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Igala-Ebira Relations, 1800 -1900

Abu Leonarda & Suleiman Bilal Ishaq

Abstract

Inter-Group Relations is as old as human society. This study attempts to examine historical factors that contributed in fostering inter-group relations among various ethnic groups of the Niger-Benue Confluence, with specific reference to the Igala and Ebira in North Central . The choice of 19th and 20th centuries, as the chronological scope of the study, is basically important as it enables an assessment on their relationship before, during and after the post- colonial period. The study examines the history of origin and migration of the ethnic groups (Igala-Ebira), up to their present geographical location as well as the proximity factor as it affects inter-group relations in the Niger-Benue Confluence Areas in the aspects of migration, commerce, cultural dissemination, Agriculture amongst others. It also attempts to examine the consequences of these relations on the both ethnic groups. The paper also examined, in comparative terms, the changing intergroup relations among the Ebira and Igala during the 19th and 20th centuries.

Introduction The term inter-group relations refer to both individual and collective interactions involving members of different groups and their behaviours in with either of groups at intra or inter organizational level. Sherif suggested that "whenever individuals belonging to one group interact collectively or individually with another group or it's member in terms of their group identification we have an instance of inter group behaviour".1 Inter group relations therefore, implies the existence of mutually exclusive groups due to the mode of their social bond, usually exhibit the 'we' attitude towards members of their mutual group exhibiting the 'they' attitude to the other members of the out group.2 Inter-group relation is dominating a substantial area of study in Nigerian historiography, but with reference to Ebira /Igala intergroup relation, this work will exploit the germane areas which the

a Corresponding Author: Department of History and International Studies, University, Anyigba, [email protected]. 140

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two ethnic groups have related in overtime, more so, highlighting the consequences of their relativity as inter-group relations between the two ethnic group continues to manifest even in the modern era. The essence of discussing the tradition of origin of these two groups is in order to further illuminate readers and researchers in the field of history, as acknowledging the tradition of origin of these groups will avail them a cloudless picture and better comprehension of how Ebira and Igala related in the 19thand 20thcentury and to discern the changing inter-group relations among the ethnic groups over time.

Geographical Location of Ebira Land Ebira land lie approximately between 60 and 100 north of latitude and between 60and 100 east longitude. Situated within a hilly sketch of land within the Niger Benue confluence area, it shares common boundaries with the Okun Yoruba to the west, Ogori, Ososo and other Akoko-Edo peoples to the south and south-west; the Hausas, Nope and Ebira groups at to the north and the River Niger to the east. Just across the river lives the Igala and Bassa Nge, Ebira land covers an approximate area of 2, 977 square kilometers.3 Ebiraland is located within the region of Nigeria which experience both the wet and dry seasons. Rainfall commence in most cases in the third week of March and end in the mid of November. It has a double maxima rainfall with a peak in July but heaviest in September. Between the maxima is the August break with considerably reduced rainfall. The break corresponds with the forest zone of Nigeria. Rainfall in Ebiraland is between 50inches to 60inches, while the mean annual rainfall in Okene, a principal town of the land.4

Geographical Location of Igala Land The area which forms lies geographically between 6.300 and 7.400 east of longitude.5 It covers an area of approximately 4.982 square, with a total population of 364,119(1962 census), 684,880 persons (1963 census).6 However, the 1991 population census and the projection of national population commission (NPC) 0ut the Igala population to approximately 2million people.7As at now (2019) the population could probably be estimated to be about 2.9million people making it about the 7th largest ethnic group in Nigeria.

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The Igala kingdom is situated today in kogi state North Central Nigeria. It is the largest ethnic group in the state that has other ethnic groups like the Ebira, Okun Yoruba, Bassa Komos, the bassa Nge to mention but a few. However, it should be noted that the boundaries of Igalaland today do not coincide with the limits of the kingdom before the establishment of British colonial rule. The Igala Kingdom is today bounded on the North by , On the east by Enugu state, on the south by Anambra state and separated from by the river Niger on the western side.8 The ecology of Igala land is transitional between high forest and the coastal belt. The Kingdom has an average rainfall of 55 inches annually making it very suitable for the production of food crops such as cassava, maize, millet, yam.... Etcetera. It is equally favorable for cash crops such as palm trees and other economic tree like mahogany, Obeche Iroko etcetera.

Traditions of Origin of the Ebira and There are varied and conflicting accounts about the origins of the Ebira Tao, also known as Ebira Ehi people what was however, never been in dispute was the fact that the Ebira along with their jukun brothers originally migrated from Egypt and the Sudan region. Attempt to trace the actual origin of the people have not been easy. The early works in this direction are full of conflicting claims and contradictions. What is however certain among scholars is that the various ethnic groups of the Ebira race were said to have migrated at various times before the first World War, about (circa 1500), to their present settlement which are respectively located in the states of Adamawa, Yobe, Taraba and Gondola among the jukuns, Plateau among the Nassarawas, Benue among the Igala- extraction of Itobe and , Kwara and Kogi among the dominant Ebira Ebira Tao and Ebira koto people of Okene, Ajaokuta, Adavi, Okehi, Koton Karfe and lokoja Local government areas and Edo among the Igbirras in present-day Edo state of Nigeria.9 Like many ethnic groups in Africa the origin of the Igala people is in shrouded controversy. There are various traditions of origin linking the Igala people to Yoruba’s, Yemen Ethopia (Horn of Africa), Nile people etcetera. In an interview granted to the Editors of the Nigerian Magazine in 1961 by the former Attah of Igala Alhaji Aliyu Obaje CBE he stated that:

…The first wave of migration into the country (Igala) seems to have taken place about 12th 142

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century AD and was led by Amina, A Zaria princess and warrior who fought her way to . She came with Hausa and Nupe followers whose descendants are assocuated with Jema'a and Ibo quarter in the town.10

The same traditional ruler granting another interview few years later said that the Igalas

came from the Arab country of Yemen and were in the present Nigeria at the same time as the founding fathers of the Yorubas, the Jukuns and the Beriberis.11

On another occasion, in 1970 he told visiting students that “the Igalas came from Ethopia. He went further to say that there is a tribe or ethnic group in Ethiopia called ‘Galla'.12 Those versions are not an attempt to discredit the authority of Igala kingdom for many other theories exists, but to simply establish the myriad of complication involved in setting the case as to the possible origin of Igala people.

Determinants of the Ebira-Igala Inter-Group Relations

The numerous factors that had fostered co-existence among the Ebira and Igala has been largely neglected by various writers. Among the literatures latent and littering the academic space, on inter-group relations among communities in the confluence area, non-have written extensively on their various areas of relations. In view of the above, this work intended to explore the areas with the objective of turning searchlight on the significance and potentials of learning from historical experience in peaceful inter-ethnic co- existence/relations. A number of factors have significantly shaped the relations of the Ebiras and their Igala neighbours over time - these factors shall be considered euphemistically.

Migration Migration which a common attribute of man fostered inter-group relations between the Igala and . From time past, large influx of Ebira people into Igala land was observed. Thus, it can be attested to in the historical narration given by Habib13 “That the Ebiras having resented the central administration of the Jukun, decided to go in search for local self-rule and independence, as well as suitable farmland". Part of the sub-ethnic Ebira groups who migrated from kwararafa kingdom found their way to Idah. 143

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Furthermore, historical evidences showed that: based on the premises that social interactions between people of diverse ethnic and cultural background could lead to integration, the Ebira people lived with their hosts in Idah peacefully. The Ebira got associated with various places or wards in Igala land and were assigned specific roles in palace administration, along with titles. But Igala land was not to be their permanent state. Ebira people preferred lateral succession to primogeniture and were also concerned with problems of political, cultural and social nature. They decided as a matter of policy to migrate without bitterness but those who felt too attached to the then Idoko dynasty and Igala relations remained behind and got acculturated or (igalanised) in the kingdom.

Ebira migration from Igala land The ancient Ebira undertook no major programme without seeking spiritual guidance through divination. Ancestors were regarded as intermediaries between God and Man and since they were regarded as part of the living community and as protectors of descendants on earth, no migration was contemplated without their company, that is, as ancestral relics which their spirit was assumed to permeate.14 There were three main groups of Ebira involved in migration from Igala land and one consisted of those more inclined to farming and fishing who subsequently remained in the Igu (koton Karfe), Panda(Umaisha) axis led by Ohimi Agie . The Igu and Panda Kingdoms were flourishing until the Jihad wars interrupted or broke them up by the 1850s. Another group consisted of those who settled in Etuno (Igarra) under Ariwo Avejijo and developed a chiefdom so successful that in the 2nd half of the 19th century the ‘Jihadist' invaders from had to adopt their organization and tittle for application on segmentary neighbours whom they brought together under the Obaji and Ododo who were more inclined to hunting/farming and were more republican' in nature established a state in what became known as Ebiraland under ancestral spiritual governance ' so organised that in course of time, they were able to beat back huge military invasion.15 From Igalaland, the migration route had been worked out and, in the case of the Tao group, the heart of the land they were aiming at as their new country had been surveyed, marked out and, in made their target (Eika) for settlement. Such scouting achievements were characteristics of hunting and war leaders who in many cases were founders of

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settlements or states in Africa. In setting out from Igala land during the dry season in the course of the period 1700-1730, the migrating Ebira pulled out of various places in waves, generally moved northwards to crises the Benue around the Agatu areas, struck left across the Northern Niger-Benue fork, turned south to cross the Niger and made the area the first settlement they called Ebira Okpete with Obangede as command post, beacons or milestone along the main routes as well as subsidiary routes. The Ebira leaders thereby asserted that the area west of the Niger was their country and east of the Niger was Igala land. But cultural and commercial relationship continued and several personal, clan or place names in Ebira land were made reminiscent of place or ward names and forms of greetings in Igala land.16

Trade and Commerce The extent to which Nigerian peoples interacted through trade becomes clearer prior to the 19th century, major trade routes became prominent linking various communities like the Hausa land with Borno; Borno with Adamawa, Hausa land with Nupe and the Confluence, Hausa land with , Yoruba land with Benin etcetera. The Igala and their Ebira neighbours whose territory lay within the confluence of the Niger and Benue rated farming and hunting above other occupations during the 19th century, so articles of trades served as a major determinants in their relation during this period.17 The Igala Kingdom controlled areas around the confluence if the Niger and Benue and traded below the confluence as far as south as Aboh and Onya at the head of the Niger Delta.18 In Ebiraland, most trade is carried on by women who sell their husband's produce as well as their own. The women keep for themselves the proceeds of the sales of their husband produce at one market out of every three they had attended.19 In 1917, there was a market every day at okene and every fourth day at Nagazi and Manika as well as many small markets. The Ebira women travelled great distant to trade.20They traded with their neighbouring communities and even beyond Igalaland, they have also travelled far east to trade. Articles of trade between the Ebira and their neighbours which include the Igala are palm oil, kernel, local textile materials, mat, goat, sheep and food stuff like yam, maize and guinea corn. Ebira women who performed the major roles of trekking to their neighbouring communities to sell goats, sheep and locally manufactured cloths and wears also bought

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quantities of palm oil and kernels, most especially from Igalaland and resell at the markets in Ebiraland.21 As Early as 1917, during the colonial period, it was observed that the Ebira women travelled great distant to trade" probably, this explains why the various colonial firms involved themselves in advanced payments to women for the supply of palm oil and particularly kernel. At early stage of colonial period, Zainebu Iyaegbe the mother of Atta Ibrahim was a palm kernel agent to several colonial Firms particularly UAC and John Holt. Before its season, she distributed some amount of cash to selected households whose female members had to supply kernel on her behalf to the central firms and markets in Ajaokuta.22

Cultural Dissemination (Acculturation) Several indications points to historical and socio- political connections between Igala and some sections of Ebira. Igbirra should not be taken for uniform ethnic group; they have somewhat diverse historical, social and political differences. The Igbira Panda and Igu agree in tracing their Origin to Ohiemi, the son of an early Atta of Igala land who crossed the Benue about 1750. This is supported by Igala claim that Panda and Agu were external fiefs in the 18th century. an Igbira legend states that Ohiemi was slain by the Atta Igala for establishing an independent state without his approval. This view is supported by Paula Brown in her ethnographic survey of people of the Niger Benue confluence with particular reference to Igbira: various Igbira legends recount a quarrel over succession between the sons of Ohiemi, which led to establishment of the separate states of Kotonkarfe and Opanda.23 According to the panda legend, Ohimnagedu, the son or grandson of Ohiemi, established a Chiefdom at Panda, 20 miles north east of the present town of Umasha adopting the Igbira language from the local inhabitants. This legend, acknowledging a dispute over the establishment of an independent chiefdom, however denies the murder of the fief- holder by the then Atta of Igala. The so-called fief-holder who brought about the origin of this part of Igbira was said to have obtained the royal staff of office from his father Ohieme the then Attah of Igala after much misunderstanding between him and his kindred. The latter subsequently made him chief of the Panda and was required to send tribute and gift to the Atta on assumption of office: After the succession dispute, Ohiaten, the son of Ohiemi established chiefdom at Igu. He

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was recognized by the Atta of Igala as Ohimegi Igu (Chief of Igu). The Kotonkarfe royal genealogy contains seven generations (21 rulers) since Ohiemi, with succession between the branches of founded by Ohiaten and Oortu, his brother until the 12th Ohimegi Igu, Ata of Igala recognized kotonkarfe cheifs before they office but local installation rites were established by the 12th Ohimegi Igu.24 The Okene group is not left out in the tracing of political and cultural history. Theirs is however not supported by enough records. Brown put the conflicting nature of their reports as follows: The Okene group of Igbira also claim Origin from Idah. Conflicting legends tells early colonization across the Niger from Idah and of flight from Panda and Koton Karfe after the Fulani invasion.25 It can be deduced from here that Igbira went under Igala territory as a consequence of the invasion of the fulani, a fact that is apparently unanimously accepted by the Okene Igbira. This brought about the early fief holder of Igbira being addressed as Atta in the case of Atta Ibrahim. More so, the Igbira who have lived under the sphere of influence of the Igalas in Idah got acculturated or (Igalanised) in the kingdom. according to Y. A Ibrahim, “even the migrating Ebira who pulled out of various wards and places in waves from Igala land, and settled elsewhere, continued cultural and commercial relationship and several personal, clan or places names in Ebira land were to stay reminiscent of place or wards names or forms of greetings in Igala land.”26

Agriculture Agriculture is the main occupation of most (Ebira/Igala), Yam is the staple in Okene, where it provides food for seven months of the year and in the southern part of koton karfe, other crops which Provide subsidiary food in the southern Igbira area and the staples in the north, are beans, guinea corn, maize, cassava groundnut, sweet potatoes and millets. Palm oil is collected, but almost all is used locally for cooking, kernels however are exported. Most farm work and all commercial farming, is done by men. Only the domestic crops near the compound are cultivated by women. Of the field crops grown by men, some beniseed is sold. Igbira cotton is also of superior quality.27 The Igalaland is blessed with abundant of natural resources. The forest provides many valuable economic trees such as Mahogany Iroko, Obeche, palm trees, amongst others. Agricultural produce like cotton, palm oil was the most

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important export crop before and after World War I and II, this was buttressed by Udo when he wrote “In Igala district, the main Item of external trade during the closing of the 19Th century was rubber, although palm oil was also produced and marketed by women folks. The rubber came from indigenous rubber being planted including the Funtimia elastic tree and the Landolina vine”. The rubber from Igala contributed considerably to Nigeria's rubber export which was valued at 2.4 million pounds in 1895, declining rapidly to 131,000 four years later as a result of reckless tapping". Food crops such as Yams, Maize, Beans Cassava, Pumpkins etcetera are grown and sold in various markets in the kingdom. Some of these food crops are also sold in market from the kingdom such as Yams being sold at Elushi, Onitsha in the Anambra area.28 Historical evidences abound on the nature of Ebiraland and its unsuitability for farming.... One of the Igala legends has it that the word Egbira comes from two Igala words: “egbili" and Ira" Egbili is an Igala word for unfertile land for certain agricultural product. The land is not forested; typical example is that of Okene and its environs. From all corners to the town shows infertility of the soil for food production. Furthermore, as at the primitive period, there were no fertilizers to be used for farming. The Igala people whose greater percentages are farmers rarely believed that people could survive such an environment that was not good for farming.29 Other historical evidences to back up the above assertion can be seen in the work of Y. A. Ibrahim who said that the sole purpose of Ebira migration from one community to other was in other to resent central administration and in search for arable lands.... More so, That the Ebira groups who migrated from Igala land are mostly farmers, Hunters and fishers as others remained in the land and benefited from the natural environment of Igalaland.30

Religious Belief The worship of ancestors is a common feature in the religious belief of both Igala and Ebira in the 19th century. The Igbira believe that the ancestors are the humble agents of God. Only deceased older relatives (grandfather, father's brother, older brother, father's sister and older sister) are invoked. The worship is carried on mainly by men, but women may pray to the ancestors through male relatives. These spirits are invoked to ward off disease, which craft and spiritual dangers. Certain household spirits and the ancestors may be asked to bring

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children to a barren household, in cases of disputed parentage, a diviner calls on the ancestors of the disputing men to select the correct father. Certain trees, stones and ant- heaps are believed to contain spirit of a specific deceased ancestor. Ancestors are worshipped at the grave side, in the presence of an animal into which a given ancestor is believed to have turned, or in the presence of natural object in which he recides.31 In Igala land, Annual religious ceremonies are also held. The most important of these is the Igu festival, in commemoration of the ancestors. It is celebrated at the beginning of the Yam harvest. So far as the Atta is concerned, thus ceremony consist of the sacrifice of nine animals to the ancestral spirit of his nine predecessors, represented by their staff of office (Okute), which are displayed for the occasion. Two days later, a sacrifice is made to the memory of the founder Ayagba.32 Another ancestral ceremony is the inikpi ceremony- Inikpi was according to tradition, the young and beautiful daughter of Ayagba, who was once faced with imminent defeat at the hands of the Jukun and was advised to sacrifice her. He could not bring himself to do this, but when Inikpi heard, she insisted on being buried alive. She has become a tutelary goddess and watches over the destinies of Igala33

Changing Inter-Group Relations on Ebira-Igala in the 19th and 20th Centuries The paraphernalia of inter-group relations on Ebira and Igala people has led comparisons of their relatedness during the 19th and 20th centuries in their migration sojourn and socio-cultura8l, religious, commercial and political accord. Given such geographical environment (Ebira/Igala), we presumed a good deal of interaction between the two communities from early times even down to the recent times. Firstly, in the area of cultural inter-fusion, common cultural festival practices are attainable in both Ebira and Igala land. For instance, Ebira is replete with traditional festivals of Ikede Ichekene, Ogugu, Eche aiuma, fyaahaim Ebe, Eika, Ekuechi, Eku-Otii, Echori, Okehi and Echeane. Each of the festivals is celebrated once in a year. In other words, all the Ebira traditional festivals are celebrated annually. They are so organized that no two festivals clash with each other in celebrations. Of these cultural festivals, echeane is second to none after the most revered ekuechi festival. Ekuechi, the night masquerade and echeane, the day-time masquerade, are

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the two most important and celebrated eku, the masquerade festivals in Ebiraland. Therefore, the eku masquerade phenomenon is the transformation of deceased elders. Echeane is believed to be a period of the year when both the dead and the living commune. Various classes of oekuechichi, the day time masquerades perform at Echeane. There are three broad categories of ekuechichi at echeane. There are eku - okise\ the fortune teller or diviner masquerades, the entertainer and those that combine both divination and entertainment.34 The twenty first century civilization which ushered in new religions, social and political outlook of the Ebira has upset the balance of the primary functions and value orientation of the echaene festival in the community. Consequently, many changes have taken place in respect of the masquerade and masquerading systems arising from the contending contemporary external-stimuli. Etu noted this cultural aspect of Igala life when he wrote That “the Igala like many other people in Africa and indeed al" over the world Also have various kinds of social and cultural festivals"35 It should also be noted that some of these festivals are celebrated annually to mark a special event in the life of the Igala people. The Okula festival is celebrated throughout Igala land at different times depending on the community or locality. In some communities it is celebrated in form of thanksgiving festivals when farmers have bountiful harvest from their farms. Ancestors during these festivals are recognized through the appearance of masquerades. Offerings are made to the ancestors in the form of animals such as goats, chickens, kolanuts, local drinks, etc. Another most celebrated festival in Igala land is the Ocho festival, it is regarded as a “national festival" among the Igala people because it involves the Atta and his councilors as chief celebrants. It is celebrated at Idah the political and traditional headquarters of Igala Kingdom. The selection of the site for the festival is dependent on the national diviner and is usually on a unity ground where the Atta is expected to pass a night during the occasions. This festival has strong connections with the primary occupation of the first Igala leaders who were hunters. On the second day, the Attah leads the hunting party to the town through the various settlement to the land where drinking, eating and merry making takes place.36 It is worthy to note the Italo festival- A modern socio- cultural festival. It is a festival of unity celebrated in the central part of Igala land. The festival unlike others, it is a

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festival that is marked by academic discussion in the form of paper presentation. This festival is always celebrated at Anyigba because of its central location. Secondly, Religion played a vital role in the changing inter-group relation on the Ebira and Igala people. , and African traditional religion (though practiced on the minimal) were the major religions observed among the Ebira and Igala ethnic groups. It was noted that in panda, most of the “respectable inhabitants " were Muslims. And both Islam and Christianity took the place of the aboriginal religion described earlier. In the early 20th century around 1917 precisely, most Igbira of the Okene area and profuse numbers of Igalas were pagans, but by the first quarter of the 20th century, they were being converted to Christianity and Islam in numbers.37 The chiefs of Okene, Toto, Umasha and koton karfe were all Muslim, as are many of their subjects, the same can be said of the Atta of Igala Alh Aliyu Obaje who was a muslin until his death. In modern times, Religion continued to play vital role in Ebira-Igala relation. It is worthy to note that the Igalas who are of the Tijjaniyya Islamic creed travelled down to Ebira land in order to pay visit to their religious and spiritual leaders in Ebira land... An example of this can be given in case of people (including the adherent of Tijjaniyya sect from Igala land) who have travelled from far to visit Hajiya Bilkisu, the wife of late sheikh Ibrahim Inyass (R.T.A). These kinds of visits are usually carried out in the Maulud month (the month marking the celebration of the birth of the Muslim prophet Mohammed). Therefore, as a result of harmonized religious practice, Inter-group relations was further strengthened among the two groups.38 Thirdly, inter-marriages among the Ebira and Igala is a gain of peaceful relations and coexistence among the groups. In the 19th century, intermarriages were observed among the groups (mostly in royal families),39 Also, in modern times, Appreciable numbers of marriages are being carried out among the ethnic groups. More so, acquisition of languages facilitated trade, apart from the Ebira group left behind in Igala land, who later got acculturate or (Igalanised) most of the Ebira in Igala land of today have learnt the language, and have used the language as a medium of communication with their hosts. On the other hand, Igala women who traded in Palm oil with Ebira women in Variki market and other markets in Ebiraland speak Ebira language fluently. This purposely enhanced trade relation among them.

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In recent times, migration continued to enhance increase in population in Igala land. Large number of migrants from Ebira land began to settle in Igala land in the later part of the 20th century, with the emergence of basic tertiary institutions in Igala land. with the establishment of Kogi state school of health technology in 1977, Federal polytechnic Idah on 20/11/1977, Kogi state college of education Ankpa in 1981 and later, the establishment of Kogi State University Anyigba in April 2000.40 There was the need for Ebira people to migrate too Igala land in search for labor. Lastly, the enormous increase in trading activities was also observed in the later part of the 20th century. Commerce improved rapidly among them. This was as a result of the free from of goods and services, the availability of articles of trade. But unlike in the 19th century where Ebira women had to trek to neighbouring communities to get their goods sold, in the 20th century, adequate road network for transportation of goods was made available. Ease transportation of market goods like palm oil, kernel and other allied products from Igala land to Ebira land was observed. Markets in Ebira land Like Ohu Variki, Ohu Ogaminana are destination for Igala women traders where they get their palm oil sold. On the other hand, Anyigba market, Abocho market, Ejule market are destinations for Ebira women who travelled to Igala land to buy palm oil and resell in Ebira land. Therefore, enormous increase in trading activities further led to the improvement of markets in Ebira and Igala lands. The creation of more markets took place and these necessarily fostered relations among the Igala and Ebira people.41

Conclusion It has been argued that the dividing line between being an indigene and being a settler could be very thick or thin depending on the co-existence of state concerned. The argument is further made complex by the claim that each person is mostly an indigene of a particular ethnic and by virtue of which one might not enjoy those benefits associated with settling in a place or among communities with different history, culture and language in Nigeria, however, such settler groups from different part of the country have consistently maintained that having settled in a place for a long period, it is not proper to refer to them as settlers but rather indigenes or citizens.

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Even though the above assertion is true of most Immigrants, Ebira settlers in Igala land had enjoyed the privilege of the Igala people and have co-existed peacefully with Igalas over time. Regardless of the period of settlement, in Igala land, evidence abound have indicated some level of progress in attempt by both groups (Ebira/Igala) to achieve cordial co-existence.

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Endnotes

1I. Ofili, Inter-group relations in Nigeria: the Dynamics and Complexities, Journal of Development and Management Review, vol.11 No.1, 2016, p.163. 2 I. Ofili, “Inter-group relations in Nigeria"… p.163. 3National Archives , Lokoja Provisional Office,301 Annual Janna Province, 1952. 4Y. A. Ahmed, Slope Facets and Farming in the Eika- Okene, B.Sc B. U. K, 1985, pp. 26-28. 5N. O. , Social and Cultural Identity of an African Society the Igala People of Nigeria. p. 31. 6P. Okwoli, A Short History of Igala, Matam and Sons’ Printers, , 1973, p.1. 7 Y. Etu, Igala Expressions and Historical Landmarks Lokoja Nigeria, 1999, p. 5. 8N. O. Okpe Social and Cultural Identity of an African Society the Igala People of Nigeria, 1993, p.16. 9H. S. Angulu, Sociology of Ebira Tao, Ilorin, Nigeria: Unilorin Press, 1993, p.16. 10Nigerian Magazine, March 1964, No. 80. p.17. 11Spear Magazine, February 1969 P. 32. 12P. Okwoli, A Short History of Igala, Ilorin, Mafam and Son’s Printer, 1973, p. 7. 13H. S. Angulu, Sociology of Ebira Tao, Ilorin Nigeria, Unicorn Press, 1993, p.16. 14Y. A. Ibrahim, Ebira Tao, lessons from history: the Need for a Strong Central Organization in Ebira Land, Zaria Nigeria, Asekome publishers, 2000, p.3. 15Y. A. Ibrahim, Ebira Tao, Lessons from History...p. 3. 16Y. A. Ibrahim, Ebira Tao, Lessons from History...p. 3. 17O. Obayemi, “States and People of the Niger-Benue Confluence,” In Ibaro Ikime, Groundwork of Nigerian History. Ibadan, Heinemann, 1980, p. 224. 18O. Obayemi, States and People of the Niger-Benue Confluence.... p. 225. 19P. Brown, The Igbira people of the Niger-Benue Confluence, In: Ethnographic Survey of Africa, Part 10, London International Institute, 1995, p.57. 20P. Brown, The Igbira People of the Niger-Benue Confluence.... p. 57. 21A. Ahmed, The Transformation of Ebira Land 1880- 1960, A Ph.D. Thesis, United Kingdom, 1995, p. 257. 22A. Ahmed, The Transformation of Ebira Land...p.258.

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