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Part II: the Politics of California Water: Owens Valley and the Los Angeles Aqueduct, 1900 - 1927, 6 Hastings West Northwest J

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Part II: the Politics of California Water: Owens Valley and the Los Angeles Aqueduct, 1900 - 1927, 6 Hastings West Northwest J View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UC Hastings Scholarship Repository (University of California, Hastings College of the Law) Hastings Environmental Law Journal Volume 6 Article 5 Number 2 Winter/Spring 2000 1-1-2000 Part II: The olitP ics of California Water: Owens Valley and the Los Angeles Aqueduct, 1900 - 1927 William L. Kahrl Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_environmental_law_journal Part of the Environmental Law Commons Recommended Citation William L. Kahrl, Part II: The Politics of California Water: Owens Valley and the Los Angeles Aqueduct, 1900 - 1927, 6 Hastings West Northwest J. of Envtl. L. & Pol'y 255 (2000) Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_environmental_law_journal/vol6/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Environmental Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WEST NORTHWEST Throughout the campaigns in Los Angeles that gave birth in 1913 to the Los Angeles Aqueduct, no voice was ever raised on behalf of the Owens Valley, the distant source of the prized water. As vigorous as the debate became, its terms were at all times limited to the interests of the City of Los Angeles. In 1906 the competing interests of the two communi- ties clashed on the floor of the United States Congress, but the Owens Valley ranchers were outmaneuvered by the city water planners who Part II successfully encouraged President Theodore Roosevelt to support the proposed project.1 The story of the valley’s destruction over the The Politics of next twenty years is in part the story of the California Water: ranchers’ continuing failure to find a forum in which to gain a fair hearing for their plight. In 1907, the ranchers joined in protest Owens Valley and the Los once again at the meeting of the National Angeles Aqueduct, Irrigation Congress in Sacramento. They could 1900 - 1927 not have chosen a worse event for the presen- tation of their case, however, for the Irrigation Congress was one of several national organiza- By William L. Kahrl tions created at this time to back Roosevelt’s conservationist policies described by the slo- gan, “Save the forests, store the floods, reclaim the deserts, make homes on the land.”2 In Sacramento as in Washington the year before, the hapless Owens Valley ranchers found themselves allied with the selfish interests of the private land and power companies in opposition to “hysterical conservationism.”3 They were derided in the meeting and the press as “kickers” of a worthy principle, and as the San Francisco Call observed of the debates, “Anybody here who plays tennis at the White House can have anything he wants from these people and the kickers had no more chance than a snowball.”4 In both instances, the ranchers were not seeking to stop the project but only to assure that their access to the Owens River stream- flows would be protected. Unable to affect development of the aqueduct, however, the ranchers watched helplessly as Los Angeles gained virtually complete control over future settlement in the Owens Valley. When the Department of the Interior formally dropped its plans for a reclamation project on the 255 WEST NORTHWEST William L. Kahrl Volume 6, Numbers 2 & 3 Owens River immediately after Los Angeles surplus water for the highest possible return or passed the bond issue for aqueduct construc- use the surplus as the instrument of a broader tion in 1907, the half-million acres of valley policy for the annexation and consolidation of land withdrawn from settlement under the outlying areas. Homestead Act by the Reclamation Service Mayor George Alexander, who favored the were not returned to entry. Instead, along with expansion of the city to include the entire all its maps and surveys, the Reclamation county of Los Angeles, formed a special com- Service gave Los Angeles control of the storage mission in November to study both the dispo- rights which the Owens Valley ranchers had so sition of the surplus and the problem of con- willingly signed over to the federal government solidation. Early in 1911, the Public Service in 1903.5 Commission, which had charge of the city’s Opportunities for settlement in the valley water program, established its own panel of were further restricted in 1908, when Gifford consulting engineers to estimate the amount Pinchot, head of the Forest Service, extended of the surplus and to formulate a program for the borders of the Sierra National Forest its disposal.8 In their report released a few Reserve over an additional 275,000 acres of val- months later, the engineers advised that the ley land, despite the fact that no trees grew on opening of the aqueduct would provide the city this land. Henceforth, all applications from the with four times as much water as it could con- ranchers for settlement or water storage on the sume, leaving an excess of at least 360 second- federally protected lands were referred to Los feet, enough to irrigate approximately 135,000 Angeles, where they met certain rejection.6 acres of land each year.9 Although this was an “This is not a government by legislation; it amount sufficient to service the needs of the is a government by strangulation,” complained Owens Valley twice over, such an application of the congressman from Inyo County, Sylvester the surplus was never seriously entertained by Smith.7 Although President Taft did repeal the panel. Instead, their report—named for its Pinchot’s order establishing a forest preserve principal signators the Quinton-Code-Hamlin in the treeless valley in February, 1911, the Report—recommended a general policy for ranchers had determined by this time that they city expansion. Under this policy, any area out- would have to bargain for their future with Los side the city limits that desired to share in the Angeles. In 1910, they had opened negotia- surplus would have to agree to be annexed to tions with the city officials for an equitable the city as a condition of receipt of the water. division of water within the valley. Water would not be supplied to those areas The prospects for an accommodation where there was not a “reasonable assurance” between Los Angeles and the Owens Valley of ultimate annexation. In addition, any area were better in 1910 than they would ever be receiving water from the aqueduct would be again. Even though the aqueduct had been required to pay in advance the cost of con- under construction for three years by this time, structing a distribution system according to Los Angeles had still not developed a policy for city specifications and to assume as well a pro- disposing of the great surplus of water which portionate share of the tax burden for the costs the aqueduct would provide. From September of the aqueduct. 20 to October 7, the city council held public hearings twice a week on the question of what . should be done with the excess water after the city’s immediate needs had been met. Throughout [an] extended struggle over Although there was general agreement that the city policy for the disposal of the surplus, city should not alienate its existing rights to [William] Mulholland’s [negotiated] with the the Owens River water without a two-thirds Owens Valley ranchers [ ]. In May, 1913, a ten- vote of approval by the electorate, opinions tative agreement was reached which would divided as to whether the city should sell the have allowed the ranchers to draw enough 256 WEST Winter / Spring 2000 Part II: The Politics of California Water NORTHWEST water to continue operation of their existing irri- By 1920, when the city had expanded to gation systems.22 But the conditions favoring a 364 square miles, Mulholland had reason to peaceful settlement that existed in 1910 had worry that the pace of annexation had already changed drastically by this time. [T]he sub- over-reached the project’s capacity of supply. sequent adoption of the Quinton-Code-Hamlin With regard to supplying water for domestic Report in the months following this tentative use, the problem was more potential than real. agreement meant that the needs of the San The annexed areas were largely uninhabited, Fernando Valley would henceforth take prece- and the 206 square miles added to the city dence over those of the Owens Valley. between 1915 and 1920 increased the City’s population by only 12,701. But, with the open- ... ing of the Panama Canal in 1914, Los Angeles had already begun to emerge as the premier Thus, the opening of the aqueduct on port and commercial center on the West Coast, November 5, 1913, effectively sealed the fate of and the end of World War I brought a flood of the Owens Valley as it marked the start of new immigrants to the city at the rate of Mulholland’s negotiations with the San 100,000 per year.27 Fernando interests over the delivery of the sur- With regard to water for irrigation, on the plus. Despite acrimonious resistance from the other hand, the problem was already acute and new towns of the San Fernando Valley, centered almost entirely on the changes in Mulholland insisted upon annexation as a con- agricultural production that had occurred in dition for their receipt of the water. In support of the San Fernando Valley since the introduction his case, he cited not only city policy as adopt- of aqueduct water.
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