CEU eTD Collection Budapest Hungary Budapest In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Science Political of Department University European Central to Submitted 6/2/2010 Nikolovski Dimitar By nationalism and liberalism The interplaybetween Bulgaria in 1996/97 The student protests in Macedonia, Serbia and DIMITRIJEVIC NENAD SUPERVISOR: THESIS MA CEU eTD Collection contested statehood and unresolvedwhich inter-ethnicproblems, are absent inBulgaria. becausein MacedoniaandSerbia,butnot Bulgaria, MacedoniaandSerbiahaveissuesof Serbia, nationalismisdominantinMacedonia.Furthermore, itshows thatnationalismis present Serbia the lining ofliberalismandnationalism is invertedwhile – inthefrontside liberalism is Macedonia and cases of the shows thatin thesis the events.The of participants andobservers andopinionshavebeenlargelytakenfrom thecountries, andinformation mostly localfrom ontheother side.Theliteratureused ispresentnationalism is inpro-democraticmovements, liberalismside, andinwhichinstances inaprotestmovement, onone andnationalismcoexist outhow thethesistriestofind Specifically, a paralleltime-period. protests happenedin that democracy andnationalismthatcould inthestudentbe throughtheinstancesofliberalism found nationalism. It compares the three similar post-communistcountries with non-consolidated Bulgaria inthewinterwith 1996/1997, regards of to theinterplaybetween liberalism and in Macedonia,Serbia,and The thesisthattookplace student protests comparatively examinesthe Abstract i CEU eTD Collection literature. and interviews me give to enough kind were who everyone and travel my research during thank family my for support,myfriends the me,who encouraged all peoplethe me thathosted constructive comments, and guidance given throughout the process.Furthermore, Iwouldlike to especiallyI would Nenadfor Professor mysupervisor liketo theinsight, Dimitrijevicthank Acknowledgments ii CEU eTD Collection ilorpy...... 61 Bibliography IV. Conclusions...... 60 III. The student protests...... 26 II. The conditions that led to the protests in the ...... 9 three countries ...... 1 I. Introduction Table of Contents III. c.. The student protests in Bulgaria...... 52 III. b. The studentprotests in Serbia...... 39 III. a. The student protests in Macedonia...... 26 II. c. Bulgaria...... 19 II. b. Serbia...... 12 II. a. Macedonia...... 9 I. d. Theoretical framework and definitions...... 4 I. c. Research questions ...... 3 and hypotheses I. b. Research design...... 2 I. a. Purpose of thesis and general settings...... 1 II. c. iii. The presence of nationalism itself: Macedonia and Serbia vs. Bulgaria....56 II. c. ii. The usage of national symbols and the ...... 54 lack of nationalism II. c. i. The role of the students and the symbolism ...... 52 of the protests III. b. iii. The students and nationalism...... 42 III. b. i. Belgrade is the World...... 39 III. a. ii. Theideology, slogans, support, and ...... 30 reactions III. a. i. Generally ...... 26 on the protests II. c. ii. The general protests...... 23 II. c. i. The situation in Bulgaria after fall of communism...... 19 II. b. iii. The civil protests and the Zajedno coalition...... 17 II. b. ii. The 1996 elections and the protests ...... 14 that followed II. b. i. Setting the scenes: The rule of Milosevic...... 12 II. a. ii. The inter-ethnic relations and the “misfortunate” law...... 11 II. a. i. 1991-1996: The national setting...... 9 iii CEU eTD Collection happened in Macedonia in 1997 during the biggest student protests protests biggestin countryhas studenthappenedin the that seen so 1997duringthe Macedonia The prime reason why I had chosen this topic students.was the lack of academiccases discussion in which explore will oneI did. it cases in other over demands, democratic their or of meaning the whathamper the or otherendanger not did demands nationalist and symbols national of use the somewhere while was that, dominant,two of the cases, but nevertheless influenced the nature andof the movements. It is interesting to note how they in least roles at various played Nationalism of their countries. for the democratization and pushed were usedprovide democracy) to government astable accountable foran economicreforms andpolitical and operationalizedpoint-of-view. In the thesis, Iclaim that all three movements had liberal demands (in the sense of remain by inthe the still movements These memories cases). specific in the extents varying (to democracy of consolidation of the three or emergence the and countries their of countries development further the on impact significant with different viewsIn periodthe 1996-1997 in students the countries these becamethree highly andhadpoliticized a towards them from today’s andBulgaria. Serbia, Macedonia, countries: movements post-communistthree casesof societies,through the intransitional Balkan instudent liberalism and nationalism between relations the explore to aims thesis MA This settings general and ofthesis I. a.Purpose I. Introduction 1 CEU eTD Collection the three countries. Tomake Ihaveused countries. three media forthe thelack articles, literature, up academic of in transitions the depicts that literature analyzed have I movements, protest the to lead that events andsee from specific the communism duringtheir transitions in societies three conditions the political social,Furthermore,to establish inorder and been economic, the nothing. almost has there movement protest Macedonian the on though even movements, three the on written this For thesis, Ihaveusedqualitative Thus, analysis. various Ihave literaturesgone through design I. b.Research myhypothesis. and assess questions my research address in to movements order the Finally, nationalism. Icompare presenceofliberalism on the and Then, in Iengage their protests, the anddescribingsymbolism, with special dynamics emphasis First, I explore the situations in the threegoals, as they themselvescountries might or might not have been the goals. certain achieve to used andmerely were liberalism or the nationalism how show will I conditions chosen have I that that led to thein the protests. processes of democratization, mutually necessarilyexclusive andarenot issues intheBalkans, very are delicate because those as I hope to show in my work.I would like toput this in frameworkof the relationthe between nationalism and liberalism, Thus, with the three cases countries would shed more lightinto what was going on in Macedonia. Serbian and the coincided with Considering period time the the that demonstrators. Bulgarianmotives of demands and protests,far. There are many (miss) conceptions in the country about the nature of the protests and the real I believe that drawing parallels with those two neighboring 2 CEU eTD Collection nationalism andliberalism aboutwhichI talk. between interplays specific the for reasons the isolate beableto Iwill conditions, these transition, non-changingof elites, serious economic hardship,andelectoral Given problems. belated government: the against thestudents of mobilization andpopular to dissatisfaction led in that hadmanysimilarities of I believetime-period, this countries, that three setdepicted the For answering, Iwill assess two hypotheses: Ihaveresearch questions: For this project, two hypotheses and questions I. c.Research well as journalists, analysts and university professors from the three countries. conflicting opinions, Ihave heavily oninterviewsrelied leaders with protest and participants, as potentially and movements, complex involves it since Furthermore, Macedonia. for mostly 2. 1. 2. 1. deep ethnic problems and contested statehood. deep ethnic problems andcontested with societies in democratization for movements in the present are elements Nationalist gain massive from support actors. other Nationalism andliberalism areused“shields” as for reaching goals the other in to order democratization? for movements student the of as part appear cases doesnationalism In what goal? other the cantoreach beusedastools or they only democratization for movements in the other each with compatible liberalism and nationalism Are 3 CEU eTD Collection Routhledge, 2003, p. 19 1 In a discussion of the hardships of making a clear definition liberalism,of Eccleshall writes: rather analytically. but normatively, this problem approach order to have a clearer picture of the character of the student protests in the three cases. I will not in terms two the of coming definition with aworking at attempt up of will I thesis purpose this the for nationalism, and liberalism of concepts accompany that disagreements many of Aware definitions and framework I. d.Theoretical present. was not movement least solved in at taken by were nationalism protest by the this analysis, time-period the or experienced, not were problems these where country in a however, Contrary, understandable. is incases both nationalism presenceof the statehood, andcontested deep ethnic problems on one side, and the Bulgarian case on the other side. Considering that the first two countries had For the second set of a question and hypothesis, I will compare the Macedonian and Serbian cases in protests Serbia. While liberalism was used innationalistic protests in Macedonia, nationalism was used in liberal cases. in two the inverted was nationalism and liberalism between relation the herethat claim For the first set of a question and hypothesis, Iwill compare the cases of Macedonia and Serbia. I Eccleshall, Robert. Eccleshall, enhanced. a structure of equal rights in the expectation that dutiful citizenship or civic virtue will thereby be private property.Liberals, to anticipate the argument, have wished to safeguard individual liberties through distinctive perspectiveI suggest that liberalism is neitheriscoherent nor narrowlya strong individualistic: that what gives thedoctrine its sense of public duty or citizenship which is linked with the ownership of 1 Liberalism in: Eccleshall, Robert et al. Robert Eccleshall, in: 4 PoliticalIdeologies: An introduction. London: CEU eTD Collection between tomind andGreececome Macedonia between here). “name issue” the countries, these in several of rights minority of (respect democratization and have progress the of impeded region between overhistory countries the the colder conflicts violence, various studies. the Besides forto conduct ofnationalism scholars be ground afertile mixture Balkan hasproven the inpeople to of forces 2001, security andinsurgents Macedonian of these parts world.the Added tothis thearmed happened conflict that between ethnic Albanian in dangerous very as nationalism see to situation the to brought have in them exercised violence Yugoslavia.violence The that wars came as a resultwagedgiven inter-ethnic historicalthe of andrecord animosities, especially of considering the outburst of the Balkans, nationalistthe in inespecially it, to undertone negative a Bosnia, often has talk in colloquial stancesNationalism, of theCroatia ruling elitesfact, would bemeasurable for levelthe and usageof nationalism in movements. these after and the breakupKosovo of degrees. This,in in mixedcountries different Bulgarian)Macedonian, Serbian areethnically and and(the work my in to referring am I that the societies the that given my analysis, for ferociousness relevant especially is protection minority of type latter The minorities. pre-political stable to and minorities, political of the democracy insists on also protectionthe minorities,of where this concept refersto changing both liberal Importantly, freedoms. political on insists liberalism arrangements, these of quality its Inordertosecuredemocratic main are andof separation arrangements. the powers political therule limits on the limitedliberalism focuses law, of government, political of thus, authority: threats, from rights protect effectively to effort an In rights. constitutional basic in the formalized So, in a minimum sense, liberalism basedis onpersonal autonomy and freedom, which are 5 CEU eTD Collection these these include: less and “refers articulated,” loyalties,sentiments, moregroup or consciousness, attitudes, to Furthermore, Smith comes up with another analysis. future in the show Iwill as twopresent, not is also groups polycentric the that say to enough of definitionsnot is that but Balkans, inthe nationalism of ethnocentric the mostly nationalism. witness still we Nevertheless, The first of constituted high.‘own’been success has always not people,their eventhough the sense,following Smith’s logic, since historically have tended people to live in countries borrow, or adapt.” dogroups have and valuable noblegenuinely ideasandinstitutions which we would dowell to 3 polycentric 2 an “For nationalism. “polycentric” and “ethnocentric” the between differentiates Smith D. Anthony befor applied thepurpose needs to of study.this bevalue-neutral nationalism Thus, a denied.of of provisional cannot understanding course, valuable whilenation-building, for especially smallcountries and negative people. Its instances, Nationalism itself isalways not a considered negative instance, asithas proven beto highly Idem, pp. 167-168 Smith, Anthony D. 3. 2. 1. a set of aspirations for the independence and unity of the nation. the of unity and independence the for aspirations of a set a sentiment of devotion to one’s nation and advocacy of its interests an idiom, phrase or trait peculiar to the ‘nation’ ethnocentric nationalism] starts from the premises that there are many centres of many are centres there that from premises the starts nationalism] Theories of Nationalism. 2 In general, nationalism in the Balkans has been understood in an ethnocentric inan understood been has Balkans inthe nationalism Ingeneral, nationalist, both his‘power’ and‘value’inhere to cultural [while group, London: Duckworth, 1971, pp. 158-159 6 3 real power; other power; CEU eTD Collection 5 4 made by thatcomply students the general understandingliberalism.the with of “plays” how it of andagainstsomeone insteadpurposes, demands with presence the of other isin nationalism used areused, whilein whether which they context the mind protests, keeping situations used,Iwill when itisor look atthe present nationalist symbolism rhetoricand inthe the on depending negatively, and positively both seen be can nationalism that Acknowledging writes: Tamir nationalism, and liberalism between “marriage” the On them. defines one normatively how on especially and of discussion, matter is a other witheach compatible are nationalism and liberalism Whether divine election of canleadnations” actions todangerous by nationalists. “doctrine of example, the For canbeseennegatively. others least attitude, at positive neutral or purely has nationalism of understanding some whereas discussion, Smith’s from seen be As can Tamir, Yael. Tamir, Idem,p. 168 3. 2. 1. andmovements,” include: these refers“The secondideologies, group todoctrines, programmes, activities of organizations, development as an experience shared with others. with shared experience an as development membership and historical continuity, the importance and of one’sperceiving present life and one’s future liberties personaland autonomy, nationalism is a theory about theeminence of national-cultural Liberal nationalism relies on the assumption that as liberalism is a theory about the eminence of individual doctrinethe divine of election of nations. a form of socialism, based on the nationalization of industry a political programme embodying such aspirations in organizational form Liberal Nationalism. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993, p. 79 7 4 5 CEU eTD Collection of protest: Social movements and the framing perspective. 6 countries. three conditions inthe tothe according andBulgaria protests Serbia, of Macedonia, student frames within the of the incorporated were liberalismnationalism how will and pages, I represent in nationalism frame forand Confucianism wider strategically acceptance. their communism, ininUS. Onthe side, other ’80-ies adopted protestingChinathe the students dependingontheareasof modethe intheirof frame andvariedactions its democratic rhetoric liberal the hadaccepted movement civil instance, For the rights ideology.” “hegemonic withinframed were nationalism and liberalism how see will I questions, research the the answering While student movements in the three countries, with what David L. Westby calls Westby, David L. Strategic imperative, ideology, and frames 8 Lanham: Rowman andLittlefield, 2005, pp.226-229 in: Johnston, Hank and John A. Noakes (ed.) 6 In the coming the In Frames CEU eTD Collection http://www.stat.gov.mk/glavna.asp?br=01 8 2009 http://www.civicworld.org.mk/default.asp?ItemID=9D845613EEAC48469F5ED116A1FCA2D1 7 poverty rapidly.rose rates From in poverty 19% rose 1990, 2% to in rate 1997 for same consentthe of Unemployment and oil weaponssmugglingwith elites. and ruling was imposed, thepath in formera Greekembargoand Yugoslav traced wars countries other the privatization tobeproved much harder than was expected. Astable Yugoslav marketwas closed, and Thepathshardship. largeeconomic of by chosen course, fortransition rulingthe elites and challenged (its ethnic tensions, dangerous political turbulence, issue’), ‘name the to UN,due the acceptance to recognition international problematic controversy: much with abundant transition atroublesome entered Macedonia Federation, Yugoslav the from independence Since its The setting national II. a.i.1991-1996: Macedonia II. a. countries II. Theconditions that led totheprotests inthethree unemploymentrose from in 14% 1990 to36% in 1997 Andrevski, Filip. “Can Poverty Be Reduced?” Poverty “Can Filip. Andrevski, Macedonia in numbers 2008. p. 19. State statistical office of Republic of Macedonia. Skopje 2008. Available at capital. Consequently, privatizationwas done in away that completely threw foreigncapital out. The changes, without the needed competition to find the most suitable new owners, and without additional obtaining public property. Only formal ownership changed, butwithout the needed methodological worst of all: privatizationthrough insiders close to the government and the elites. This meant easily competition, good corporatestrengthening governance rights, etc. property Third, and very private as important, such the model out, before of privatization carried were conducted wasreforms was the complementary necessary privatization Second, process. the realize to preparations of good making the privatization was conducted when95% ofand companiesall were made privatized, wrong choices issues. about [three] First, conducted was privatization inof process anthe when extremely time the in 1995-1998, in government Macedonian The short, mass, and non-transparent way. That did not allow for . Accessed 15.11.2009 9 8 . . Accessed 15.11. 7 , while , CEU eTD Collection at 11 10 http://www.vicepremier.gov.mk/?q=node/427 9 from the diaspora hoping to invest in the country) lost 12 million Deutch Marks at the time.12.000TAT, when people who about The In 1996,another scandalhappened.was economicof nature crash the savings-bank the That of mentioned to theshady above. privatization partners. of coalition their seats plus 30 boycottdecided thesecond This to round. freewin SDSM gave a to way to of 60 out 120 seats, they account, into taken not were complaints their When protested. severely opposition the disabled them to cast their votes and opened the way to new manipulation).way to castandtheirvotes disabled the themto opened (which lists voter’s the from citizens many of omission the and boxes, ballot insecure SDSM, irregularities, including Unity (VMRO-DPMNE), National Macedonian for –Party Organization Revolutionary won Macedonian Internal wing right 14.3% in the first round. while thevotes, mainopposition, of the 32.6% DemocraticMacedonia (SDSM)won of However, Union the round itself Social ruling the of year, coalition the that inOctober elections parliamentary the Atcome. was full of eventfor whichaprotest-to- happened theopportunity inHowever, avery important 1994 caused streets. the on went out who from companies privatized workers situation werein.they and wasnotuncommon, Protest italmost exclusively was laid-off the is It thatpeople from obvious abovestated the wereunhappy with economicthe political and Petrovski, Konstantin. “On the way to the second Revival.” Bitola 05. 06. 2009. EGO online Naumovskimagazine. Available Branislav. “The temptations of the Macedonian transition.” Skopje: Feniks, 1997, pp.63-64 Stavrevski, Zoran. “Development and the Elites.” Skopje 27. 03. 2009. Available at Available 2009. 03. 27. Skopje Elites.” the and “Development Zoran. Stavrevski, http://www.ego.com.mk/arhiva/35-broj161/51-po-patot-na-vtorata-prerodba.html to the members of the elites with whom they shared financial and other interests. other and financial shared they whom with elites ofthe members the to purpose of political leaders thenwas not to find the most suitable investors, but to give the firms “forfree” the mobilization of the public administration and police in favor of . Accessed 15.11.2009 11 saved their money in foreign currencies (many of whom of (many currencies foreign in money their saved Having ¾of the Parliament, obviously, opened the way 10 . Accessed 10.12. 2009. 9 10 To this, of course, of Tothis, CEU eTD Collection 2006, pp. 30-31 12 language was opened in Tetovo (an Albanian-dominated town inin town (an late1994,which language Albanian-dominated Macedonia) wasopenedinTetovo MilosevicKosovo, butthe in Anillegal studies. university these closed regime private Albanian Until Albanian students from1991, Macedonia incould study their in mother tongue Prishtina, trust. province ofKosovo, Macedonians feareddecreasedtheinter-ethnic whichfurther secessionism, unconstitutional).of in the light Albanians and ethnic between tensions the In Serbian Serbs country the use buildings,butto Albanianon the insteadtheir flag (which was clearly inelections, both and theput Tetovo mayors,Gostivar ethnic the flag notto Albaniansdecided of state independent an create was madeto andattempt 1992, communities decreased. In two between the education in language,their andlarger employmentin publicthe administration, confidence the majority, the were they where areas the in autonomy rights, cultural more wanting Albanians the fragile. With werevery Albanian, the Macedonian and the country, in communities the largest two the between especially relations, inter-ethnic asnow)the (aswell nineties In the “misfortunate” law andthe II. a.ii.Theinter-ethnicrelations of the people were small savers who had put all their savings there. vast the that considering people, the among great very was disappointment the and “VIP-savers” unknown of hands in the disappeared had money the government, the with ties close had owners Stojcev, Kokan. “The Ilirida, bashibozuk with an illegal referendum local withthe anillegal Albanians.In 1996 at amongreferendum the of the urban mafia reminds of the TAT-affair.” Macedonian Sun nr. 641, 13. 10. 13. 641, nr. Sun Macedonian TAT-affair.” of the reminds mafia urban of the 11 12 CEU eTD Collection 12.2009 http://www.macedonia.org/crisis/timeline.html 13 II. b. i. Setting the scenes: TheII. b.i.Setting ruleofMilosevic the scenes: Serbia II. b. fighters against the totalitarian regime of SDSM, and, as will be shown, were ready to die for that. language,nation of andas the Macedonian and Constitution themselvesthe and protectors asthe promoted They Parliament. the of front in went and government the towards dissatisfaction tongue study to inmotherminorities their areguaranteed that stated which Macedonian Constitution, in elementary in the history beMacedonia. Macedonian of law students sawthis inconflict to with the This lawwas single initial fannedthe spark that so the flamesfor far protests biggest student the and high school. for Party Prosperity. Democratic the partners, Albanian Theyplease their andasaway to in Tetovo, university with the situation escalating the alleviate usedprovided forstudies the in language.Albanian The ruling party SDSM saw thisas a way to the momentum on Usagethe of Languagesthe of in Minorities Faculty the inPedagogy of which Skopje, a Law Parliament to the proposed Todorova, for Sofija Education, Minister the In January 1997, of the large social as authoritiesclose tried it. Onesupporters to died. person was followedbetween Macedonian the violence with emerging and thestudentsand police 17. 02. 2007. 14 The status of the ethnic Albanians in Macedonia – Timeline. Available at Available –Timeline. Macedonia in Albanians ethnic ofthe status The Georgievski, Boris. “Ten years since the protests that changed the political ambience.” Utrinski Vesnik, Skopje Vesnik, Utrinski ambience.” political the changed that protests the since years “Ten Boris. Georgievski, http://www.utrinski.com.mk/?ItemID=3B91761ECFEA5B479DDBAFDC6C0A2782 . Accessed 10.12.2009 12 14 13 . Accessed 11. Accessed . CEU eTD Collection 17 16 Center forDemocratic Transition, 2003, pp. 146-147 Authoritarianism and Democracy (Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia), Vol. 1: Institutional Framework. 15 legitimize power, but did not abide by the democratic rules. democratic abideby the not did but legitimize power, to pluralism political accepted heonly since regime,” transitional [even] asademocratic bebeis viewed “cannot Milosevic’s nodoubt democratic:that regime there Milosevic to regime the considered time the of authors relevant the of None committed. been had violations rights andhuman waratrocities serious whereKosovo and Herzegovina, and Bosnia Croatia, Slovenia, with wars to country the led which Serbia, a Greater for policies ethno-nationalist coming inpower he emerged1987, as a fierce and presidentpopulist of Serbia violentwith Yugoslavia, Since FederalRepublicYugoslavia, the his andMontenegro. comprised of Serbia of managed tohold Montenegro within onto the Serbian reach inand,formed 1992, yetanew Milosevic independentrepublics, Slobodan intoSince several thebreakupYugoslavia of the streets with streets the asSerbian heroes. crime figuresbeingtreated patriot in interests andon for state wars was used the crime organized suppressed, frequently media was At the time, the Serbian society was in constant militarization, corruption flourished, freedom of bloodiest warin sinceEurope 1945.” Serbia, were among the crucial reasons why the problem statehoodof was solved by war, and the especially structures, theoneformedThese power underin ethnocratic Slobodan Milosevic ethnocratic structure problem was that statehood inheritedof from SFRthe Yugoslavia, it when had “[a]well-rounded of power, resting on the power of the elites in the constuituent republics. para-state cartel cartel para-state ‘official’ composed institutions,of political with its the ‘coalition’ ruling party See the 1995 documentary 1995 Seethe Ibid. p. 144 Darmanovic, Srdjan. Darmanovic, Peculiarities of Transition in Serbia and Montenego Vidimo se u þ itulji (See you in the Obituaries), 16 13 dir. Janko Baljak, B92 Production. in: Vujadinovic, Dragica, et al. Dragica, Vujadinovic, in: 15 As Darmanovic writes, the 17 “Serbia was ruled by a Belgrade: Between CEU eTD Collection 21 Metzo, Katherine R., ed. Reassessing Peripheries in Post-Communist Studies. Chicago: DePaul University 1999. 20 in the Nineties. 19 Democratic Transition,2005, p. 61 Democracy (Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia), 18 II. b. ii. The 1996 elections and theproteststhatfollowed II. b.ii.The 1996 electionsand hardships. in tosurvive economy the order crime numbers peopleor inthegray of engaged those Large factories. closure the of dueto vacation on permanent andmany were state, by them the The unemployed and wereleft pensioners on verge the starvation of nohelpand was to offered haltedin until tosupport 2000 thewarefforts.order 40% of 1991, about wereprivatized, publicly the owned companies andwas privatization the in In livingandhard 1990- conditions. period extremely the peopleof Serbiawere economic the followed, Hyperinflation country wasundertaking. thatthe military Serbia duetothe operations Startingin UN,EU,UK imposed 1992,the andvarious US sanctions and on anoil embargo the Republic as the center of the spider web and the personification of the system.” satellites, the army,various police formations, the mafia, Court intellectuals, with the President of Ibid. p. 5 Djuric-Kuzmanovic, Tanja and Dubravka Zarkov. Dimitrijevic, Nenad. See more on the privatization in: Bolcic, Silvano. employees. distributed directly by the state, to companies (i.e. worker's unions), which distributed it further to theiraccess to goods directly distributed by state.the Forinstance, their of 1993, in flour, potatoes because and meat were one at point mainly survived have They ones. unqualified of the than better bit a still is workers outside laboraltogether: the unemployed andpensioners, dependent onthe state. The positionof skilled shared decline.But the most devastating effectsexperience ofpauperizationlevels, have struck manualworkerstheir on and those experts and professionals with together strata governing lower The contractors. Political elites, warentrepreneurs and market contractors are ina better social positionthan the public 21 William Davidson Institute Working Paper Number626, October 2003 20 Serbia as an Unfinished State Vol. I1: Civil Society and Political Culture. Poverty and Non-Directed Development in Serbia, in: Vujadinovic, Dragica, et al. et Dragica, Vujadinovic, in: Blocked Transition And Post-Socialist Transformation: Serbia 14 19 Between Authoritarianism and Belgrade: Centerfor 18 p. 5 in CEU eTD Collection 23 Milosevic 22 invictorious municipalities45 of Serbia. victoriesthe in 14 major cities, including Nis, Novi Sad, and Kragujevac;in sum they were “The victory in the capital came as a surprise even to Zajedno itself.” in toZajedno “The even victory came as a capital the surprise local level. onthe well they did of especially elections, the second round the after However, Milosevic’s UnitedforYugoslav (JUL) Left ultra-rightthe and 16 wing Radical Party (RSS). consideringinjust for the 22seats that, Yugoslav compared legislature, only won they 64 to public media, they did not expect for much support. The results from the federal elections proved and biasedfrom country. Havingvisitedseverely manyplacestogether, coverage the facing They presented a democratic option to the existinglevel. regime, and resisted theVojislav war policies Kostunica’s of the called coalition the established Djindjic Democratic Party led Zoran by led Party and(DS) Pesic, Democratic the by Vesna (GSS), Alliance Serbia of of Serbia (DSS),in butthe only country. at the federal,changeform relations to in order existingpower the hadagreedto opposition a coalition parties The and notSerbian localAs federalfor Novemberlargestlocal wereset up threeand pro-democratic elections 1996,the Renewal Movement democracy. changea greater towards (SPO), led by Milosevic country propaganda from successfully ethno-populist prevented the regime the run by Vuk Draskovic,importantly, repressive andmost butthe secret police, system,democratic turnover, the the The country had fertileCivic grounds for the wide dissatisfaction of the people beto transformed intoa Ibid. p. 32 Anastasijevic, Dejan and Anthony Borden (ed.), 22 , UK:, Institute forWar &Peace Reporting 2000, pp. 31-32 Out of time: Draskovic, Djindjic and Serbian Opposition Against Zajedno 15 (Together). The coalition was joined by Thecoalition joined (Together). was 23 This was by accompanied CEU eTD Collection discontent 27 26 separately. them analyze movement tried to distance and remain independent from the parties as much as possible, thus it is reasonable to 25 Center forFree Elections and Democracy, 1999. pp. 104-106 24 in the a foreign such Hungary,absence was of USSR. In former as the (occupying) power like in wasno there emergencemovementthat of roundtabletalkslike or the Poland, a Solidarity (CEE) in late in 1980s.” system Europe Central and Eastern the socialist the of collapse the about brought that movement the of echo delayed a undoubtedly in inNovember1996were out thatbroke “the massSerbia out, protests As MladenLazicpoints much pleas from external factors, and a brink of a civil war in general. accompanieddays of protests, by marches, ofmedia,student closures daily with clashes police, fraud,called for demands. university-specific electoral the of correction for the calling besides who, andprofessors, students by university opposition protests on19 opposition protests The outcome was that facereal of whole itsthe dependence illustrated legal system on complete rulingand the party.” the coalitionsupervising had lost committees, all major Even though coalitionthe Zajednopressedmany chargesagainst and memberspresidents of onlythe onecities, was accepted which by supervising boards,or organized castingpre-fulfilled of with thenames ballots the of SPS candidates. courts.would “The be electoralthe start of electoral lists andthereports electoral the as falsifying local of such round the elections, theft of showed the the in second many, the especially were Irregularities falsify results. apparatus election to the state happen, allow a not MilosevicHowever, sawthis blowheas andcouldserious it so used to the Lazic, Mladen, Ibid. p. 33 Whilst they basically had the same demands, and at most of the times intertwined witheach other, the student Goati, Vladimir. Goati, : protest in Belgrade Introduction: The Emergence of aDemocratic Order in Serbia Elections in FRY 1990-1998 – the Will of the Citizens of Electoral Manipulation. th , Budapest: CEU Press 1999 p. 4 November in November Nis, and20 25 Serbia saw 88 days of Zajedno protests, and117 Zajednoprotests, of Serbiasaw88days 16 th Novemberin They Belgrade. were joined 27 However, the main difference the However, in: Lazi in: 26 ü , Mladen (ed.), Belgrade: Winter of 24 CEU eTD Collection Mladen(ed.), and 29 28 severely injured at one of the marches on Branko’s injuredmarches aclashwith Bridge of after severely atone onBranko’s inBelgrade the the had becomeviolent with the police forces, under the pretext of “blocking traffic.” Pesic even got protests the itleaders. Over time, was thelocal party towns andinsmaller of marches, frontthe the at were Djindjic and Draskovic, Pesic, leaders three The react. did not start at police the that have been allowed in the first place), but the rallies were so massively visited by would ordinary citizensthey whether is debatable (it movement the of character anti-regime the show to order in and then followedby marches throughout the cities. No special permits for rallies were obtained, city squares, prominentparty where leaders orsupportive public figures would address public,the was nature up.Basically,massrallies people of times the at protests the over300,000 showed Serbia, at in more and around than 50 cities were held coalition ledby Zajedno the The protest coalition Zajedno II. b.iii.Thecivilprotestsandthe protests. Zajedno-led civil, the of actions and roles the assess shortly will I sub-chapters, following the In followingfall the of communism tostatehood anddue ethnic problems. democracy of consolidation postpone to wasable Serbia leader of andthe West, the to openness relative a enemies, external without maintained, autonomously was system the Yugoslavia, The chronology from these events was mostly taken from the newspapers Ibid. p. 5 Dnevni Telegraf Winter gathered and published in: of discontent : protest in Belgrade Bogdanovic, Milica et al. , Budapest: CEU Press 1999,pp. 211-230 17 Chronologyof the Protest Nasa borba, Demokratija, Blic, Borba 29 28 in: Lazi in: ü , CEU eTD Collection 33 Belgrade 32 31 Milosevic 30 The citizen and opposition protests ended The on protests 15 citizen andopposition but takepart, law waspassed nevertheless. the refused to the session of the Serbianby OSCE. At asestablished electionsresults a some special lawrecognizing eventually proposed Parliament when it annulled.nine Underpressure,Milosevic was municipalities Belgrade, where of previously this law needed to be and in They victory recommendations. as provide aswell Zajednorecognized the of 13cities voted, the Zajedno coalitionmission, led by former SpanishUnderboth domestic and international pressures, Milosevic agreed acceptPrimeto the visit of an OSCE Minister Felipe Gonzalez to examine showingthe the final direction that the coalitionelection was headed towards. results Draskovic on 27 that out point to remarkable is It country. the in on is going what of community international During leaders thehad coalition protests, the inform visited in to several embassies order the members, according polls to takenby School Belgradethe Philosophy.of Whatis police. interesting 3.5% only in that about of in supporters the Belgrade were fact party coalition was recognized in the places where they have won. The most significant achievement is achievement significant havein The most they won. where places the was recognized coalition Ibid. pp. 212-228 Bogdanovic, Milica et al. Ibid. p. 35 Anastasijevic, Dejan and Anthony Borden (ed.), sparked by the rebellion. by the sparked protests and immediately afterwards showed strong anti-regime sentiments and high hopes forthe future onby long-standing economic hardship and police repression.Opinion polls conducted at the time of the The 1996-1997 public protests marches and were fora way citizens tofree themselves brought ofthe fear , Budapest:, CEU Press 1999,pp. 211-230 , UK: Institute for War & Peace Reporting 2000 pp. 33-34 th November for the first time called for the resignation of Milosevic, clearly Milosevic, of resignation the for called time first the for November Chronology of theProtest 31 Out of time: Draskovic, Djindjic and Serbian Opposition Against in: Lazi in: 18 th February February 1997, when victory the of Zajedno the ü , Mladen (ed.), 33 32 Winter of 30 discontent : protest in protest CEU eTD Collection 34 Europe in Vesseling phases AccordingEurope Dimitrov, 1991and between 1997,two general. to especially liberalization economic, was which happening in andin region the post-communist and political, of newconditions the to country adapt the to incompetent completely BSP was Following atechnocraticpower. governmentuntil BSPreturned In 1994-1997,the 1994, the to The government of the UDF1997. had a voteZhelev, of noa popular confidence dissidentpresident. First bytheAssembly in 1990,and afterwards in general in elections 1992, Zhelu from democratic first its the elected Bulgaria aftermeantime, Communist the In majority. a slight by won (UDF), Forces onlyera, was chosen11 months Democratic in United opposition, November1991the to and, new werecalled strikes, elections be the head in of statepower. economicuntil reform, the parliamentary elections. Continuing with people oldmethodsthe anda without true dedication for grew quickly unsatisfiedreformed by them. However, attheelectionsAfterplace which took in1990, rulingthe notchange. party did The a series Communist of protests hadbut the announce Communist ofthe in to democratization no choice country Party 1989. and Bulgarian the Europe, Eastern and Central in regimes communist the of collapse the At Party,of communism inBulgariaafterfall II. c.i.The situation now changedII. c.Bulgaria to Bulgarianfor further growing of democraticthe in opposition country.the hopes raisedthe which mayor the of Belgrade, become Djindjic DSleaderZoran the factthat the Socialist Party (BSP) won the Ibid. 19 34 CEU eTD Collection a Chronicle of the Bulgarian Civil Uprising of January-February, 1997 39 Interview 20. 04.2010, Sofia 38 Crisis in Bulgaria 37 Uprising of January-February, 1997 36 35 between ranged 3-10 dollars. pensions the forcigarettes, 5packsof were enough Worker’s wagesexponentially began to the hyperinflation indrop, stepped and averagesalaries banners on their coats that said their salaries: 18 dollars, 12, 10, to even reach 8 at the end.” couldforgetwhen of. remember werewalking [We] cannotprotestingthe doctors with around bitter, primitivepoor, “Life short. and more was miserable centennial than man inBulgaria any Hobbes: Thomas of condition natural time inthe that like at in Bulgaria life the Dainov compared prostration and complete lack of prospects.” Socialistthe collapse Cabinet), system financial the of of with closure the banks, policy 15 fodder, fuel bread,and aninflation rate of 2 000per cent(from 39beforeabout formationthe of “By endof the 1996, their government’s policies hadin resulted shortagea persistent of grain, failurereform. of structural spectacular stabilization, the liberalization second and one (1995-1997)waspartial reversal andof a permanentliberalization happened one(1991-1994)was inBulgarian economy: the first without IvanButovski, journalist in weekly magazine Cellarius, Barbara A. Dainov, Evgeniy. Foreword in: Dainov, Evgeniy (ed.), Dimitrov, Vesselin. Dimitrov, Dainov, Evgeniy. The Bulgarian State Brings a New Social Contract in: Dainov, Evgeniy (ed.), Evgeniy Dainov, in: Contract Social aNew Brings State Bulgarian The Evgeniy. Dainov, wages, pensions, and savings. and pensions, wages, fallen, many people lost have has their jobs, and rapid inflationproduction has substantially purchasingindustrial eroded and the powerof Agricultural shrinkage. sector's state the of effects economic negative the offset to enough been not has change this however, Bulgarians, many For sectors. service and agricultural private-sector activityco-operative farms and mosthas other economic increased activities were similarly centrally planned and state controlled, as a shareFrom a socialist-era situation of inwhich virtually the all agriculturaloverall land was incorporated into state-controlled economy during the l990s, particularly in the . Ethnology, Vol. 39, No. 1 (Winter, 2000), pp. 76-77 Bulgaria: The uneven transition. You Can Buy Almost Anything with Potatoes": An Examination of Barter during Economic , CSP, Sofia, 1998, p. 7 37 35 168 Hours 36 20 London: Routhledge, 2001. p. 70 The Awakening: aChronicle of theBulgarian Civil (business section), student participant in the protests. , CSP, Sofia, 1998, p. 24 The Awakening: 38 Evgeniy 39 CEU eTD Collection WashingtonDC, 1995, p.20 44 University2, of California. pp.107-108 43 pp. 56-56 42 41 2010, Sofia 40 difficultnot to respond with new credits.” restrained by controlsexplicitgovernment privatization, or already the weak banks will find it is enterprises state non-viable by the generated subsidies for demand Until problem. the of banks isattheheartloss and makers state enterprise the largestate between cord “The umbilical Bogetichinted coming atthe problems: crisis deepened.” political sametimethe the and at previous years, been the over extended thathad credits many unsecured of a the result inNovemberas collapsed in deep crisis. Foreign debt was not repaid forresources werenoin it.was not Foreign debt deepcrisis. asthere already were enterprises the only when introduced and was delayed repeatedly was privatization failure of greatest transition.” wasperhapsthe enterprises Bulgarian the problemsthe findstate to aneffective of solution to “Thegovernments inability Bulgarian the of standards. low Macedonian Serbianor the compared to cheapproducts, buy extremely and couldone go like Bulgaria wasasymboland themselves, crime Macedonia Serbia, of –aplace where poverty, From the point of view of the neighboring countries, even those with serious economic problems Bogetic, Zeljko, and Arye L. Hillman. Idem. Dimitrov, Vesselin. Dimitrov, Alexander Politov, Executive Directorof “Razum Institute,” student participant at the protests. Interview 20. 04. Todorova-Pirkova, Iveta. Todorova-Pirkova, industrial companies were put forliquidation, and people lost theirjobs. privatizeand buy them to wanted one no So, indebted. increasingly became they thus capital, spent only – they profit them. Evenreform principles the of work of companies, the it did not happen. structural The firmsdid not bringany thoughAt a timethe when land privatization was denationalized, was most needed, it did not happen. privatization While there was an increasing was need very to hard. About 300 big Bulgaria: The uneven transition. Symbols and images of ‘evil’ in student protests in Sofia, 1997. Financing Government in the Transition: Bulgaria, 44 21 London: Routhledge, 2001. p. 75 40 43 Already in 1995,Zeljko 42 Cultural Analysis 2001, World Bank, World The bank system bank The 41 Thevoucher CEU eTD Collection 48 Interview 20. 04.2010, Sofia. 47 46 Interview 20. 04.2010, Sofia 45 Soviet the been have would which with and Kazakhstan, join Belarus a pact to proposal Yeltsin’s close to the most backwardvery and Milosevic regime of the to “very sympathetic but very anti-NATO, was Russia. BSP elites of the communistEven though eradeclaratively democratic, the governmentin was looking to the EastmuchRussia. more, i.e. to They were even considering per day. by DevelopmentProgram belowline Nations, – $4perperson poverty United the asdefined the Serbia. to were going thatsmuggling however, became very from richthe US,but they also disappeared. A number of oligarchs closeat to the regime and toRussia,that time – theywheat in donations some was There market. the on release them not anddid reserves keeping the were connected to thethe arms, ones oil, that and had cigarettes money to buy, could not buy things as simple as bread, since the state was exports exports from provokingof country,the a breadshortage thus followingthe year.” grain allowed basic[the government] “In There wasaseriousexcessive of 1995, shortage products. everything. losthad at collapse they of banks, However,the the ones. people all invested money intheir abank, whojust had sold theirhouses and lookingbuy to new when situations Therewere government. the knowledge of the be without done scam could obvious that it was done with the consent of the authorities, because there was no way that such a it madebacking forThis credits. therewasnothe thus borrowingeach other, from same capital, how the The itself on banks illegal. weresetupwas principle the were all with They opened Dimitrov, Vesselin. Dimitrov, IvanButovski, journalist in weekly magazine Dimitrov, Vesselin. Dimitrov, IvanButovski, journalist in weekly magazine 48 Bulgaria: The uneven transition. Bulgaria: The uneven transition. 47 By1997,more the living than population was 30% of 168 Hours 168 Hours 22 London: Routhledge, 2001. p. 62 London: Routhledge, 2001. p. 55 (business section), student participant in the protests. (business section), student participant in the protests. 45 46 Even CEU eTD Collection of Bulgarian Ethnology Folklore,and issue: 1/ 1998, p. 67 52 51 Era Tom Lansford, eds., 50 protests. Interview 19. 04. 2010, Sofia 49 the idea of Bulgaria joining the pact with Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. and Belarus Russia, with pact the joining of Bulgaria idea the beginning was of when protests the in thesummerof 1996 old against anti-communists protested a believesthat Anastasov 1996. winterof the heldbefore were ofsignificance protests greater no but BSP, of rule the throughout all showing sporadically was dissatisfaction growing The protests II. c.ii.The general established close relations with Russia would be better for the country’s security. the already- and deepening of NATO,out keeping sawthat thoseadvances,and stopped 2.” Union part parliament andunder forparliament called themotto: protest “‘Yes’ people the Declaration tothe for declaration. However, BSP refused submitto it tothe parliament, and then the opposition left the When daycame,the thousandsin hadgathered front of Parliamentthe in tosupport the order decided postpone to votingthe January on 10. parliament, inthe majority the had who BSP, the but 3, January on declaration the discussed held. not The parliamentstill wereBSP governmentresigned onDecember 21,elections political totacklemeasures the crisis,including suggestions for early Although elections. the and economic contained Bulgaria, which of Salvation for the aDeclaration UDFproposed the banks, of the collapse After the massive. that not they were considering accepted, very widely Benovska-Sabkova, Milena, Benovska-Sabkova, Idem. Tashev, Blagovest. Hristo Anastasov, Political Science Department - New BulgarianUniversity inSofia, student participant in the Hampshire, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2005, 49 Although in the short rule of UDF, they tried to get closer to NATO, the BSP Old Europe, New Europe and the US: Renegotiating Transatlantic Security in thePost 9/11 In Search of Security – Bulgaria’s Security Policy in Transition, The Signs of Protest: January10 February 5, 1997 p. 132 52 23 , Ethnologia Bulgarica - Yearbook - Bulgarica , Ethnologia in: Blagovest Tashev and Tashev Blagovest in: 51 However, this is not 50 CEU eTD Collection 57 56 55 European Institute Foundation,journalist who ofreported protests.the E-mail correspondence 20. 05.2010 54 53 of the country, because the Ministry of Interior feared conflict of interest. of feared conflict of Ministry the Interior because country, of the from crowd werebrought periphery that the policemencame The bulk who andattacked those of violence.” whoincited the provocateurs’ “Experts today force were‘agentcame there todisperse that believe crowd. severe the and used the parliament and put fire to let deputies the refused to The crowd at the exit. In the middle of the night, additionalgovernment of the Bulgarian SocialistParty (BSP).” cordons of police a second to ‘No’ of schedule, ahead parliamentary elections to ‘Yes’ Salvation, National out in out street. the many went sincepeople so throat’ reached the had ‘the knife see couldthat really one However, much. argue againstwantdonot authority to very who people peaceful a areusually “Bulgarians activity. protest non-stop a entered country the and spread was word the stations, radio outsidenot informedvery were some Sofia whatwasgoing on. However, to independent thanks from activity,and the people protest the biased towards medianational was The increasingly. After the ‘effective’ action of the police, away.”people ran on the next day the whole heard, therethat, and somerun. Added shots in were to People which know direction to didn’t country began mobilizingbig dispersed. chaos. “Therewasa crowd the pull after deputies from the to parliament the out Anastasov, idem. Butovski, idem. Hristo Anastasov, idem. Boyadjiev,Ognian, Editor-in-chief of Idem. 56 www.europe.bg 54 leave parliament, and a more aggressive group attacked andamore group leave aggressive parliament, and and communications and public relations expert in 24 53 55 The policemanaged 57 CEU eTD Collection 59 of Bulgarian Ethnology Folklore,and issue: 1/ 1998, p. 67-68 58 for acommon goal – to make life better.” “It was a cold winter and life was difficult. The people were – probably for thefirst time – united onFebruary 5. was celebrated victory The for newelections. and give they forced streets mandateon roads, February to backthe freegave were 4, which way demonstrations,blockades of (thecity and February) wasonstriketransport Sofia inearly on from increasingfelt they the that BSP. However,due tothe give pressure to mandate had the to Stoyanov from the UDF, to take office on January 19. After the new president came in power, he Petar president, newfor elected the andwaited resignation, their after Socialists tothe mandate PresidentZhelev role played animportant inthattime,give considering hedecided notto anew though numberthis has never been measured.officially 1000 percent, whichabout people,increased theamongstrose the further to dissent even even days, andinflation general those werecalled. During occurred strikes violence blocked, sporadic were inheldand rallies, roads streeets daily until the country every town almost 4 February, Following that, gathering. atthat people half million about were there arethat The estimations 11. January on in Sofia Nevski Aleksandar St. church the of front in was gathering greatest The Boyadjiev, idem. Benovska-Sabkova, Milena, Benovska-Sabkova, The Signs of Protest: January10 February 5, 1997 59 25 58 , Ethnologia Bulgarica - Yearbook - Bulgarica , Ethnologia CEU eTD Collection http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cz9gRtD0VZM&feature=related 61 12.2009 17. 02. 2007. 60 later recollected Petrovski we wereamazed,” and gathered people more many Parliament, –the destination final our until Ministry, the to then Faculty,“As wemovedthe and from Education. totheMinistry of continued Philosophy and On 14 wing VMRO-DPMNE. of opposition the party rejected candidate for President of Studentthe Union, Filip Petrovski,member a of youth the them, including the Rectorate at the time. One of the greatest moral support they got was from a UniversityUnion by Student “Ss.the Cyril andweresupported state andthe of Methodius,” reaction and that they lacked more massiveness in order to be able changeto a law, they turned to by When wasno there saw that they Dean. atthetheir Faculty campus, supported protests with Mirjanaby itslead started The Faculty, Kitanovska, small atthis president, Union Student at Pedagogy. Faculty of the itall started And before. seen never had country the that students school high and university of mobilization protesters (at January-March35 days 1997,about 15 of days hungerof strike,protest, more and than 20 000 the biggest gatherings) ontheprotests III. a.i.Generally was the resultMacedonia in protests The student III. a. of the propositionIII. The student protests of that law. It was a Filip Petrovski in TV Show TV in Petrovski Filip Skopje Vesnik, Utrinski ambience.” political the changed that protests the since years “Ten Boris. Georgievski, th January, bigger first the infront protest started of campus the of Faculty the http://www.utrinski.com.mk/?ItemID=3B91761ECFEA5B479DDBAFDC6C0A2782 Profil . 09. 03. 1997. Sitel TV Channel. Available at 61 60 . This was the initial round of initial They . This was the protests. the of round 26 . Accessed 12.12.2009 . Accessed 11. Accessed . of CEU eTD Collection 63 62 singers infront of Parliament,the when approximately gathered.20 000protesters and bands with a concert organized they when February, of end the at night one was gathering Skopjewas insupport. “Ita solidarity findyou don’t Petrovski inpolitics,” Thesaid. largest and Tetovo, both cities at a distance from Kumanovofivewhere gathered Students upto daily. thousand approximately protesters of more than 30 km away fromwere supporting and them too, themovement gained anewmomentum in increasing numbers, Skopje, walkedthey that fax a sent Union Student on School High foot the Soon, Parliament. to the mostly but University, gathered atnoonin of front Ministry Education,the Government, Constitutional of Court, On 17 participation body.of student greater the with on by protest the an level,callhissupported organizational Party and forcomrades, to a it. supportingagainst protests against new the law, and also therulingconvinced party the University Union stop Student to the law. The Rectorate, highly dependent on the Government, was convinced to quit complaining 17 the ended on lasted 14-17 voted positively andvoted ‘for’,votes 12‘against’, on with 3‘abstaining’ 30 54 the country, achange of the Constitution, division, and federalization.” The Parliamenthowever, lawis of tomultilingualism forward in “a new the signed apetition which step they warned that While thestudentswereenjoying ororganizingvacation, in membersfaculty their winter 460 and seewhat happensin politics. Petrovski in TV Show in TV Petrovski Georgievski, ibid. th February, the protests started again, more organized than before. Each dayprotesters before. again,Each more started organized than protests the February, th January, and were generally not supported in high numbers. The firstsemester inhigh numbers. The not supported generally and were January, th , and students went home. It was, andstudents wenthome.It reorganize, a more to time searchfor support, Profil .ibid 62 This opened the door for Petrovski to become more involved 27 th January and enacted and January 63 CEU eTD Collection 65 64 education, but about a declaration for the inter-ethnic tolerance. “It was a good message from from messagethe was a “Itgood tolerance. inter-ethnic for the a declaration about but education, higher for a law about or languages, the on law the about called not was session the However, parliamentary opposition andVMRO-DPMNE invited were the students among the others. non- the where session Parliamentary a called it and nervous, became government The fearingrealized they us.” started protesting before us. movedfirstPetrovski “When we night independent over police union remembers: came, the But they did not dare move us, and left us inunions, socially andthe economically unsatisfied citizens, andtents. NGOs. This is whengive them a blessing – hehadsomething weresoon Protesters before. refused joined bylabor I to decided who Church, Orthodox Macedonian the of Patriarch the even and VMRO-DPMNE), youth the of opposition the then parties, presidents of the opposition the (including parties of presidents mayorsfrom the several Skopje, visitedby Rector, their They wereconsequently more,once activities so daily gainedinnumbersagainandmobilization the saved.was protest of their colleagues respect the earned days,sacrifice for 15 andtheir Parliament the in frontof stayed inatent on strike 4 March.15protesters inhunger measure, asthey engagedmore radical days of March, the support was symbolic. This is when the main organizers decided tomove a to The authorities, however, were deaf to their calls. Momentum was lost, and by the beginning Ibid. ibid. 65 28 64 CEU eTD Collection 70 69 68 67 Relations at FON University in Skopje.Interview, 29. 04. 2010, Skopje 66 country, instead of inter-ethnic insteadrelations. of inter-ethnic country, insisting they that need todiscuss about languages thelaw on and the unitary of character the ignorance, their MPsfor the criticized for andseverely they stood what MPs.Heclarified the of front in a speech gave Petrovski and Parliament, the entered Kitanovska and Petrovski when 13 on was reached theprotest of The culmination atthe situation tothe time.” hadprotests greatly contributed student shaken, andthe clearly were relations inter-ethnic when the in a time adeclaration, bringsuch to Parliament knowing his weaknesses.” his knowing they likejustlistened; youyou listen an donotwantopponentto tounderestimate without what Iwas warned it would be like. I was told they would try confuseto me, ridiculeto me. But lot of weapons were stolen.” were lotweapons of police and army were placed along the border with Albania, where a civil war was going on and a the of majority the is that important more is what but us, supporting was police The Parliament. the over taken have could really they had, students the that numbers the with time, that “At Filip Petrovski, Interview 25. 04.2010, Skopje. Georgievski, ibid. Filip Petrovski in TV Show Georgievski, ibid. ProfessorNazmi Maliqi, former MP, currently Vice-dean at Department of Political Science and International condition health of the thelike students.just deteriorate, numbers the days coming the protests; the of finale grand the is that crowdof the order in toprevent the students from entering into the House, and thus, into a bloodshed.And rock, as the students were about to raid the Parliament. A high school student, Vlatko Gjorce, stood10 000 infront people waited forhim infront of the Parliament ineuphoria. A policemenwas hit inthe head witha Profil, 68 70 69 ibid. 67 “They listened very carefully, completely opposite to opposite completely “Theycarefully, listenedvery 29 th March, on the 11 th day of the hunger strike, the day of 66 CEU eTD Collection 04. 2010, Skopje 72 71 mother in their school high and elementary pursue to right a have nationalities of members Macedonia. Before the Constitutional Article in changes 2001, 48of Constitution the read: “The in Initially, saidstood they that Constitution Republicthe the of defense of students the of security question.” question Albaniansregarding atthat nottime asasocial, wastreated political,as a but economic, nationalism, which from originates fear. This fearwasfrom Albanians “They as treated this sort of somenational itawakening, theirwas rooted in Spring.But, itreally “Spring?” them werefightingfor andhow wouldcharacterize a – was one students happened anditis non-deniable, movement this has risen many asquestions towhat really the following the Prague events in 1968. While the contention was mostly admirable as to what had andfreedom, democratic government, a humanrights, for “Spring” symbolizes struggle movementThis isprotest freelylabeled Macedonian as“the A byitsSpring” supporters. and reactions III. a.ii.The slogans,support, ideology, very serious condition. officiallyThe protests 18 on ended Rizvan Sulejmani, former MP, current Professor at University of South-Eastern Europe in Tetovo. Interview, 27. Mirjana Kitanovska in Kitanovska Mirjana and go home to our families and back to university to our colleagues. our to university to back and families our to home go and us and just didn’t care. The price Thiswas is when toowe saw therehigh was no forend in sight, someone except fordying. toThis governmentget reallyhad hospitalization.no understanding hurt, In one nightfor by sothe end, 6peoplewe were in hospitalhad andto there wasstop literally no oneour inthe tent. protestFirst, 4-5 of us “fell” and went to hospital. There was a few of us still standing. Then we were all for 72 Profil. Ibid. March, after six strikers were hospitalized, one of whom in a 30 71 nationalism, since any CEU eTD Collection 77 76 Accessedon15. 12. 2009. US Department of state. January 30, 1998. Available at 75 http://www.scribd.com/people/documents/715766-filippetrovski?popular=1 74 http://pravo.org.mk/documentDetail.php?id=538&gid=41&page=documentlaws.php 73 conclusion, or even to assume they made a reconciliation between their potentially chauvinists their potentially between assume even made areconciliation or they to conclusion, claims youth, makeslogans onecannotreally to their according simply this and a pro-democratic accordance to our constitutional rights.” in political beliefs, andsurely student, inand partisan our “We protested to accordance aboutthelaw.substantial wasnoin there debate opposition, acountry devoid considering of true against the Albanianminority,and never xenophobic. They were fighting for democratic ideals is positive. it if even discrimination, against Albanian and Turkish until 1986, sothis law was only a reinstitution. forbid itexclusively either. Moreover, theFaculty of Pedagogy had already had studiesin Constitution foresee notdid a higher in education another language than Macedonian, butdidnot the Indeed, wrong. were they then democracies, liberal constitutional in common is it language asconfirmed by law.” university enrollmentof Albanians was very low until then – only 4%. year in since the minorities 23% 2006-2007, for from school affirmativethe 10% to action rose Furthermore, theyhad statethe minority demandsagainst for higherquotas education. The specificity and pride. Thus,one cannot easily against in education variousargue languages. immigrants buthave been in for territory this centuries have kept and their ethno-linguistic ethnically very mixedits country history. all throughout ethnic are Thedominant not groups Filip Petrovski in Petrovski Filip Mirjana Kitanovska in Kitanovska Mirjana Macedonia country report on Human Rights Practices for 1997. Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. Mehmeti, Kim. “Fascistic Kids.” FOKUS weekly magazine. Date unknown. Scan downloaded from from: Downloaded 1991. ofMacedonia, Republic of the Constitution Profil. Profil. Ibid. Ibid. 73 However, if “nothing whichis forbidden by law is allowed,” as 77 However, in spite of their reiterations that they are 76 http://faq.macedonia.org/politics/hrr.1997.macedonia.html 31 However, they still claim that they were not 75 74 They said that they were Macedonia has been Macedoniaan hasbeen CEU eTD Collection 81 80 79 78 mostlywere constantlyof used. however, for Notes “Thanksupport, throwing youread: away new flagMacedonian one andthe of Vergina) andover.old alphabetover Macedonian The (Sun version the of melodic chanted apopularized Protesters cause.” WITH a Rebels standards; a party and is “This“For education isnot with Goliath;” patriotism;”– this European and world “Hungerdon’twantlanguage;” David want two, Strike: I I one future;” “I wantthree, the don’t “We are couldMacedonian of patriots. beheard attention thatthe slogans andOther support draw pridethe of being aMacedonian livinginand a Macedonian state. of Macedonia, past glorious the to references were there every almostpage on their publication, not the Shiptar’s the not “It’s “I’mlove In Macedonia not axenophobe– Macedonian;” Americans;” –I unconscious;” couldside, however,one a readandhearthings “Better nationalist, like: than nationally welfare.” social on – people live the “Westate a social aretruly societies;” in non-democratic used right democratic is “Hunger-striking a beggar of street); on the a by apicture like (accompanied this” government democracy” (referring where to tents the they hunger-striked); “This is thefuture –with a stands.Whereas one could read and hear: “YES livingto together, NO to ghettos;” “The cage of expresses fears that the country would not be attractive for foreign investments. be for country attractive fears not the would that expresses and crime, financial the for accountable those punish to failure the with system the of legality the hecompares Here, constitutional. as languages law on the reviews Court Constitutional if law, the rule of beseen the not as acountry with Macedonia would dangerthat the wrote on Ibid. Albanians. for term derogatory A Ibid. “David andGoliath – Student protest newspaper.” 80 fault – butdown with government;”the “Askyour for rights in Albania.” In 78 Furthermore, in a column written in their newspaper, Predrag Trajkovic ininnewspaper, Predrag their written Furthermore, a column 32 81 79 On the other the On CEU eTD Collection Petrovski anti-blog 86 85 84 82 83 wouldno country,but hurtthe listened.” one lawagainstrepeatingthe against Albanianminority,which the “We kept andonly wewerenot change. We werelivingin ‘our1984’ 1997 and wehaddo to somethingit.” about students. “Maybe communism wasformally methodsover, butthe of didgovernment not from January, “1984”in Orwel’s Petrovski read passages front George of enthusiastic the Heroes! You will aftercomes us;” be by “Courage, real rememberedthe Macedonians.” that you, everyone andfor for for us, “Carry on carry;” Macedonians elderus, the shamethat the criminal transition and especially the TAT-affair were constant. TAT-affair the especially and transition criminal tothe References Todorova. of Minister for resignation the and called government corrupt Besides these really however, questions, believed protesters they that were alsofighting againsta minorities. for way favorable in brought mostin 2008,anditdefinitely2000, andrevised then languagesthe ina regulates the question of the languages, which was the initial reason to clash. For illustration,special law. rightfully Students demandedthis thatsuch a lawbe which brought, would regulate also law was coveredarea wasnot bya asanimportant institutions, vision sideof the alackof on the exposed forAnother of lawlacking. higher their demands This wasa was education, which country the issue. anethnic as exclusively almost sawthis supporters elder Mirjana Kitanovska in Kitanovska Mirjana in Petrovski Filip “David andGoliath – Student protest newspaper.” blogs from taken Pictures Law available at : http://pravo.org.mk/documentDetail.php?id=799&gid=85&page=documentlaws.php Profil. http://filippetrovski.blog.com.mk/node/67200 Profil. Ibid. Macedonia 1997 Ibid. 83 : http://mk1997.blog.com.mk/blogs/mk1997?from=1 86 33 . Accessed 13.12. 2009 84 At the first day of protests in and 85 Filip 82 Thus, CEU eTD Collection 12-13. 22. 02. 1997,Skopje. Taken from 89 88 newspaper.” 87 abundant. were reactions the organizersthe stop triedto messagesthese constantlysuppress and were such to trying rhetoric, is Shiptar;” “You givedead Shiptar finger, agood them ask for whole they the hand.”While “Gas labeledheard the “Only whole Shiptars;” movement. for chambers they and occasionally, be could that slogans some problematic came with controversy real the sarcasm, Besides the Albanians, whoare Muslims eat pork. don’t fact to the that mightreferring clearly beas chauvinism, because itpork, eat seen hewouldn’t that said was it Crvenkovski, Minister Prime from letter sarcastic fake a In women). Muslim for used agents, in order to label them as “Macedonian extremists,” just like he was seen by state security like bystate just label hewas seen in as“Macedonian extremists,” to order agents, them security state by planted were slogans these that assured was Petrovski issues, these Recalling society? was called or name), her real of version “albanized” (an Todori’ Albanians.those “supported” that TheMinister of nameEducation’s was ‘Sofichanged to However, at times they used sarcastic nationalist jokes, thus making fun of either Albanians or managedgrandfathers tobuild.” severely now, in the future actout chauvinists,conscious butwe don’t “We If not children. preserving unitarity. are its greater are they problemsthat and country, the of disintegration further a will preventing are they that felt They arise, and at the end we will lose all that our Geroski, Branko. “They labeled us we were against the Albanians”. Interview “Davidwith andGoliath Filip – Student protest Petrovski. newspaper.” Dnevnik, p. Statement of Goran Angelovski, student at the Faculty of Economics. “David and Goliath – Student protest 89 After all, how can you control such a mass in such a divided 87 http://filippetrovski.blog.com.mk/node/199022 88 34 anamche . Accessed 14.12.2009 ( anama is term the CEU eTD Collection 15.mils.html 93 92 14. 12. 2009. 91 04. 2010, Skopje 90 using slogans like these.” a letterfrom journalistwhile stating: sent a Macedonian in Sweden “Neo-Nazis Sweden are Parliament,” Macedonian the of front in fire Reichstag Macedonian Nevertheless, newspaper Dnevnik emergeddaily with a headlinesaying “The ethnic intolerance distrust, anddivisions?” democracy Macedonianthe furtherinter- studentsopen why doors the do their countries, of to for greater areprotesting andeastBulgaria) north (Serbia inthe “While colleagues their To their claims of notbeing nationalistic, of course, there is much disagreement. fourth the most dangerousoppositional activist atthe timefor “Macedonian extremism.” labeledaccesshein his in2000.From what file, hegotcouldreadthere, was secret which to leader, Ljubco Georgievski, stated that they supported the students in spirit, but not logistically not but inspirit, thestudents supported they that Georgievski, stated leader, Ljubco By the government, however, they were only seen as tools of VMRO-DPMNE. The oppositiondue totheir calls. xenophobic country. the to her visit at students, intolerance with Macedonian she of the disappointed washighly that stated Commission, Macedonian Information Liaison Service. Web archives. Service. Liaison Information Macedonian Ibid. Dnevnik. p. 1. 17. 01. 1997, Skopje. Taken from Rizvan Sulejmani, former MP, current Professor at University of South-Eastern Europe in Tetovo. Interview, 27. misinformed, and thus, unfortunately, these protests had an anti-Albanian character. anti-Albanian an had protests these unfortunately, thus, and misinformed, capableopportunity foreducation, they feared that Albanian students would over take their jobs, would be more forAlbanians getting out of environmentthe rural andbecoming urbanized. Coupled with theincreasing they saw as shock, a cultural through were living Macedonians, young the fightingespecially and Macedonians, for rights, and eventually take over parts of the country. They were largely . Accessed12. 14. 2009. 92 Elizabeth Rehn, the Special Rapporteur to the UN Human Rights Human UN the to Rapporteur Special the Rehn, Elizabeth 93 The hadinitially givethemablessing, Patriarch to refused http://mk1997.blog.com.mk/blogs/mk1997?from=1 35 http://www.hri.org/news/balkans/mils/1997/97-01- 91 clearly referring to Hitler’s methods, clearly to referring 90 . Acessed CEU eTD Collection 96 95 94 that is that whysupport from a wider of stratum came (though citizens exclusively Macedonian of On the other hand, they did become a symbol for the people who sufferedbooed. in the transition and visit left students, they were came politicians starving When later the to themselves. to were was year,want didwaiting forelections the risk comingand the students so the to not anything, such VMRO-DPMNE bigsteps. take wantnot to merging and did in process of the Parties were early elections. However,for moveand government the unite against to them called He Party. Democratic andthe Party, politicians did not follow Liberal the VMRO-DPMNE, hisown parties: opposition three to gone hadsecretly strike, they through. The Liberalinto and resignation, the butDemocratic Petrovski tried to suppress these feltStudents empowered andhad afeelingthatthey had force the capability the governmentto movements. Before the start of the hunger and onemore moderate.” another andready emerged radical topple government, to –one the the hunger strike, so did the calls to bring the government down come. “At that time, two wings It is also interesting to see how students felt in the end of their struggle. Asinterests.” temper rose during national long-term account wereapopulistforinto power[without] attemptthe taking protests “The belief: this on stayed still he after, years Ten students. the manipulating for DPMNE andstrategically. VMRO- Parliament,the Prime-Minister In attacked BrankoCrvenkovski Filip Petrovski in Petrovski Filip Trajce Rushev,participant in theprotests. Interview,15. 04. 2010,Skopje Georgievski, ibid 96 94 Profil. Ibid. 36 95 CEU eTD Collection 98 http://filippetrovski.blog.com.mk/node/242170 97 side. national struggle of the Macedonians, thus I would evaluate these protests more on the nationalist as a seen itwas and be denied, cannot protests of the overtone nationalist the provocateurs, Maybe the calling happen. to bound forwas it students protesting the of intention adirect gasbeen have chambersnot might relations of inter-ethnic the if endangerment the lines.Even ethnic alongpolarize to was reallythe state unitarity. Such a constellationa of things immediatelysporadic put the feelings of the issue at hand of country, andaseriousthe threatto movement,for federalization aseparatist lead consequently call, would Macedonian than language or another in education higher the allowing even that felt they because a set-upwas protest gatheredto Macedonian students reasonwhy the the students, Unlike theSerbian by agent which isnolonger anopen sinceAlbanianlanguageisquestion, in used widely higher education. – tongues mother in their minorities of education –the question anational on was contention question,research first the on regards the with and presented had I what concluding of intention the With I would classify these protests more on the nationalistlongfood?” without The answer: “They had been fortraining years.” side. Here,A drew thePresidentethnicity). cartoonist of Republic can kids “How the asking: our so makeit the point of Georgievski, ibid Markovski, Darko. Pecko. Dnevnik. Skopje 17.03.1997. available at achieved something with those protests, if we left a mark in society, if we changed something. we changed if insociety, mark a we left if protests, those with something achieved dimension which they don’t deserve.That is why,years ten later, I am still trying to determine if we integrationof all groups inthe society. There are still structures who attempt to give the protests a lines would be adequately defined – asademandfora unique educational nationalist the system that to influence I hope the And Government. elected illegally ofthe nomenclature political whole the shake I hope the protests would be defined as a struggle for democracy, as a voice of the students who managed to concludes: Petrovski . Accessed on16. 12. 2009. 37 97 98 CEU eTD Collection 99 their own country. Also, they felt that the government had betrayed the national idea by idea national the betrayed had government the that felt they Also, country. own their felt in insecure and hurt gettingnot life their pride they better, was feeling struggle, and that expectations of quality lifethe awaitingof them.Seeing independenceasa resultof century-long of an Finallyethnic character. livingin their own, independentcountry, Macedonianshad high protests at effectively most channeled was democratization belayed the and transition run badly and of nation.’ heroes the ‘saviors Macedonian deal with ethno-cultural right-wing or problems, parties, inwhich they are commended ofbeing tents of the protests, in theletters from organizations of Macedonians from abroad, NGO’s which on the notes written Besides pride. Macedonian for and calls the protests the of character ethnic the to whichwerereferencing of they that got, notes support from the this concluded opinion. I The popular support they got, however, was liberaldue traits of the protests.to the ethnic character forto the governmentaccountability, add requests and andprivatization scandals, economic of the protests,participatenot in due todishonestwhich did parliament elections. criticisms The over the the in my leaders Furthermore,opposition biggest of the supportive party, the wereopenly appropriate. languages, bad Constitution it the law thus not did have regulatinga either, it been would a result of interpretation,wrong sincelikeit justdid notpredict higher education in other elementary school high and education. However, Iwould addhere thatthis demand of theirs was minoritiessaid that pursue have a education toinright butmother for their only language, coincide clearly constitution directly.The constitutional the provisions regulatingthistopic with not did languages the for law the and country, the of system legal the and Constitution national did references tothe students makenumerous usageofliberalthe When it tothe comes rhetoric, “David andGoliath – Student protest newspaper.” 99 38 Anyways, the growing dissatisfaction from the CEU eTD Collection Belgrade 100 and were many in from political members parties supporters the opposition of the even results, and that they need not be seen electoral the forrespecting of the arepurely thattheir demands inproclaiming aswas very careful supporters of a specific political Board Initiative inception,the its From strike. ageneral and party.announced citizens berespected, the electoral the of few demandedthat will colleagues inleaders a of front thousand several student Milosevic. On 22 against opposition action tothepro-democratic and contribute totake Belgrade decided Students from civil society, in students andtheir University the werethe university protests. and ininfluential in the mostthe the andmemorable Serbian The mostprotests, activity theatrical theWorld III. b.i.Belgradeis inSerbia protests student The III. b. had had, taken away minorities already andwas them.that from dominant, considering that the main demandwasstill illiberalan one –thelimitation a rightof were anddemands character and ethnonational plan, the second was puttothe however, This, movement. a pro-democratic of character the give in most transition, sufferedthe the that workers gotfrom students The the importantly,politicalmostsupport opposition, churchand, the the government. bad the of dissatisfaction the with combined was betrayal national of dissatisfaction the Thus, Macedonian. any for insult an was which FYROM, of name provisional the under UN the enter to consenting Bogdanovic, Milica et al. , Budapest:, CEU Press 1999,pp. 211-230 nd November, they protest, where they Initiativethe November, Board of constituted student the Chronology of theProtest in: Lazi in: 39 ü , Mladen (ed.), Winter of discontent 100 : Whilethere protest in protest CEU eTD Collection 105 Belgrade 104 Belgrade 03. 05. 2010 103 102 05. 2010 101 Academy of Sciences and Art. number of anduniversity professors as associates, well thirty membersas of Serbian the Vladimirvice-rector Dragutin by Milutinovic and They asignificant were supported Djurdjevic. formed, and their demands, asidefrom electoral the agenda, includedthe resignation Rector of numbers and importance. From there on, the Initiative Board for the Defense of Democracy wasby highdiminish students” joined tryingstudents andordinary school citizens, thus to their “manipulated of number small a as them classified who University, the of vice-rector and evenNot intoactivity, theprotestten a seriousdays gotinto conflict students with the rector the along sidewith student-specific for the demands autonomy University..the of hadhappened, fraud andexposethe of results that elections the would accurate the establish which electoral committee state independent formation an of in the demanded fact, The students, refusing to comply with some directions.” protest, the in them to close were that students those and parties the between clashes even were even though there were situations when the marches might connect, this mightconnect, wasavoided. whenthemarches situations even were there though protests. mix not the and independence, keep their best to their tried thestudents theprotest, of leadership Ibid. Bogdanovic, Milica et al. Interview protest. of the Board Main the in Philosophy of Faculty ofthe representative Markovic, Budimir Rastko Sejic, chief of propaganda and marketing of the protest. Interview Belgrade 01.05. 2010 Marko Blagojevic, representative of the Faculty of Law in the Main Board of the protest. Interview Belgrade 03. , Budapest:, CEU Press 1999,pp. 211-230 101 The student protests were protests in Themorning, in and student the civilprotests afternoon, the but the Chronology of theProtest 105 As Professor Turajlic it: “Whenputs as protested students we 103 in: Lazi in: 40 ü , Mladen (ed.), Winter of discontent 104 : protest in protest 102 “There CEU eTD Collection Their marches were often accompanied by a festive atmosphere and a lot of humor, for instance for humor, of lot a and atmosphere festive a by accompanied often were marches Their a “Serbian plum tree,”order to show them thatsaying “[they]had enough of their crap.” In the Park of Friendship, they planted that the tree would bear fruits when democracy came to Serbia. 109 Belgrade rights in a democratic society. in a democratic rights importance of their activity for the whole region, and that they fightfor basic political and human 108 the Protests. 107 106 regime. Their main slogan was “Belgrade againstarepressive weapons youthful were strongest spiritthe and theirHowever, creativity is the World” ( always blocked. managed to visit the President’s house in the residential area of Dedinje, because they were the street for police. the with clashes violent 100 hours in wereoccasionally and attend classes, not did they activity, their In more closely). atmatter the one point)inspect them to be whopromised byMilosevic, received from onesto only werethe students Nis in their Nis,Kragujevac, and Novi Sad, whowalked onfooteven as much as 220 km fact,(in the wereeven joinedby The Belgrade from theirtheir were broader. demands colleagues protests Unlike lasted protests for the 88 coalition, whose for protested days, students the 117because pedagogue tostand in for thejustsupport causethatmy fightingstudents were for.” us in supported in now Ifeltfew 1968,very efforts, our my professors and as a professor duty Rastko Sejic, chief of propaganda and marketing of the protest. Interview Belgrade 01.05. 2010 Bogdanovic, Milica et al. More on the police brutality in the civil and student protests in: Kandic, Natasa. ProfessorSrbijanka Turajlic, Electrotechnic Faculty in Belgrade. Interview Belgrade 04. 05.2010 , Budapest:, CEU Press 1999,pp. 211-230 Belgrade: Centerfor humanitarian1997 law, 108 Chronology of theProtest 109 107 They threw toilet paper to the City Electoral Commission in Often times their routes were Often blocked theirroutes (andhadremainedtimes on in: Lazi in: 41 cordon against cordon cordon against ü , Mladen (ed.), Beograd jeSvet Winter Under Scrutiny: Police Against of discontent ) in order to show the show to order in ) actions. They never They actions. : 106 protest in protest CEU eTD Collection Belgrade 112 111 110 University. In their didand vice-rector notresign, in they succeeded making victory the necessary changes in Belgradethe celebration goAfterback from classes and much if state. University to negotiations the to refusal rector the on 7 demand, time this for themselves –the of resignation rectorandthe the independence of the recognized, thedid students feel not stopprotesting, needthe to since they had muchmore to Even though Zajednothe coalition had officiallyfinished as their protest, electoral the fraud was not break and destroy, as they were accused by the biased media, but rather build.” “do they that show to in Belgrade, Assembly City the of front in a wall built they Furthermore, by many police. atthe forblockades the Policeman” “Mister made contests like when they nature of protests. the of nature the liberal more towards however, evidencepoints the nationalist, asoutright can be described participants, supporters and spectators and analysts, the perceptions vary. Whether the movement among that notice can one before, presented was what From measure. which to yes, if and, not, or nationalist as be described movement can student this whether present still Debates are III. b.iii.Thestudentsandnationalism continued…” finalized the50,000 students celebrating on plazathe infront of Facultythe inPhilosophy of Belgrade,they protestsexpressing theirhopes for the fall Milosevic.of On March 20 by covering the rectorate building with a white cloth saying: “To be Bogdanovic, Milica et al. Rastko Sejic, chief of propaganda and marketing of the protest. Interview Belgrade 01.05. 2010 Ibid. , Budapest:, CEU Press 1999,pp. 211-230 112 Chronology of theProtest th in: Lazi in: March, they cried: “Slobo, you are next,” again 42 ü , Mladen (ed.), th , the student protests ended. The Winter of discontent 111 : protest in protest 110 CEU eTD Collection Belgrade 03. 05. 2010 115 http://www.pbs.org/newshour/forum/december96/serbia_12-11.html 114 leader-embrace-fierce-serb-nationalism.html?scp=2&sq=&st=nyt&pagewanted=1 1996, last accessed05. 2010, 10. available at: 113 Hedges, Chris. bombing of our country, but no one was aggressive. Hedges got the wrong idea.” wrong the got Hedges aggressive. butno one was country, bombing our of andmisunderstanding.Langehis wantedtotalk Some a students to of about attitudes the episode was actually “Ita funny over-simplification. itis was anirresponsible country the that The overall perception by those who have read this and were concerned by this article from inside thing. such deny correspondent and journalist local the However, nationalists.’ after havingbeen by as“’fierceSerb protesters, country aboutthe article have this portrayed from people the outside thesentiments 1996 portrays 11th from Broadcasting Service December Milosevic.’ ‘traitor havethe against they now turned and indoctrination, nationalistlong-term of product youngof thatthe concludes are the people Serbia explanationbecause broad West.'” outtothe soldInamore of Milosevic Serbnationalism, us he 19-year-old student. 'Wewar, butfor failing winit.“'Milosevic to betrayed the Serbian Kovacevic, said people,'’ a Goran go to class with Serbs the from for entering Milosevic angry with arenot students the that out hefound from a student, taken Croatia and Bosnia who heinhad ofSerbiaduringconsidering bombing the war that supported Inastatement the Bosnia. lost their homes wantHowever, did tohear andexpressnot students him, the hissupport. to whoprotested formerthe Ministerin of Culture France, Jacques Lange, wassupposed toaddress students the when Philosophy of Faculty visitto the his hedescribes Serbia.article, this agreater In create to failingfor Milosevic whoblame President nationalists,” as“fierceSerb protesters the describing an wrote from Chrisarticle Times, New York Hedges,thereporter onDecember10,1996, Budimir Markovic, representative of the Faculty of Philosophy in the Main Board of the protest. Interview protest. of the Board Main the in Philosophy of Faculty ofthe representative Markovic, Budimir Protests in Serbia Student Foes of Belgrade Leader Embrace Fierce Serb Nationalism. . Forum discussionwith Dragan Ciric and Massimo Calabresi. PBS website. 11. 12. 1996. http://www.nytimes.com/1996/12/10/world/student-foes-of-belgrade- 43 . Last accessed25. on 02.2010 113 The discussion on the US Public New York Times, 10. 12. 114 115 The CEU eTD Collection 120 119 118 117 05. 2010 116 whole movements as such is ludicrous and foolish.” and ludicrous is assuch movements whole the portraying ultranationalist, with those even beliefs, political various with students of variety a “While wasundoubtly there a coincidence. from was a student hemayhave gotten statement leanings, that one cannot make a clear ideological picture of the protest. However, the variety of variety the However, protest. of the picture ideological make aclear cannot one that leanings, ideologies andpolitical of cacophony wasareal ofstudents vast amounts such The of gathering asasub-text andaccepted inactivity. stood any protest Univesity guaranteed. The changing Milosevicof was notan official demand, though it was well minimalistic. As many participantspreconceptions, and for looked only what they find” wanted to in Westernersthe protestsat that time rectorate.” elections andthe the wereonly demands about were coming towould the countrywe wanted. likelater Theyon a Safari.couldn’t“We were at the beginning meeting with people from Theythe US Embassy,say, who tried findto outwhat believewere coming thatthe with we aredemands not a more coherent of organization the protests and that our were Sejic, Markovic, Gavrilovic 2010 05. 04. Belgrade Rastko Sejic, chief of propaganda Interview and marketing of the protest. protests, Interview Belgrade 01.of the 05. 2010 Committee of Organizing member Gavrilovic, Miodrag Rastko Sejic, chief of propaganda and marketing of the protest. Interview Belgrade 01.05. 2010 Marko Blagojevic, representative of the Faculty of Law in the Main Board of the protest. Interview Belgrade 03. against the Dayton Accords and thus a fierce nationalist. afierce thus and Accords Dayton the against be understandable why some Americans might have thought that if someone was against Milosevic was the reasons actually why Milosevic felt so relaxed like he could do anything with the elections. So it might gave up from so much territory in Bosnia. He was a personal friend of Richard Holbrook, andof that is one ofthe West.’ He Thesewas events were taking seenplace after the signing of asthe Dayton Accords.a factor Milosevic at that time was the ‘pet of stability of the Balkans – the future of the peace considering he 120 The electoral will of the people needs to be respected and the autonomy of the 44 116 117 119 118 “The point is that a lot of CEU eTD Collection 123 Belgrade 03. 05. 2010 122 121 front. in the noticeable most the be would slogan main the in it sothat put backplan, the to leasttried at leaders the importance, national and aware that inno mightbe andnationalistic, bad wars) already dueto the as aggressive seen world reputation the one can prevent Serbian students to wear their national flag on rallies of democratic. and free be to country the of good the for fight they that nation, the of consciousness the are goodof the beagainstbuton otherthe sideit country,the was seen students the supposed to that work and mercenaries foreign they are that regime the of accusations the against mechanism only protests be student was a of flags SerbiaOn could seen. the that defensive side one could be seen flagsthe of nationsvarious such as US,UK,the Germany, EU,onthe the or from outside was on the usage of the national flags and symbols. While on the civil protests there could by A where suchinterpreted somenature beseen,andpoint nationalistic clearly observers themfrom distance political andthe ideologies thatindividuals separate parties had. to and visions, their on had students the that consensus the on illustrate clearly to intended One of the main slogans of the protest was “Neither left,do nextnor after the protests.”rightto what – about onlyespecially idea, unified a clear, straight.” have not did they demands minimalist the besides This was but “Everyone it wasthere, blur the picture. would present sothat visually not leanings was Miodrag Gavrilovic, member of Organizing Committee of the protests, Interview Belgrade 04. 05. 2010 05. 04. Belgrade Interview protests, of the Committee of Organizing member Gavrilovic, Miodrag Interview protest. of the Board Main the in Philosophy of Faculty ofthe representative Markovic, Budimir ProfessorSrbijanka Turajlic, Electrotechnic Faculty in Belgrade. Interview Belgrade 04. 05.2010 internationalist an picture of creating of our protest. purpose the With with suchexactly aslogan, World” we Is were showing “Belgrade that as such we wereslogan a a part of create the to decided [we] 123 Knowing that the presence of only Serbian flag (considering that the country had the that flag (considering presencethe of Knowing Serbian that only 121 45 122 CEU eTD Collection called the police that secured the events “dogs.” events the secured that police the called 126 125 05. 2010 124 hadprotesters blockedtheir by routes police cordons, was this heard also. wheresecure Kosovo, it parallel insecure institutionsand already was And existed. when the and go to them at yelled they and stadiums, in police the with clashing were supporters football ( Kosovo” “Go to debate was: “Av, av, av” ( ( attack” in on,everyone on,come “Come were Such stadiums. atmosphere of it use protests the was natural some to hymns cheering used slogans and onthe festive in the supporters, football also were who students many were there that Considering Church. Orthodox Serbian the of presence the and Kosovo involving however,made slogans the an image nationalism: clear of instances protests, the Two of it. carrying with wrong nothing was there then better, country their see to wanted and country, injustices their of for correcting the struggled students the If nationalistic. aggressively However, in any countryamong the crowd, but the flag of the EUthe was pointless to be carried.” protesters carrylot internationalist of werea memorable. “There mostnotice and to easiest were the nation the flags of their flags the but of that the of course supported byall protesters, national flagswasnot of The usage nations, and rarely is it seen as The second slogan refers to the onomatopoeia of dogs, considering that the football supporters and the protesters the and supporters football the that considering of dogs, onomatopoeia the to refers slogan 2010 05. 04. second The Belgrade Interview protests, the of Committee of Organizing member Gavrilovic, 04. Belgrade Interview AEGEE. NGO Student of European member Board, of Main member Majstorovic, Uros in the middle of Belgrade is blocked for movement, but no one cares about the place where there are parallel are there where place the about cares one but no movement, for blocked is ofBelgrade middle the in Street Kolarceva broken.’ is law the where to go someone, against force use to want you ‘if was: message the roads wereAlthough Kosovo was mentioned to a very minorlevel, this blockedslogan existed. The students were furious that and that the police was ready and authorized to use force against them. So, the happening in ourcountry, there and then. is something seriously wrong. “Belgrade is World” symbolized that the struggle for democracy was finally world. Protesting students have a universal, timeless value, since it is the future of the nation that says there Bark, bark Idite naKosovo ). 126 Besides these two stadium-cheers, the one that raised the ). This was an obvious referral to the times when 46 Ajmo ajmo, svi unapad Ajmo ajmo, 124 125 ) and ) CEU eTD Collection Vol. I1:Vol. Civil Societyand Political Culture. in Serbia 130 129 128 127 religious references in their speeches. “God Helps” was the ending of every speech leaders made of andicons,student by marcheswooden crosses wereThe onepreceded often student of the actions. their to tone nationalist a cast clearly could students the to its connection in thecountry, conservatives nationalist of of large in people.support massesof the crafty autocrat religious the gaining war expeditions were often, if not all the time blessed andby theChurchshared acommon vision which of a greater-state would priests. unify the all Serbs, thus It was a tool in the hands of a regime The communism. fall ofsecular the after legitimacy source of paradigm, areinvigorated ethno-national integral Milosevic the part of an considered Church was Serbian Orthodox The protesters. the for support their and Church the of involvement the was point Another islegitimate.” not population of course, points to elements Turajlic. Professor says violence,” of unawareness of forthecall a direct itwas not though time,even at the yella statement such to was convenient young that the violence was clearly from andit it anegativedid image.“It stadium, inKosovo, the violence taken create over the Albanian inEven though euphoria that it aclearwas not political demand thedemandthat students the Popovic Obradovic, Olga. Obradovic, Popovic ProfessorDragica Vujadinovic, Faculty of Law in Belgrade. E-mail correspondence 11. 05. 2010 ProfessorSrbijanka Turajlic, Electrotechnic Faculty in Belgrade. Interview Belgrade 04. 05.2010 Rastko Sejic, chief of propaganda and marketing of the protest. Interview Belgrade 01.05. 2010 was also a student outcry. institutions where and one could buyauniversity fromwoodendiploma and a shack standardization.no It in: Vujadinovic, Dragica, et al. Dragica, in: Vujadinovic, The Church, the Nation, the State –The Serbian Orthodox Church and the Transition 127 129 Between Authoritarianism and Democracy(Serbia, Montenegro,Croatia), 128 However, Professor Vujadinovic has a different stance: “It, Belgrade: CenterforDemocratic Transition, 2005, p. 145 47 130 Being a symbol a Being CEU eTD Collection 134 Belgrade 132 65 p. 1997, Belgrade, in Philosophy 133 Belgrade: Faculty of Philosophy Belgrade,in 1997, pp. 6-7 Erdei. Ildiko and Gordana Gorunovic, Ildikoand Erdei. 131 defined specific liberal,as with nationalism.While might elements of manyprotesters been have In conclusionfor the Serbian section of the thesis,I would conclude that these protests need tobe marches. represent all all students.” the represent strategically successful at the time, [I] could not agree with the religious element, sincemight Patriarch.the use forcehavebeen proven Whilethat police against no woulddareto it did not – breakcould only cordon sincehewasthe used the pragmatically, “The who this quite students cordons. the through went which walk procession, to the stop Patriarch the not police dared Sava, the St. holiday, religious Serbian greatest the On hours. 180 for broken not was which cordon the break to came Pavle was when Patriarch the eventsprotest of the important most the of one Perhaps it in the was manifested cold, protesters the for the –CedomirJovanovic. leaders ProfessorSrbijanka Turajlic, Electrotechnic Faculty in Belgrade. Interview Belgrade 04. 05.2010 Ribic, Vladimir. Bogdanovic, Milica et al. Madzoski, Vesna. important trademarks of the student protest. […]Eventhoughthey were neverintonated ina populist manner, traditionalism and nationalism were enough of: people’s migrations, betrayal, theft, insecure streets…we stay here. andSerbia inthis street is struggle-of-willholy forthe Serbs!’ they gave the flyers with anexplicitly nationalistic message: ‘We’ve had wooden cross and the icon of the Holy ‘neoconservativeTrinity which they spirit’got as a presentof the protest.from the Inmonastery the first row,in Hilandar, right in front of the police cordons, they carried the , Budapest:, CEU Press 1999,p. 226 133 Of Students and Other Demons: Ethnographyof theStudent Protests 1996/97. The Student Protest 1996/97. Between Political Heterogeneity and a Strategic Consensus The Chief and His Tribe or: Has the Time fora New Tribalism Come? Chronology of theProtest 134 131 After that, priests were often present in the student andcivil in student the often present were priests After that, Of Students and Other Demons: Ethnography of the Student Protests 1996/97. During actions the “cordon cordon” against hardestones –the 132 in: Lazi in: 48 ü , Mladen (ed.), Winter of discontent in: Gorunovic, Gordana Gorunovic, in: Belgrade: Faculty of : protest in protest in: CEU eTD Collection reason why the students were gathered to protest was elections, and that they protested againsta they protested that and protest waselections, to weregathered students the why reason the that fact The analysis. in the shown as regime, non-democratic established an was which interviews with protesting the callswerefrequently students, the Milosevic against the regime, Besides the minimalist and pro-rector. rector of the resignation demands for thatrespecting were directly of a student bringto positive about changesin thetheir country’s political scene,they did come upwith demands nature,electoral and that wasimportant, howeverfor the whole movement cannotthebe judgedwill, by this characteristic).autonomy Despite hoping ofas the certainly was political parties wasleaders tothe university of student connection for offices (the fight directly pointed and the outvoters of inthe towns the where they won, the was legitimately in had that lostby to them given students they power considering interestthe protesting, had a higher-valuea direct had Zajedno coalition the while However, mission,protests. civil the in opposition sincedemocratic they did not just like theelectoral the theft, was wereprotesting why The primestudents Serbian reason the nationalism. of undertone an was there while side, front in the was liberalism here, that, shows it and hypothesis, conditions inwhichthe wereprotests happening.This tothe relates firstresearch question and the considering side, liberal the on more was it in Serbia side, nationalist the on more was time of movement that student of nature the the caseisthat Macedonian of the my While assessment protests. liberalism, and thenationalists, nationalist elements werethe never nature allowed ofto becomethe a protestsdominant trait itselfof the was not, since it dealt with issues solvable by 49 CEU eTD Collection 136 Lazi 135 ideology. sense that 84 per cent of them had chosen ‘freedom’ over equality – a sign of liberal over socialist in the orientation, “liberal largecapitalist” that showed they have a students protest interviewing media,” and free elections democratic of citizens, choice free of for respect “officially the appealed studentprotests the Kuzmanovic that writes camp.’ Bora for callsmost in economic country andpolitical of progress them definitely the ‘liberal the put picturethe of them with giving anti-regime the a liberal Combined this, trademark. and rhetoric political control corrupt system, to of which attempted any itwouldpore society possible, addto democracy and electoral freedom,democracy thenegativeand electoral of instance benationalism can dropped. for someHowever, protests but forpurely consideringwere not the ‘national’ that question, politics. muchinstitution somemany importance attention impliesto studentssuch and that agreeto did Even though implicitlythey not did join the Church in callsfor agreaterSerbia, giving such an to the hegemonic forimpression Serbian the provideoption), somenationalism. forms of of tied closely was (which Church Orthodox Serbian the to importance giving and segment religious the to attention much paying and Kosovo, for calls aggressive occasional the side, other the On national exclusiveness, but rather a kind of national self-awareness.” imply not does “[it] opinion, in his but identity, national their to importance significant attach they Nevertheless, world. the high degreeofopenness to and extremereject egalitarianism, Idem,p. 138 Bora. Kuzmanovic, ü , Mladen (ed.), 136 Furthermore, he protesting Furthermore, concludes the that students display low authoritarianism, Winter Value orientations and political attitudes ofparticipants in the 1996-97 student protests of discontent : protest in Belgrade 50 , Budapest: CEU Press 1999, p. 134 135 and his research from in: CEU eTD Collection divisions, and eventually aconflictto in 2001 –something thatthe country is still from.suffering fallof democratization In the country the of ledafter itMacedonia,furtherMilosevic. ethnic to prevented the opposition form leaving anationalist stand whenit neededforquite the was gaining a for longer the wider support, run have should beenthose not itcombined. In Serbia, to comes it when effective been have might nationalism and liberalism of combination the term a short on though even be that, would conclusion my question, research first the to back Getting spectrum. political the of right the on mostly was which – country the of discourse overriding the with hand-in-hand came simply but goals, other achieve to used was nationalism that conclusion the reach not could I foreign mercenaries, are students thatthe of counter-rallies the accusations the against reply wereaform of protests of the character national Serbian the and that picture, national “Serbian” a gave symbolism church the Day, Sava St. for like be broken to needed cordons the when handy in While came Church in thatthe change thecountry. argue Icould impeding amore quality be to hasproven fall Milosevic the after of leaders of the nationalism of usage pragmatic the and criticized, boldly not was Milosevic of politics nationalist the that well, as students the of consequently and opposition, the of mistake the was it that believes Peshic alternative. a democratic of legitimating for the and in opposition the needed was very that something come abouthave might symbols national of usage The spontaneously,government. better and elections free democracy, freedom, of demands liberal the but but protesters, the of intention the not it was nationalism did contributesay Nevertheless, cannot for certain. one used, was nationalism strategically Whether to a feeling of national unity at those times, 51 CEU eTD Collection a Chronicle of the Bulgarian Civil Uprising of January-February, 1997 139 138 137 communist sentiments of the people. the of sentiments communist towards theexpressing anti- thecommunists directed mostly and inof 1989, the protests were used same that of 1997 werethe of protests the slogans etc. symbolism, mostthe of In fact, protests. completely transition.“clean In fact, they felt that they are finishing the job their parents started in 1989 – to up thehad theyweredoing astrugglehistorical of and importance, getting awayfrom clearly hurtful the red trash,” was they students that control feeling likeincommunism.protestingof the of Russia Thus, which wasIt was a timeone when the countryof had theto choose whethermost it wants to goprominent West, or remain countries of region.” the as wasthecasein post-communist other government under the the by controlled not was union slogans student official the that is interesting is “What protests. student of the of and the political between the protests the makeopposition onecannot thus distinction aclear Unlike the Serbianstudents,they donot try did to things separately from politicalthe opposition, important role protests. most inthe hadthe ofBulgaria students the agreed All interviewees that II. c.i.Thesymbolism of theprotests studentsandthe roleof the inBulgaria protests student The III. c.. Butovski,, idem. Boyadjiev, idem. Dainov, Evgeniy. The Bulgarian State Brings a New Social Contract in: Dainov, Evgeniy (ed.), United Democratic Forces and the People’s Union (center-right parties and movements). and parties (center-right Union People’s the and Forces Democratic United generation, forwhom violence wasnew unacceptable;completely -a further students on itexpandedby the to a nationwide dominated were strike, protests The lead by stage. the second a at energy civic of “wave” this joined opposition political The happened. that everything of force driving the were students The 139 52 , CSP, Sofia, 1998, coverpage 138 137 The Awakening: CEU eTD Collection 144 143 February, 1997 Contract Dainov,in: Evgeniy (ed.), 142 2001, 2,University of California. p. 109 that werenotthat involved with previousthe regime anddidnot ‘owe’anything anyone. to 141 140 communists.” tothe opposed beseen as could that option democratic only was the timethat UDF at The alternatives. political to came it when choice much not was “There UDF. the for support The blue, of frequently aswell color which opposition,the was the as open was used, We want normal life.” “I am Bulgarian, I am hungry.illustrative: be can slogans Givefollowing the us Thus, chanceit. leave to have not to would stay they that so in economy Bulgaria! For a future without poverty. better future for thecountry The– a demanded abetter in students used also protest. the Combined with the economic situation, the phenomenon youngof people leaving the country was economic crisis. “Serbs protested for the stolen election, and the Bulgarians – for bread” individuals from the againstconcrete anddirected early many the elections callingfor slogans There werealso Party. Quite often, however, there were slogans depiction of enemyhad role.the integrative avery strong directly referring as communists imagery the likeevil, suchasdrawing them depicting redwitches,of the because to the pension, In order to have peace - send the BSP to Siberia.” BSP to send the have - to peace In order pension, ”45 years are enough, BSP kills, BSP is mafia, It’s time for the 100-year old party to go to Anastasov, idem. Boyadjiev, idem. Parteniotis, Ioanis. Boyadjiev, idem. Todorova-Pirkova, Iveta. Todorova-Pirkova, , CSP, Sofia, 1998, p. 127 144 They had clear solutions for the failing economy, and were ‘clean’ in the sense in the ‘clean’ were and economy, failing the for solutions clear had They Maybe the Serbs copied us 143 Symbols and images of ‘evil’ in student protests in Sofia, 1997 The Awakening: a Chronicle of the Bulgarian Civil Uprising of January- in: Dainov, Evgeniy. The Bulgarian State Brings a New Social 53 141 140 Big attention was placed on the . Cultural Analysis 142 CEU eTD Collection 147 146 2001, 2,University of California. p. 116-117 145 protests. TheAlthough national symbols were quite used, were there no issues ofxenophobic in attitudes these inter-ethnic relations thelackofnationalism and II. c.ii.Theusageofnationalsymbols did not play a part in anypopular demand was,eventually. way, even forcemessage thegovernment to resign just early andgofor through and the to asthe elections, though there was and clearly voiced his support for thestudents.” voicedand his support clearly crossed, ambassador French the was when story An interesting cross. to allowed also were cars hospital firefighterand vehicleslet wereat blockades the in Sofia. Added to this, diplomatic the were blockingStudents mainfreewaysborder andcrossing, of streets also but the “Only city.the blockades. wasthe proved tobemostly that effective method marches,the Besides daily old one, i.e. the Communist Party. one of memorablemost the shows they was mockperformed funerals,burying the 100-year the ‘red scum.’ the symbolize of sweeping the to actions “ecological” organizing walking with around show with pajamas clocksalarm tothecountrythat needswake up, to or up asfiremen in front Bank Bulgarian of to“extinguish” in the National order the nationaldebt, muchTheirvery creativity was such the forms theatrical expressed with protests, of as dressing Anastasov, idem. Idem, pp. 118-119 Todorova-Pirkova, Iveta. Todorova-Pirkova, Symbols and images of ‘evil’ in student protests in Sofia, 1997. 146 54 147 Paralyzing the traffic truly proved to get the Cultural Analysis 145 Furthermore, CEU eTD Collection 152 151 150 2001, 2,University of California. p. 115 149 University Press,Sofia 1995, pp.81-84 148 anti-communism is closely related to nationalism, this did not occur in that the case of Bulgaria.considering expected, been have might it though Even streets. the to people bring to rhetoric mobilization. forhighly usenationalistnationalism nofor point effective needto was There or People hungry,simply were had be andthey of enough a communism. Hungerproved to not donein an aggressive way,againstnot and thepeople, butsimply thepoliticians.against was it However, elements. those with had BSP the that ties the and system old the symbolized Russia, instancesThe thatone ofnegative feelings sinceit was only find could towards Balkan hero, and wake up from your sound sleep.” was period used, like songsgive intended to to courage people.the “Arise, valiant arise thou Ottoman the from Revival National the from symbolism of lot a purpose, that For times. those of protests. the importance historical The national flag frequently was used, aswell asfolk referrals in songs in order to establish the inTurks 1989 tomake them more “Bulgarian.” problems in relationsthe carried alongcommunism, suchas from forceful the of renaming the Anastasov, idem. Anastasov, idem. Idem. Grekova, Maya. Todorova-Pirkova, Iveta. Todorova-Pirkova, feelings for the party did not reflect in negative feelings for the Turks. the for feelings negative in reflect not did party the for feelings communists. However, they representdid not the majority Turkishof peoplethe of Bulgaria, thus and the Rights, whichlargely. If there iswas negative feelings,considered they might have been against the party Movement for FreedomsThere was definitely and no nationalism into these protests, and evenbethe Turkish minority a joined theparty protests of the Turkish minority, since they were in a coalition with the I and the other – dimensions of the strangeness in post-totalitarian society, Symbols and images of ‘evil’ in student protests in Sofia, 1997 149 They were intended to represent the unity of the nation in 148 55 150 152 . Cultural Analysis St. Kliment Ohridski 151 CEU eTD Collection comparative perspective. As depicted before, the three countries have problematic transitions problematic have three countries the before, As depicted perspective. comparative as well ascountries, history a formerits two common country,not with proximity other andthe Yugoslav theis Bulgaria though Even communism. of fall similarities the since similarities many have countries three The compare these two cases with the case of Bulgaria, which I cannot label as nationalist protests. betweenthis analysis theythe will fallfor in and Macedonia, nationalisms Serbia difference between the exploredthe Having already transitions in the same category as ‘nationalism present’.justify However, here I willthe need is: movements inthese nationalism of appearing for reasons of the for my assumption And putting them in a explore: I wanted to that forquestion the secondresearch isappropriate this theBulgarian Atcase point, Bulgaria vs. andSerbia itself: Macedonia II. c.iii.Thepresenceofnationalism andtheseprotests. nationalism between illustrativeof relation quite the evennational is flagasign had serious which be Thisexample distress. upsidedown, the of can when futurelook did the notsobright considering that looked unsuccessful, protests the student andin cold, winter the desperate wereso endpeople when atthe case, the waseven In fact,there - - deep ethnic problems and contested statehood. deep ethnic problems andcontested with societies in democratization for movements in the present are elements Nationalist democratization? for movements student the of as part appear cases doesnationalism In what 56 CEU eTD Collection a Chronicle of the Bulgarian Civil Uprising of January-February, 1997 153 as possible.” as different from them possibleas andresemble governors the of developedthe as countries much be to has governor good the that also and govern to allowed be not should they so and governors a program to alleviatein 2000). In Bulgaria,the it was the refusal of the governmentcrisis. toagree to early elections and to adopt As Dainov a infacthappened (which have country to ledthe total which turnover would local the elections, put it: “[the] formerparliamentary opposition. In Serbia,communists it was Milosevic refusing admitto defeat for the first time in were not from a healthy country the of it1994 which deprived elections Macedonia, werethe good itincumbentsincreasedunreadiness togive away, dissatisfaction.the power the of In non-responsiveness or butdueto wasgreat, in power forces the for changing The needs banished. had communism thathadbeen since known relations stablerose andthe economic unemployment andineffective, happened,it thus was intransparent era. Whereprivatization communist crime andruling elites, whichheldstrong relations orwerepart of security the services from the illegal fortrade, aswell opened betweenorganized andthe‘marriage’ as thegates trafficking limited it because Ithurttheir economies countries affected. wereindirectly other the buttwo Serbia by affected wars was directly embargoduetothe the politics and destructive Milosevic, of regime. previous from the renamedcommunists they were the with serious economichardship. In fact, the ruling elites had not changedin the three countries – Dainov, Evgeniy. The Bulgarian State Brings a New Social Contract in: Dainov, Evgeniy (ed.), 153 57 , CSP, Sofia, 1998, p. 17 The Awakening: CEU eTD Collection 154 Furthermore, the ethnic Albanians of the country did not identify themselves with the state, there state, the with themselves identify not did country the of Albanians ethnic the Furthermore, recognizelanguage.identity,name, theuniqueness and of culture, Macedonian not the did it itswas thefirst constitutional Bulgaria,though even country recognize under Macedonia to state. the and nation the of name the recognize not did neighbors southern Their Greece. with facedmember itbecoming problemsFurthermore, a serious of UNbecauseof the nameissue the from embargois it needlessGreece, repeat thatto institutionsfunction the not did properly. an faced Having statehood. and relations interethnic questions, national to comes it when only way that they could keepany holdit of was violence. Macedonia hadits own problems the and existed, institutions parallel control, no almost had state the where in Kosovo, movement separatist the also and sanctions, economic faced wars, entered had Serbia side, other On the integration of ethnic minorities in the national political system.” “onetimes 1997,Dimitrov before surprisinglywrote: positive developmenthas been the wasnothere national open whichchallenged andterritorial questions their sovereignty. On the open issues the solved less with or more had They in Bulgaria. the questions national Turkishtheir for fear not did people The minority, and their state was not endangered reason touse nationalistgain to rhetoric bysupport. their neighbors – not was there thus did, like andMacedonia Serbia statehood and contested ethnic problems face inter- not did Bulgaria wasbecause hypothesized, The it I in not. didreason, Bulgaria part), in theprevious andexplained which Ireferred (something to present wasquite nationalism cases Macedonian and Serbian Whilein the occurred. differences significant the is andthis where dissatisfaction, this show to need they that felt nation the of future the or students, young, The Dimitrov, Vesselin. Dimitrov, Bulgaria: The uneven transition. 58 London: Routhledge, 2001. p. 35 154 CEU eTD Collection there was no need to ‘feed’ on the fearfrom minorities, neighbors, or for theirborders. helpedneed from movements stratum.Bulgaria, the gain didnot support In a wider as this, they – nationalism definitely shared both –they trait acommon depicted Macedonia aspreviously in and Serbia was different andliberalism nationalism between therelation Even though when hearing aboutthose things. ethnic boarders, the fear of losing something definitely existed and people were ready mobilizeto country, the theof name the was it Whether culture, importance. ethno-national of question the with bombarded were losing territory, or from understand.something thatnot they early Inthe did nineties, Macedonians andSerbians failing to create a had the fearthey a nationalist dueto Macedonian studentsgaveto greaterAs Sulejmanihadsaid, stance country within the imagined required that the Bulgarian case differs from the other two in the nationalist traits. democraticliberal- had movements protest three all While Bulgaria. in one the from differed Macedonia demands and in Serbia cases the why reason is the this that was assumption and initial my this, all said Having were rightfully against Albaniansethnic Macedonians and either or civilian security forces.the the governments between of clashes situations several were andthere independent, become to was amovement of the time, the situation 59 CEU eTD Collection statements of participants. especiallymight forless itin but Macedonia, not two, thebiased other have been tothe due and, nationalism, and liberalism to comes it when movements protest these of truth “official” is lackof the another weakness for Furthermore, in looked of stories. been the have traits them certain is, that used, loosely been have they truly and nationalism, and liberalism for definitions normative of lack is the thesis MA this about be admitted to need that weaknesses potential The problems. experience sincenot these in didit country the was not, Bulgaria government, be nationalism in where accepted againstwould environment a form anon-democratic of protest an had problemsand Serbia created Macedonia of of Whiletheone statehood Bulgaria. against the Serbia and Macedonia casesof the by putting and relations, inter-ethnic statehood of problems has state the where conditions in mobilization for isused nationalism how shown have I question, second With the liberal as apatriotic one. a represent protest wasusedto nationalism used to represent anational protest as a more acceptable, non-chauvinist form of protest, in Serbia in liberalism ofMacedonia was Whileinrole inter-changeable cases and Serbia. the Macedonia With the first research question, I have shownin had cases. three the how liberalism andBulgaria liberal the roles in1996/97,specifically andnationalistabout that rhetoricanddemands nationalism have movements and of Serbia, havestudent protest Macedonia, In thisMA analyzed the I thesis, played an IV. 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