The Marshall Plan

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Marshall Plan HISTORYHISTORY — PAST AND PERSPECTIVE By 1951 Europe had not only achieved its prewar level of produc- The Marshall Plan tion but its level of industrial produc- tion rose to virtually guarantee pros- The post-WWII Marshall Plan, long touted as the aid plan perity for the future. that reinvigorated Europe, didn’t have as its first priority There it is: The United States, out of the actually helping the citizens of Europe. goodness of its heart, gave five percent of its gross national product with no strings attached to European nations to help them get back on their feet. And it worked! Look! By 1951, Europe had fully recovered! On the surface, Remini appears to be correct, but that does not preclude asking some questions and pointing out some er- rors of commission and omission in his es- tablishment view. For instance, who wrote Marshall’s speech? What were that ghost writer’s intentions? Did he have connec- tions to others behind the scenes who had differing purposes? And did Europe begin to recover because of Marshall Plan aid, or had that recovery begun long before any aid arri ved? And what about the miracle of Germany — known as Wirtschaftswunder , or “economic miracle” — that began on Sunday, June 20, 1948? (This was the day that Germany’s economic director, Ludwig Erhard, eliminated all price controls, which AP Images unleashed Germany’s economy, entirely in- Bread and building: Wage and price controls installed by the Nazis remained in force after the dependent of any Marshall Plan aid.) And war, resulting in continuing shortages of essentials such as bread. The German economic miracle what about the Marshall Plan’s alleged suc- began only when those controls were lifted, long before the arrival of any Marshall Plan “aid.” cess as creating the justification for decades of additional foreign aid because it had by Bob Adelmann on the American Republic’s early figures, been so successful in reviving Europe? such as Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, Let’s get some perspective. VE (Vic- hen establishment historians John Quincy Adams, and Daniel Webster. tory in Europe) Day was May 7, 1945. VJ consider the Marshall Plan, its In 2005, Remini was appointed the histo- (Victory over Japan) Day was August 14, W intents and purposes and alleged rian of the U.S. House of Representatives. 1945. President Franklin Roosevelt had successes, they typically make at least two Remini thus serves as the perfect example died on April 12, 1945 and the new presi- errors — one in logic and the other in his- of someone who knows his history but dent, Harry Truman, was sworn into of- tory. First, they assume that since Europe fails to tell all he knows, especially when fice that same day. The national elections began to revive at about the time the Mar- it comes to the Marshall Plan. in November 1946 shifted control of the shall Plan was implemented, then that re- In his “A Short History of the United House of Representatives to the Republi- vival must have been because of the plan, States,” this is what Remini had to say cans, gaining 55 seats compared to the pre- not in spite of it. about the Marshall Plan: vious Congress. The nation was weary of Second, they fail to make any mention war; 418,000 Americans had died in that of the forces in the background that had a Secretary of State, George C. Mar- conflict, and the war had cost the nation much different purpose in mind: specifi- shall, … devised a plan, which he out- $288 billion. In today’s money, that’s near- cally, how to use the Marshall Plan to fur- lined in a speech at Harvard University ly $5 trillion! The very last thing Ameri- ther their internationalist agenda. on June 5, 1947, by which the United cans wanted was any further involvement One example of a “court historian” pro- States would assist European nations in world affairs. They just wanted to get viding his readers with the accepted view to rebuild their shattered economies.... back to whatever “normal” used to be. of the Marshall Plan is Robert V. Remini, Between April 1948 and December It was not to be. The Soviet Union professor emeritus at the University of 1951, the United States contributed a began to flex its muscles when, ignor- Chicago, and author of numerous books little over $12 billion to Europe.... ing the terms of the Potsdam agreement, 34 THE NEW AMERICAN • July 23, 2012 it refused to withdraw its troops states around them as a protective from Iran. Truman had sent his shield. Secretary of State, James By- Not surprisingly, Kennan’s long rnes, to the Moscow Conference telegram was published in the July in December of 1945, asking him 1947 issue of Foreign Affairs mag- to confront Soviet Premier Josef azine, the print mouthpiece for the Stalin on the matter, and when now well-known internationalist Byrnes returned he told Truman Council on Foreign Relations. of his “success.” It turned out Kennan’s influence in cementing that there had been no discussion America’s acceptance of inter- about Iran after all, and Truman ventionism was noted by historian blew up. In a letter to Byrnes, John Lewis Gaddis, who said that Truman wrote: Kennan supported the notion that “only the prospect of an undiffer- Without these supplies fur- entiated global threat could shake nished by the United States, Americans out of their isolation- Russia would have been igno- ist tendencies that remained latent miniously defeated. Yet now among them .” (Emphasis added.) Russia stirs up rebellion and Kennan was certainly up to keeps troops on the soil of her the task of removing those latent friend and ally — Iran.... isolationist tendencies. Near the Unless Russia is faced with end of his life (he died in March an iron fist and strong lan- 2005 at age 101), the establish- guage another war is in the ment journal Foreign Policy (part making. Only one language do of the liberal Washington Post they understand: “how many The Bohlen Plan? George C. Marshall was the front man for empire) called Kennan “the most divisions do you have?” players behind the scenes who wanted to redesign Europe. influential diplomat of the 20th I do not think we should play Marshall’s speech that announ ced his plan was actually written century,” while internationalist compromise any longer.... I am by Charles “Chip” Bohlen. Henry Kissinger said that Kennan tired of babying the Soviets. “came as close to authoring the diplomatic doctrine of his era as Postwar Policymakers involve questions so intricate, so any diplomat in our history.” Kennan was James Byrnes is the first in a long list of delicate, so strange to our form of one of six insiders exposed in the 1986 characters who were heavily involved in thought, and so important to analysis book The Wise Men: Six Friends and the setting post-war foreign policy under the of our international environment that World They Made , which included Tru- new president. Byrnes had deep ties to I cannot compress answers into [a] man’s Secretary of State Dean Acheson, the Progressive movement dating back to single brief message without yielding FDR’s “special envoy” W. Averill Har- the Wilson administration. In fact, Byrnes to what I feel would be a dangerous riman, Truman’s Secretary of Defense had become so close to Wilson that the degree of oversimplification. Robert Lovett, U.S. High Commissioner president would often entrust important I hope, therefore, [that you] will to Germany John J. McCloy, and Soviet political tasks to him rather than to older, bear with me if I submit an answer Ambassador Charles “Chip” Bohlen. Au- more experienced individuals. Years later [in] five parts. thors Walter Isaacson and Evan Thomas Byrnes supported President Roosevelt in described them as the hidden architects his efforts to pack the Supreme Court in Among those “five parts” were Kennan’s behind the Truman Doctrine, the Mar- 1937, and Roosevelt returned the favor by perceptions that the USSR “perceived it- shall Plan, and the entire concept of appointing Byrnes to that court in 1941. self [to be] at perpetual war with capital- Soviet power “containment” that ruled The next on that list of individuals in- ism,” that the USSR would use friendly America’s foreign policy for 40 years. volved in influencing American foreign Marxists residing in the West as allies The authors’ favorable treatment of these policy was George Kennan, deputy chief in that war, that Soviet aggression was “hidden architects” earned high praise of the mission of the United States to the rooted in “historic Russian nationalism from the Council on Foreign Relations, USSR. It was his mission to confirm Tru- and neurosis,” and that its governmental which called it man’s suspicions that the Soviets weren’t structure “prohibited objective or accurate to be trusted, and that only a policy of pictures of internal and external reality.” a sober and straight-forward account “containment” would serve American in- In other words, it was going to be impos- of what actually happened and why.... terests best. In a long telegram to the U.S. sible to deal rationally with the Soviets, so In this context the book does a Treasury Department in February 1946, he the United States would have to “contain” great service. It restores balance to noted that relations with the Soviets their aggressions by building up nation- our recent history, and some sheen to www.TheNewAmerican.com 35 HISTORYHISTORY — PAST AND PERSPECTIVE munist threat, and the Greek named him as ambassador to the Soviet The nation was weary of war; 418,000 Civil War ended in 1949.
Recommended publications
  • The German Economy (Gec)
    THE GERMAN ECONOMY (GEC) PROF. DR. CHRISTOPH KNOPPIK1 APRIL 20212 Course description An applied course on the German economy based on introductory economics. Basic economics as presented in introductory textbooks is briefly reviewed and serves as the basis for analysis. The focus of the course, however, is on policy relevant topics ranging from historic economic events over recent economic reforms to current debates on economic policy. Historic economic episodes and events in Germany like hyperinflation, banking crises, great depression, currency reforms, Wirtschaftswunder, stagflation, German reunification, European monetary integration, and European eastern enlargement continue to inform economists and policy makers and still shape people’s attitudes towards questions of economic policy. Recent (and some not so recent) reforms and policy changes include the introduction of the Euro, the reform of labour market institutions (Hartz I to IV), and many more. Current debates on economic policy and economic policy challenges range from the privatisation and regulation of former state monopolies to the current financial and economic crisis. 1 Prof. Dr. Christoph Knoppik, Institutut für Volkswirtschaftslehre, einschließlich Ökonometrie, Universität Regensburg. Email: [email protected] WWW: https://www.uni-regensburg.de/wirtschaftswissenschaften/vwl-knoppik/ . Tel.: +49 (0) 941 943 2700 2 Version: 13.1.16. Stand/Release: April 2021. GEC.DOCX at C:\LEHRE\GEC\GEC.DOCX . Prof. Dr. Christoph Knoppik The German Economy Target group The course is primarily targeted at foreign exchange students who want to get acquainted with their host country’s economy and economic policy debate. The course language is English. The course is part of the 2nd phase of the bachelor program in economics.
    [Show full text]
  • Germany: a Global Miracle and a European Challenge
    GLOBAL ECONOMY & DEVELOPMENT WORKING PAPER 62 | MAY 2013 Global Economy and Development at BROOKINGS GERMANY: A GLOBAL MIRACLE AND A EUROPEAN CHALLENGE Carlo Bastasin Global Economy and Development at BROOKINGS Carlo Bastasin is a visiting fellow in the Global Economy and Development and Foreign Policy pro- grams at Brookings. A preliminary and shorter version of this study was published in "Italia al Bivio - Riforme o Declino, la lezione dei paesi di successo" by Paolazzi, Sylos-Labini, ed. LUISS University Press. This paper was prepared within the framework of “A Growth Strategy for Europe” research project conducted by the Brookings Global Economy and Development program. Abstract: The excellent performance of the German economy over the past decade has drawn increasing interest across Europe for the kind of structural reforms that have relaunched the German model. Through those reforms, in fact, Germany has become one of the countries that benefit most from global economic integration. As such, Germany has become a reference model for the possibility of a thriving Europe in the global age. However, the same factors that have contributed to the German "global miracle" - the accumulation of savings and gains in competitiveness - are also a "European problem". In fact they contributed to originate the euro crisis and rep- resent elements of danger to the future survival of the euro area. Since the economic success of Germany has translated also into political influence, the other European countries are required to align their economic and social models to the German one. But can they do it? Are structural reforms all that are required? This study shows that the German success depended only in part on the vast array of structural reforms undertaken by German governments in the twenty-first century.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Nazi Economic Policies on German Food Consumtion, 1933-38
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Spoerer, Mark; Streb, Jochen Working Paper Guns and butter - but no margarine: The impact of Nazi economic policies on German food consumtion, 1933-38 FZID Discussion Paper, No. 23-2010 Provided in Cooperation with: University of Hohenheim, Center for Research on Innovation and Services (FZID) Suggested Citation: Spoerer, Mark; Streb, Jochen (2010) : Guns and butter - but no margarine: The impact of Nazi economic policies on German food consumtion, 1933-38, FZID Discussion Paper, No. 23-2010, Universität Hohenheim, Forschungszentrum Innovation und Dienstleistung (FZID), Stuttgart, http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:100-opus-5310 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/44969 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence.
    [Show full text]
  • Ordinary Economic Voting Behavior in the Extraordinary Election of Adolf Hitler
    THE JOURNAL OF ECONOMIC HISTORY VOLUME 68 DECEMBER 2008 NUMBER 4 Ordinary Economic Voting Behavior in the Extraordinary Election of Adolf Hitler GARY KING, ORI ROSEN, MARTIN TANNER, AND ALEXANDER F. WAGNER The enormous Nazi voting literature rarely builds on modern statistical or economic research. By adding these approaches, we find that the most widely accepted existing theories of this era cannot distinguish the Weimar elections from almost any others in any country. Via a retrospective voting account, we show that voters most hurt by the depression, and most likely to oppose the government, fall into separate groups with divergent interests. This explains why some turned to the Nazis and others turned away. The consequences of Hitler’s election were extraordinary, but the voting behavior that led to it was not. ow did free and fair democratic elections lead to the extraordinary H antidemocratic Nazi Party winning control of the Weimar Republic? The profound implications of this question have led “Who voted for Hitler?” to be the most studied question in the history of voting behavior research. Indeed, understanding who voted for Hitler is The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 68, No. 4 (December 2008). © The Economic History Association. All rights reserved. ISSN 0022-0507. Gary King is David Florence Professor of Government, Department of Government, Harvard University, Institute for Quantitative Social Science, 1737 Cambridge Street, Cambridge, MA 02138. E-mail: [email protected]. Ori Rosen is Associate Professor, Department of Mathematical Sciences, University of Texas at El Paso, Bell Hall 221, El Paso, TX 79968. E-mail: [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • German Monetary History in the First Half of the Twentieth Century
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Research Papers in Economics German Monetary History in the First Half of the Twentieth Century Robert L. Hetzel t the end of 1998, the German Bundesbank turned over the adminis- tration of monetary policy to the European Central Bank (ECB). In Athe years between World War I and 1998, the Bundesbank had come to embody the modern central bank. What history did Germany traverse to make possible the creation of such an institution? And how does that history help us define a modern central bank? Today, a central bank chooses one of two objectives. It may target either the exchange rate or domestic economic conditions, including the inflation rate. In either case, the central bank is the unique institution charged with controlling the chosen objective. Such control relies exclusively on the central bank’s management of its own balance sheet. In particular, the central bank controls its liabilities (the monetary base) through its asset acquisition.1 Conversely, a country with a modern central bank does not rely on govern- ment intervention in specific markets to achieve either price-level or exchange- rate objectives. If the central bank targets the exchange rate, the country does not rely on exchange controls, multiple exchange rates, tariffs, quotas, or other This history will be continued in a related article, to appear in a future issue of the Economic Quarterly. It will consider how Germany came to define stability of the mark in terms of its internal value (price level) rather than external value (exchange rate).
    [Show full text]
  • Implementing Monetary Institutions in Postwar Germany
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Hefeker, Carsten Working Paper Stable money and central bank independence: Implementing monetary institutions in postwar Germany MAGKS Joint Discussion Paper Series in Economics, No. 24-2019 Provided in Cooperation with: Faculty of Business Administration and Economics, University of Marburg Suggested Citation: Hefeker, Carsten (2019) : Stable money and central bank independence: Implementing monetary institutions in postwar Germany, MAGKS Joint Discussion Paper Series in Economics, No. 24-2019, Philipps-University Marburg, School of Business and Economics, Marburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/204819 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Joint Discussion Paper Series in Economics by the Universities of Aachen ∙ Gießen ∙ Göttingen Kassel ∙ Marburg ∙ Siegen ISSN 1867-3678 No.
    [Show full text]
  • Wirtschaftswunder ?
    V East Germany The New Wirtschaftswunder? Donogh McDonald and Gi.inther Thumann Introduction The regional imbalances that characterize many ad­ in west Getmany; it is assumed that labor productivity vanced industrial economies have long frustrated eco­ in west Germany will increase at about 2V2 percent a year nomic policymakers. The large gaps in our understanding or cumulatively by close to one third between 1990 and of these imbalances prompt the question: Will the evo­ 200P lution of the east German economy over the next decade To provide some perspective on the present size of the reveal a new economic miracle-Wirtschajiswunder-or productivity gap, Table I contains information on produc­ the emergence of another regional problem within the tivity differences between regions of the Federal Republic European Community? On the one hand, the saving of Germany (FRG) in 1987.3 The Lander in the FRG are surplus in west Germany provides a large pool of arranged into three groups, ranked according to output per resources from which the investment needs of east capita and productivity levels. The third ranked group Germany can be financed. Moreover, the tradition of (comprising Rhineland-Palatinatc, Lower Saxony, and enterprise in the eastern part of the country was strong Schleswig-Holstein), which had a population of some before World War IJ and it may be possible to revive 13 million in 1987, had an average productivity level about this tradition quickly. despite its long suppression by the 13 percent below that of the FRG as a whole and 18 percent system of central planning. On the other hand, given the below that in the other eight Lander.
    [Show full text]
  • West German Growth and Institutions, 1945-90
    West German Growth and Institutions, 1945-90 Wendy Carlin University College London For useful comments on earlier drafts I would like to thank Andrea Boltho, Nick Crafts, Barry Eichengreen, Andrew Glyn, Tony Nicholls, Karl-Heinz Paqué, Albrecht Ritschl and Gianni Toniolo - as well as participants at the CEPR conference on post- war growth in Oxford in December 1993. For their help and advice I would also like to thank Werner Abelshauser, Bart van Ark, Steve Broadberry, Rolf Dumke, David Soskice, Frank Stille and Karin Wagner. 1. Introduction: West German post-war growth in historical and comparative context Popular perceptions of West German economic growth are polarized: either it is the miracle economy of the post-war era, the 'strong-man' of Europe or it is a sclerotic economy, typifying Europe's inflexibility in labour and capital markets relative to the United States. One way of reconciling these apparently contradictory views is to depict West Germany as 'The Fading Miracle' as Giersch et al. (1992) have done. From this perspective, the miracle has long since gone and memories have lingered far behind the reality. But in Michel Albert's recent popular account of post-war capitalism (1992), Germany's reputation for dynamism and adaptability remains untarnished. One aim of this chapter is to put these contrasting interpretations into a longer term and explicitly comparative perspective. Throughout the chapter, Germany's performance will be compared with that of the other three large European economies, the UK, France and Italy. It is useful to begin by looking at attempts to identify a common OECD pattern of growth over the long run and then at the extent to which West Germany fits this pattern.
    [Show full text]
  • Toscafund Discussion Paper 17 January 2013 Britain’S Got Growth II: Beating Germany on Penalties
    Toscafund Discussion Paper 17 January 2013 Britain’s Got Growth II: beating Germany on penalties Author: Executive Summary Dr Savvas Savouri Germany boasts a population close to 82 million, Britain 20 million less. While Contact information Germany’s influence over its neighbours grows (forging what seems a "Greater Toscafund Asset Management LLP Germany") Britain appears incapable of even ensuring its own Union. 90 Long Acre London WC2E 9RA The consensus tells us Germany's growth future is superior to Britain's. Indeed, it England scolds Britain’s banks, government and households for not following the t: +44 (0) 20 7845 6100 budgetary disciplines of their German counterparts. The charge levelled at Britain f: +44 (0) 20 7845 6101 is that it has allowed itself to lose the growth game. e: [email protected] The argument favouring Germany centres on the claim its trade-facing factories w: www.toscafund.com are well placed to meet the emerging world’s appetite for consumer and capital goods. The critique continues that Britain’s lack of global comparative advantage will condemn it to tepid growth in the years ahead. The case favouring Germany’s future over Britain’s would seem clear. Or is it? This research aims to expose the two myths that lie at the heart of the growth preference for Germany over Britain: the “impregnability” of the German economy to the deep austerity “penalties” its authorities are imposing on important trade partner neighbours; the other, Britain’s “lack of global purpose”. Chart 1: Population: historic & forecasts: Germany vs. GB Chart 2: Real GDP: Germany versus GB 90 6 85 4 80 2 75 70 % 0 Millions 65 -2 60 -4 55 50 -6 1950 1965 1980 1995 2010 2025 2040 2055 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018 2020 Germany UK UK Germany Source: OECD, ONS, UN, Toscafund, All forecasts Toscafund For Britain and Germany changing demographics will as much reflect relative economic strengths as determine them.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Who Mislaid the Wirtschaftswunder? Barry Eichengreen University
    Who Mislaid the Wirtschaftswunder? Barry Eichengreen University of California, Berkeley October 2000 The 10th anniversary of the reunification of Germany provides an obvious occasion on which to reflect on the course of subsequent economic developments. 1990 was a watershed -- a year in which not just the former German Democratic Republic but the whole of the Soviet bloc began the transition to the market. But the two economies on opposite sides of the Oder, to draw the obvious contrast, did so under very different conditions. The five new German lander received massive financial transfers from the Federal Republic. Poland, in contrast, received only limited foreign aid; there was no new Marshall Plan for the East. The five German lander imported their economic and political institutions from the FRG lock, stock and barrel. The Bundesbank and the deutschmark, a mature party system, an independent judiciary, and the social market economy were all parachuted into place. Poland, in contrast, could not import such a framework and had no choice but to embark on the painful and time-consuming process of building it from scratch. These two instances of transition therefore provide a revealing study of how much difference institutions and external support make. Asked for a prediction, circa 1990, about how these two economies would fare, the pundits would have all but universally agreed. In one of these cases, where the institutional and financial prerequisites for a rapid transition were in place, economic growth over the subsequent decade would resemble West German’s post-World War II Wirtschaftswunder. In the other, it would instead resemble that in the rest of troubled Central and Eastern Europe, which similarly lacked the institutional preconditions for sustained and successful 1 growth.
    [Show full text]
  • Circulation Fo the Deutsche Mark
    Deutsche Bundesbank Monthly Report March 2002 Circulation of the Among important dates in Germany’s modern monetary history are 20 June Deutsche Mark – 1948, 1 July 1990 and 1 January 2002. from currency With the currency reform of 20 June 1948 the Deutsche Mark became the reform to European new and sole legal tender of West Ger- monetary union many. On 1 July 1990 the Deutsche Mark’s status as legal tender was ex- tended to the territory of East Ger- many, and 1 January 2002 saw the introduction of euro banknotes and coins and therefore the end of the Deutsche Mark’s status as legal tender. At the end of February 2002 Deutsche Mark banknotes and coins vanished completely from payments. Over 53 years are spanned by these events, years in which the Deutsche Mark be- came an international symbol of stable money and economic prosperity. The present article retraces the develop- ment of the circulation of Deutsche Mark banknotes and coins and depicts half a century of German monetary his- tory from the new beginning, the period of continuity and then the re- orientation and final metamorphosis into the euro. Historical experience of Deutsche Mark currency in circulation provides a source of knowledge for the present and future. The 1948 currency reform Following the end of the Second World War The necessity, ... Germany’s currency and economy were in- 19 Deutsche Bundesbank Monthly Report March 2002 tatters. Surplus currency abounded.1 Banks 1948 private non-banks’ credit balances were were over their heads in debt. The economy converted into Deutsche Mark at the rate of became increasingly paralysed since produc- 10:1 (including per capita amounts and busi- tion and trading at the fixed Reichsmark prices ness quotas); half of this amount initially re- had become unattractive.
    [Show full text]
  • Stable Money and Central Bank Independence: Implementing Monetary Institutions in Postwar Germany
    Joint Discussion Paper Series in Economics by the Universities of Aachen ∙ Gießen ∙ Göttingen Kassel ∙ Marburg ∙ Siegen ISSN 1867-3678 No. 24-2019 Carsten Hefeker Stable Money and Central Bank Independence: Implementing Monetary Institutions in Postwar Germany This paper can be downloaded from http://www.uni-marburg.de/fb02/makro/forschung/magkspapers Coordination: Bernd Hayo • Philipps-University Marburg School of Business and Economics • Universitätsstraße 24, D-35032 Marburg Tel: +49-6421-2823091, Fax: +49-6421-2823088, e-mail: [email protected] Stable Money and Central Bank Independence: Implementing Monetary Institutions in Postwar Germany* Carsten Hefeker† University of Siegen and CESifo September 2019 Abstract: Germany prides itself in having one of the most successful central banks and currencies with respect to independence and stability. I show that not only were both imposed on the country after 1945 but that there was also initial resistance to both among German experts and officials. This was then a rare case of successful imposition of institutions from abroad. Events are discussed in light of Peter Bernholz’s requirements for stable money and a successful central bank. JEL-Classification: E42, E58, N14, N24. Keywords: Currency reform, Bundesbank, central bank independence, institutional reform. * For helpful comments and suggestions, I thank Helge Berger, Peter Bernholz, Jerg Gutmann, Arye Hillman, Tommy Krieger and participants of the 2019 Silvaplana workshop in honor of Peter Bernholz. † University of Siegen, Department of Economics, Unteres Schloss 3, 57068 Siegen, Germany; [email protected]. 1. Introduction Germany’s central bank, the Bundesbank, and its currency, the deutsche mark, have been viewed as the world’s role models for a strong and independent central bank, low inflation, and a stable currency (Berger and de Haan 1999, Bernholz 2013).
    [Show full text]