and the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) from 1960 until 1994. It argues that internationalism was key to these women’s success, providing them with a source of support and funding as well as a stage to develop policies away from overwhelmingly patriarchal national settings. Creating and steering political trends and discussions in international fora, and bolstered by the approval of others in the international community, the women who feature here gained a foot in the door of power and created environments conducive to their presence, abilities and voices.
    [Show full text]
  • Trauma and Competing Rights in Post-Apartheid South Africa
    Spear/Smear/Tear of the Nation: Trauma and Competing Rights in Post-Apartheid South Africa The Cry Advocate Gcina Malindi’s recent cry in the High Court – where he was appearing on behalf of President Jacob Zuma and the ANC to have artist Brett Murray’s genitally-flamboyant portrayal of Zuma, The Spear, removed from public sight – represents in the contemporary South African political and psychic landscape that acts as backdrop to the Spear saga what Nomonde Calata’s cry represented at the outset of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Claudia B Braude In April 1996 Nomonde, the widow of Fort Calata, one of the tortured and murdered is an independent scholar Cradock Four activists, put her head back and wailed in anguish when she described based in Johannesburg. hearing the news of her husband’s brutal murder in 1985 at the hands of the apartheid She is a Research Fellow state1. “His hair was pulled out, his tongue was long, his fingers were cut off, he had of the Helen Suzman many wounds on his body. The dogs had bitten him severely,” Nomonde testified to Foundation. the Commissioners2. Her cry was considered a defining moment of the TRC. A leading United Democratic Front activist, Malindi was among the twenty-two trialists in the Delmas Treason that ran from 1985 to 1988. Today he is a member of the Victoria Mxenge Group at the Johannesburg Bar, named in honour of Victoria and, by extension, her husband Griffiths Mxenge, prominent anti-apartheid activists and lawyers who were brutally murdered by the apartheid state.
    [Show full text]
  • Inaugural Griffiths and Victoria Mxenge Memorial
    INAUGURAL GRIFFITHS AND VICTORIA MXENGE MEMORIAL LECTURE DELIVERED AT THE FACULTY OF LAW - NELSON MANDELA METROPOLITAN UNIVERSITY ON 30 OCTOBER 2009 BY JUSTICE DIKGANG MOSENEKE “ESTABLISHING SOCIAL CONSENSUS ON THE SHIFTING BOUNDARIES BETWEEN JUDICIAL AND EXECUTIVE FUNCTIONS OF THE STATE - LESSONS FROM THE RECENT PAST” Introduction- Professor Derrick Swartz, the Vice Chancellor of the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University as well as the Professor Vivienne Lawack- Davids, the Executive Dean of the Faculty of law, I must at the outset make plain my happiness and gratitude. I am overjoyed by the initiative of the Faculty of Law to inaugurate this memorial lecture in order to remember and pay tribute to two remarkable compatriots, freedom fighters and indeed courageous civil rights lawyers. The memorial lecture series will not only keep alive the lessons of the courage and selflessness their lives so well epitomised but also will create space to engage in rigorous, if not robust, conversations about the elusive intersection between law and justice and society. My gratitude stems from your kind invitation in asking me to deliver the first of the memorial lectures in the names of Griffiths and Victoria 1 Mxenge. I have accepted this assignment in recognition that it is an honour to be asked to pay tribute to so revered a pair of patriotic lawyers. I am not unaware of the quiet work of the Law School in putting together this special occasion. I am equally thankful that so many from the university community, its council members, staff members of the Law Faculty and post- and undergraduate students have made time to attend this lecture.
    [Show full text]