Understanding Market Failure in the Developing Country Context
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Chapter 5 Perfect Competition, Monopoly, and Economic Vs
Chapter Outline Chapter 5 • From Perfect Competition to Perfect Competition, Monopoly • Supply Under Perfect Competition Monopoly, and Economic vs. Normal Profit McGraw -Hill/Irwin © 2007 The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., All Rights Reserved. McGraw -Hill/Irwin © 2007 The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., All Rights Reserved. From Perfect Competition to Picking the Quantity to Maximize Profit Monopoly The Perfectly Competitive Case P • Perfect Competition MC ATC • Monopolistic Competition AVC • Oligopoly P* MR • Monopoly Q* Q Many Competitors McGraw -Hill/Irwin © 2007 The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., All Rights Reserved. McGraw -Hill/Irwin © 2007 The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., All Rights Reserved. Picking the Quantity to Maximize Profit Characteristics of Perfect The Monopoly Case Competition P • a large number of competitors, such that no one firm can influence the price MC • the good a firm sells is indistinguishable ATC from the ones its competitors sell P* AVC • firms have good sales and cost forecasts D • there is no legal or economic barrier to MR its entry into or exit from the market Q* Q No Competitors McGraw -Hill/Irwin © 2007 The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., All Rights Reserved. McGraw -Hill/Irwin © 2007 The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc., All Rights Reserved. 1 Monopoly Monopolistic Competition • The sole seller of a good or service. • Monopolistic Competition: a situation in a • Some monopolies are generated market where there are many firms producing similar but not identical goods. because of legal rights (patents and copyrights). • Example : the fast-food industry. McDonald’s has a monopoly on the “Happy Meal” but has • Some monopolies are utilities (gas, much competition in the market to feed kids water, electricity etc.) that result from burgers and fries. -
Parker Brothers Real Estate Trading Game in 1934, Charles B
Parker Brothers Real Estate Trading Game In 1934, Charles B. Darrow of Germantown, Pennsylvania, presented a game called MONOPOLY to the executives of Parker Brothers. Mr. Darrow, like many other Americans, was unemployed at the time and often played this game to amuse himself and pass the time. It was the game’s exciting promise of fame and fortune that initially prompted Darrow to produce this game on his own. With help from a friend who was a printer, Darrow sold 5,000 sets of the MONOPOLY game to a Philadelphia department store. As the demand for the game grew, Darrow could not keep up with the orders and arranged for Parker Brothers to take over the game. Since 1935, when Parker Brothers acquired the rights to the game, it has become the leading proprietary game not only in the United States but throughout the Western World. As of 1994, the game is published under license in 43 countries, and in 26 languages; in addition, the U.S. Spanish edition is sold in another 11 countries. OBJECT…The object of the game is to become the wealthiest player through buying, renting and selling property. EQUIPMENT…The equipment consists of a board, 2 dice, tokens, 32 houses and 12 hotels. There are Chance and Community Chest cards, a Title Deed card for each property and play money. PREPARATION…Place the board on a table and put the Chance and Community Chest cards face down on their allotted spaces on the board. Each player chooses one token to represent him/her while traveling around the board. -
Three Dimensions of Classical Utilitarian Economic Thought ––Bentham, J.S
July 2012 Three Dimensions of Classical Utilitarian Economic Thought ––Bentham, J.S. Mill, and Sidgwick–– Daisuke Nakai∗ 1. Utilitarianism in the History of Economic Ideas Utilitarianism is a many-sided conception, in which we can discern various aspects: hedonistic, consequentialistic, aggregation or maximization-oriented, and so forth.1 While we see its impact in several academic fields, such as ethics, economics, and political philosophy, it is often dragged out as a problematic or negative idea. Aside from its essential and imperative nature, one reason might be in the fact that utilitarianism has been only vaguely understood, and has been given different roles, “on the one hand as a theory of personal morality, and on the other as a theory of public choice, or of the criteria applicable to public policy” (Sen and Williams 1982, 1-2). In this context, if we turn our eyes on economics, we can find intimate but subtle connections with utilitarian ideas. In 1938, Samuelson described the formulation of utility analysis in economic theory since Jevons, Menger, and Walras, and the controversies following upon it, as follows: First, there has been a steady tendency toward the removal of moral, utilitarian, welfare connotations from the concept. Secondly, there has been a progressive movement toward the rejection of hedonistic, introspective, psychological elements. These tendencies are evidenced by the names suggested to replace utility and satisfaction––ophélimité, desirability, wantability, etc. (Samuelson 1938) Thus, Samuelson felt the need of “squeezing out of the utility analysis its empirical implications”. In any case, it is somewhat unusual for economists to regard themselves as utilitarians, even if their theories are relying on utility analysis. -
Market Failure Guide
Market failure guide A guide to categorising market failures for government policy development and evaluation industry.nsw.gov.au Published by NSW Department of Industry PUB17/509 Market failure guide—A guide to categorising market failures for government policy development and evaluation An external academic review of this guide was undertaken by prominent economists in November 2016 This guide is consistent with ‘NSW Treasury (2017) NSW Government Guide to Cost-Benefit Analysis, TPP 17-03, Policy and Guidelines Paper’ First published December 2017 More information Program Evaluation Unit [email protected] www.industry.nsw.gov.au © State of New South Wales through Department of Industry, 2017. This publication is copyright. You may download, display, print and reproduce this material provided that the wording is reproduced exactly, the source is acknowledged, and the copyright, update address and disclaimer notice are retained. To copy, adapt, publish, distribute or commercialise any of this publication you will need to seek permission from the Department of Industry. Disclaimer: The information contained in this publication is based on knowledge and understanding at the time of writing July 2017. However, because of advances in knowledge, users are reminded of the need to ensure that the information upon which they rely is up to date and to check the currency of the information with the appropriate officer of the Department of Industry or the user’s independent advisor. Market failure guide Contents Executive summary -
Buyer Power: Is Monopsony the New Monopoly?
COVER STORIES Antitrust , Vol. 33, No. 2, Spring 2019. © 2019 by the American Bar Association. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. This information or any portion thereof may not be copied or disseminated in any form or by any means or stored in an electronic database or retrieval system without the express written consent of the American Bar Association. Buyer Power: Is Monopsony the New Monopoly? BY DEBBIE FEINSTEIN AND ALBERT TENG OR A NUMBER OF YEARS, exists—or only when it can also be shown to harm consumer commentators have debated whether the United welfare; (2) historical case law on monopsony; (3) recent States has a monopoly problem. But as part of the cases involving monopsony issues; and (4) counseling con - recent conversation over the direction of antitrust siderations for monopsony issues. It remains to be seen law and the continued appropriateness of the con - whether we will see significantly increased enforcement Fsumer welfare standard, the debate has turned to whether the against buyer-side agreements and mergers that affect buyer antitrust agencies are paying enough attention to monopsony power and whether such enforcement will be successful, but issues. 1 A concept that appears more in textbooks than in case what is clear is that the antitrust enforcement agencies will be law has suddenly become mainstream and practitioners exploring the depth and reach of these theories and clients should be aware of developments when they counsel clients must be prepared for investigations and enforcement actions on issues involving supply-side concerns. implicating these issues. This topic is not going anywhere any time soon. -
Social Insurance: Connecting Theory to Data
CHAPTER 3 Social Insurance: Connecting Theory to Data Raj Chetty*,† and Amy Finkelstein†,‡ *Harvard University †NBER ‡MIT Contents 1. Introduction 112 2. Motivations for Social Insurance 114 2.1. Adverse Selection: Review of the Basic Theory 115 2.1.1. A Stylized Model 116 2.1.2. The Textbook Case 118 2.1.3. Departures from the Textbook Environment: Loads and Preference Heterogeneity 123 2.2. Empirical Evidence on Selection 127 2.2.1. Testing for Selection 128 2.2.2. Evidence on Selection 131 2.2.3. Welfare Consequences 134 2.2.4. Directions for Future Work 139 2.3. Other Motivations 140 3. Design of Public Insurance Programs 143 3.1. Optimal Benefit Level in a Static Model 145 3.2. Sufficient Statistics Implementation 148 3.2.1. Consumption Smoothing 148 3.2.2. Liquidity vs. Moral Hazard 157 3.2.3. Reservation Wages 159 3.3. Generalizing the Static Model 163 3.3.1. Dynamics: Endogenous Savings and Borrowing Constraints 163 3.3.2. Externalities on Private Insurers 168 3.3.3. Externalities on Government Budgets 170 3.3.4. Other Externalities 172 3.3.5. Imperfect Optimization 174 3.4. Other Dimensions of Policy 176 3.4.1. Liquidity Provision and Mandated Savings Accounts 176 3.4.2. Imperfect Takeup 178 3.4.3. Path of Benefits 180 4. Challenges for Future Work 182 Acknowledgments 186 References 186 Handbook of Public Economics, Volume 5 © 2013 Elsevier B.V. ISSN 1573-4420, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-444-53759-1.00003-0 All rights reserved. -
Breaking the Mould: an Institutionalist Political Economy Alternative to the Neoliberal Theory of the Market and the State Ha-Joon Chang, May 2001
Breaking the Mould An Institutionalist Political Economy Alternative to the Neoliberal Theory of the Market and the State Ha-Joon Chang Social Policy and Development United Nations Programme Paper Number 6 Research Institute May 2001 for Social Development The United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) thanks the governments of Denmark, Finland, Mexico, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom for their core funding. Copyright © UNRISD. Short extracts from this publication may be reproduced unaltered without authorization on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to UNRISD, Palais des Nations, 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland. UNRISD welcomes such applications. The designations employed in UNRISD publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNRISD con- cerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The responsibility for opinions expressed rests solely with the author(s), and publication does not constitute endorse- ment by UNRISD. ISSN 1020-8208 Contents Acronyms ii Acknowledgements ii Summary/Résumé/Resumen iii Summary iii Résumé iv Resumen v 1. Introduction 1 2. The Evolution of the Debate: From “Golden Age Economics” to Neoliberalism 1 3. The Limits of Neoliberal Analysis of the Role of the State 3 3.1 Defining the free market (and state intervention) 4 3.2 Defining market failure 6 3.3 The market primacy assumption 8 3.4 Market, state and politics 11 4. -
Monopoly: a Game of Strategy…Or Luck? EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Serene Li Hui Heng , Xiaojun Jiang , Cheewei Ng, Li Xue Alison Then Team 5, MS&E220 Autumn 2008
Monopoly: A Game of Strategy…Or Luck? EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Serene Li Hui Heng , Xiaojun Jiang , Cheewei Ng, Li Xue Alison Then Team 5, MS&E220 Autumn 2008 A popular board game since 1935, Monopoly is a game that may be dependent on both luck and strategy. A player can bet on his or her own luck alone, think carefully and buy up strategic properties, or use strategy to complement his or her luck to gain dominance in the game. Our report seeks to present our findings on the importance of strategy in Monopoly, as well as which strategies are the most successful. So is Monopoly a game of strategy, or luck, or both? Our methodology involved examining the inter-relationships between the various factors in the game, for example, the throw of the 2 dice, the number of throws that a player has played, the number of rounds he is in, accounting for jail and rent etc. After establishing the inter-relations, we built up our model by gradually adding more factors (which increase uncertainty) that affect the game, and thereby incorporated more realism into the model. We thus proceeded to build 3 main models, by using dynamic equations. First we used the propagation of probability flow method to determine the chances of landing on a particular square in a given number of throws (Model 1). Next, we included regeneration points in the case where jail is considered (Model 2). Lastly, from the probability flow sequences obtained, we calculated the expected value of landing on each square on the board, taking into account the rents paid and $200 that a player gets each time after he passes a round, to analyze the wealth effect when multiple players are involved (Model 3). -
Does Monetarism Retain Relevance?
Economic Quarterly—Volume 98, Number 2—Second Quarter 2012—Pages 77–110 Does Monetarism Retain Relevance? Robert L. Hetzel he quantity theory and its monetarist variant attribute significant reces- sions to monetary shocks. The literature in this tradition documents T the association of monetary and real disorder.1 By associating the oc- currence of monetary disorder with central bank behavior that undercuts the working of the price system, quantity theorists argue for a direction of causa- tion running from monetary disorder to real disorder.2 These correlations are robust in that they hold under a variety of different monetary arrangements and historical circumstances. Nevertheless, correlations, no matter how robust, do not substitute for a model. As Lucas (2001) said, “Economic theory is mathematics. Everything else is just pictures and talk.” While quantity theorists have emphasized the importance of testable implications, they have yet to place their arguments within the standard workhorse framework of macroeconomics—the dynamic, stochastic, general equilibrium model. This article asks whether the quantity theory tradition, which is long on empirical observation but short on deep theoretical foundations, retains relevance for current debates. Another problem for the quantity theory tradition is the implicit rejection by central banks of its principles. Quantity theorists argue that the central bank is responsible for the control of inflation. It is true that at its January 2012 meeting, the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) adopted an in- flation target. However, the FOMC did not accompany its announcement with The author is a senior economist and research adviser at the Federal Reserve Bank of Rich- mond. -
Econ 460 Study Questions Fall 2013 MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the One Alternative That Best Completes the Statement Or Answer
Econ 460 Study Questions Fall 2013 MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or answers the question. 1) A monopoly might produce less than the socially optimal amount of pollution because 1) _______ A) it earns economic profit. B) it internalizes the external costs. C) it sets price above marginal cost. D) it likes to be a good citizen. 2) The above figure shows the market for steel ingots. If the market is competitive, then to achieve 2) _______ the socially optimal level of pollution, the government can A) institute a specific tax equal to area b. B) institute a specific tax of $50. C) institute a specific tax of $25. D) outlaw the production of steel. 3) The above figure shows the market for steel ingots. If the market is competitive, then the 3) _______ deadweight loss to society is A) a. B) b. C) c. D) zero. 4) The above figure shows the market for steel ingots. The optimal quantity of pollution 4) _______ A) is 100 units. B) is 50 units. C) is 0 units. D) cannot be determined from the information provided. 5) The above figure shows the market for steel ingots. If the market is competitive, then 5) _______ A) the socially optimal quantity of steel is zero. B) the socially optimal quantity of steel of 50 units is produced. C) more than the socially optimal quantity of 50 units of steel is produced. D) the socially optimal quantity of steel of 100 units is produced. 6) The exclusive privilege to use an asset is called a(n) 6) _______ A) property privilege. -
Market Failure in Context: Introduction Alain Marciano and Steven G
Market Failure in Context: Introduction Alain Marciano and Steven G. Medema Market failure, conceived of as the failure of the market to bring about results that are in the best interests of society as a whole, has a long lin- eage in the history of writings on matters economic. As Steven G. Medema has shown in The Hesitant Hand, much of the history of economics can be read as a discussion of whether, and the extent to which, the self- interested actions of private agents, channeled through the market, will redound to the larger social interest. For much of this history, the answers given were negative, and it was assumed that the corrective hand of the state was needed as a constant and consistent regulating force. Thus we find Plato and Aristotle arguing for a wide range of legal restrictions to guard against macroeconomic (to use the modern term) instability; Aqui- nas making the case for rules that promote a measure of Christian justice in economic affairs; mercantilist writers lobbying for restrictions on vari- ous forms of trade (and support for others), as well as for regulations on Correspondence may be addressed to Alain Marciano, University of Montpellier, Department of Economics, Rue Raymond Dugrand, CS 79606, F-34960 Montpellier, France (e-mail: alain [email protected]); and to Steven G. Medema, Department of Economics, University of Colorado Denver, CB 181, PO Box 173364, Denver, CO 80217-3364 (e-mail: steven.medema @ucdenver.edu). The editors wish to thank Paul Dudenhefer for his diligent shepherding of this project from conference to published volume. -
Welfare State in the Twenty-First Century Joseph E
The Welfare State in the Twenty-First Century Joseph E. Stiglitz1 Designing the twenty-first-century welfare state is part of a broader debate redefining the role of the market, the state, and “civil society”—non-state forms of collective action. One of the tenets of the Reagan-Thatcher revolution was questioning the welfare state. Some worried that the financial burdens of the welfare state would drag down growth. Some worried about the effect of the welfare state on the sense of individual responsibility, others that the welfare state provides an opportunity for the lazy and profligate to take advantage of hardworking citizens. A sense of social solidarity had united citizens around the world during World War II. Some thirty years after that global conflict, that solidarity was eroding, and economic arguments quickened its disintegration. Even two decades after the doctrines of the Reagan-Thatcher revolution of the 1980s had taken root—and long after its shortcomings had become obvious—others argued that the welfare state had contributed to the euro crisis.2 This paper argues that these arguments criticizing the welfare state are for the most part fallacious and that changes in our economy have even increased the importance of the system. The paper then describes some of the key elements of a twenty-first-century welfare state. I. Basic Precepts of the Welfare State To understand the principles and philosophy of the welfare state, it is useful to contrast it with the “neoliberal” or market-oriented state.3 The central economic doctrine of neoliberalism is that markets are efficient.