Competing Western and Russian Narratives on the European Order: Is There Common Ground?
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Reigniting Growth in Central and Eastern Europe Eastern and Central in Growth Dawn:A New Reigniting
McKinsey Global Institute McKinsey Global Institute A new dawn: ReignitingA new dawn: growth in Central and Eastern Europe December 2013 A new dawn: Reigniting growth in Central and Eastern Europe The McKinsey Global Institute The McKinsey Global Institute (MGI), the business and economics research arm of McKinsey & Company, was established in 1990 to develop a deeper understanding of the evolving global economy. MGI’s mission is to provide leaders in the commercial, public, and social sectors with the facts and insights on which to base management and policy decisions. MGI research combines the disciplines of economics and management, employing the analytical tools of economics with the insights of business leaders. Its “micro-to-macro” methodology examines microeconomic industry trends to better understand the broad macroeconomic forces affecting business strategy and public policy. MGI’s in-depth reports have covered more than 20 countries and 30 industries. Current research focuses on six themes: productivity and growth; the evolution of global financial markets; the economic impact of technology and innovation; natural resources; the future of work; and urbanisation. Recent reports have assessed job creation, resource productivity, cities of the future, and the impact of the Internet. The partners of McKinsey fund MGI’s research; it is not commissioned by any business, government, or other institution. For further information about MGI and to download reports, please visit www.mckinsey.com/mgi. McKinsey in Central and Eastern Europe McKinsey & Company opened its first offices in Central and Eastern Europe in the early 1990s, soon after the momentous democratic changes in the region. McKinsey played an active role in the region’s economic rebirth, working with governments, nonprofits, and cultural institutions, as well as leading business organisations. -
Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms
Russia and the EU in a Multipolar World: Invoking the Global in Russian Terms Aziz Elmuradov Introduction Over the past decade, Russia’s relations with the European Union have evolved from competition to conflict. With the Ukraine crisis as a culmination point, many scholars explain the conflictual stand-off as a result of a long-term cri- sis rooted in the internal structure of EU–Russia interaction (Casier 2016; Chaban et al. 2017; Haukkala 2015). While such a perspective contributes to a better understanding of the conflict, there is more to the confrontational dynamics between the two sides. World politics can be traced back not only to the pursuit of national interests, but also to differing ways of envision- ing the world. To a considerable extent, the current conflict with Russia is a conflict of worldviews. In line with the theme of this volume, the following chapter takes this epistemic dimension of world politics seriously. The world and the global are not fixed realms but are constituted in the practices ofcon- crete actors who create their discursive horizons of the world and the global through symbolic representations, narratives and models. This chapter, there- fore, focuses on practices of worldmaking inherent in Russian foreign policy discourse. Retracing popular modes of mapping the world from the Russian perspective, I will show how a multipolar worldview informs the relationship between Russia and the Western world. Russian foreign policy discourse is greatly affected by major trends and trajectories under way in world politics. Russia finds itself in an increasingly dynamic global environment. The world is more volatile and uncertain to- day than at any time since the fall of the Berlin Wall. -
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so. -
The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period. -
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CCJJ\1l\1Il S S I Ot-T OF THE ETif{OPEA!'J COI\JftvlUNI TIES SEC (91) 2145 final Brussels; 21 Nove~ber 1991 CONFERENCE Ct~ SECUR l TY AND CO<WERA T I ON I H EUROPE HELS l ~I FOLLOW-UP MEET I t-3G MARCH - JUNE 1992 Ccm:wllcation of the Com.=iss:Ion to the Council . •· ' :- ,·.· CONFERENCE ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE HELSINKI FOLLOW-uP ~EET I NG MARCH - JUNE 1992 Communication of the Commission to the Council 1. Introduction L The fourth CSCE follow-up meeting (after Belgrade 1977/78, Madr ld 1980-83 and Vienna 1986-89) will be held In Helsinki, starting on March 24, 1992. It Is scheduled to last for three months. The meeting will, according to the Paris Charter, "allow the participating states to take stock of developments, review the Implementation of their commItments and consIder further steps In the CSCE process". The conference Is likely to be opened by Foreign Ministers and w111 conclude with a Summit In early July. 2. It wil I be the first occasion after the Paris Summit of November 1990 for the CSCE to undertake a global appreciation of the fundamental changes which have occured since 1989/90 In central and eastern Europe and In the Soviet Union. Helsinki will consider ways and means by which the economic and political reforms underway can be accelerated. 3. Recent changes In Europe demonstrate the need for a new approach in substantive areas of cooperation as well as effective decision-making In CSCE Institutions, notably the Council, supported by the Committee of Senior Officials. -
The Other Europes
133 The Journal of Belarusian Studies The Other Europes BY STEPHEN G F HALL* White, Stephen and Feklyunina, Valentina. Identities and Foreign Policies in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus: The Other Europes, Palgrave Macmillan: London and New York, 2014. 350 pp. ISBN: 9780333993613. How should we define Europe? What constitutes Europe? What is the relationship between the European Union (EU) and outside states that deem themselves European? What are the discourses of these states towards Europe and their position within it? These questions form the basis of Identities and Foreign Policies in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. Whereas other studies perceived identity as a dichotomy, for instance between Westernisers and Slavophiles, this investigation changes identity perceptions, arguing that it should be considered a continuum. The study, in conjunction with organisations in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine on the part of White and Fekyulnina involved extensive research over a 20 year period to ascertain meanings of Europe and the Belarusian, Russian Ukrainian regimes place in and perceptions of Europe. Professor Stephen White needs no introduction. He has been Professor at the University of Glasgow since the early 1970s. He is mostly known for work on Russia, but he has written extensively on Belarus and Ukraine. When this study began Dr. Valenitna Fekyulnina was a research assistant at University of Glasgow, but in 2012 she moved to Newcastle University to become a lecturer in politics. As mentioned the study provides a number of questions. These can be summarised as what is Europe and where do Belarus, Russia and Ukraine fit in? The study is thematic; assessing what constitutes Europe and the European Union’s failure in only seeing itself as Europe. -
Eurasian Union: the Real, the Imaginary and the Likely
CHAILLOT PAPER Nº 132 — September 2014 Eurasian Union: the real, the imaginary and the likely BY Nicu Popescu Chaillot Papers European Union Institute for Security Studies EU Institute for Security Studies 100, avenue de Suffren 75015 Paris http://www.iss.europa.eu Director: Antonio Missiroli © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2014. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. ISBN: 978-92-9198-247-9 ISSN: 1683-4917 QN-AA-14-002-EN-N DOI : 10.2815/42011 Published by the EU Institute for Security Studies and printed in Condé-sur-Noireau (France) by Corlet Imprimeur. Graphic design by Metropolis, Lisbon. EURASIAN UNION: THE REAL, THE IMAGINARY AND THE LIKELY Nicu Popescu CHAILLOT PAPERS September 2014 132 The author Nicu Popescu, Ph.D, is a Senior Analyst at the EUISS where he deals with EU-Russia relations and the post-Soviet space. He is the author of EU Foreign Policy and Post-Soviet Conflicts: Stealth Intervention (Routledge, 2011) and a former advisor to the Moldovan Prime Minister. European Union Institute for Security Studies Paris Director: Antonio Missiroli © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2014. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. Contents Foreword 5 Antonio Missiroli Introduction 7 The real Eurasia 9 1 Decision-making 11 Economics 11 Political commitment 13 The Russian debate 14 Russkii Mir vs Eurasia? 17 The geopolitical Eurasia 19 2 Deepening vs widening 19 The current members 20 The future members 22 The Chinese neighbour -
Russia and Asia: the Emerging Security Agenda
Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent international institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed mainly by the Swedish Parliament. The staff and the Governing Board are international. The Institute also has an Advisory Committee as an international consultative body. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Professor Daniel Tarschys, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Oscar Arias Sánchez (Costa Rica) Dr Willem F. van Eekelen (Netherlands) Sir Marrack Goulding (United Kingdom) Dr Catherine Kelleher (United States) Dr Lothar Rühl (Germany) Professor Ronald G. Sutherland (Canada) Dr Abdullah Toukan (Jordan) The Director Director Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld (Poland) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Signalistg. 9, S-1769 70 Solna, Sweden Cable: SIPRI Telephone: 46 8/655 97 00 Telefax: 46 8/655 97 33 E-mail: [email protected] Internet URL: http://www.sipri.se Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Edited by Gennady Chufrin OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1999 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Athens -
Contesting the Domain and Content of International Politics Theories Of
Russia and the West: contesting the domain and content of international politics Theories of nationalism show us that a fundamental feature of politics is contestation over the borders of political communities, the values that constitute such communities, how ‘thick’ the norms based on those values should be, and how they should be determined. Addressing the conference theme, this paper argues that such ‘meta-politics’ is also a feature of the international arena, and that Russian relations with the West can be understood within this framework. First, Russia seeks to be treated as an equal interlocutor in the development of international norms and common positions in relation to events. Second, Russia contests the degree to which ‘thick’ norms should be developed at the international level. While the first point constitutes a call for the politicization of the international – against the tendency of Western powers, perceiving themselves to be uniquely virtuous, to dictate international norms that are expected to be binding on all members of the international community – the second is an attempt to circumscribe such politicization and preserve the position of the state as the primary space in which politics takes place. In short, international relations should be politicized, but the scope of such politics should be limited. Introduction In considering the politics of international relations, a clichéd but useful starting point might be to ask: what is politics? Here are three definitions: • ‘Politics is the activity or process by which groups reach and enforce binding decisions’ (Hague and Harrop 2013). • ‘Politics is the process through which power and influence are used in the promotion of certain values and interests’ (Danziger 2013). -
Russia and the European Security Order Revisited: from the Congress of Vienna to the Post-Cold War
European Politics and Society ISSN: 2374-5118 (Print) 2374-5126 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rpep21 Russia and the European security order revisited: from the congress of Vienna to the post-cold war Tuomas Forsberg To cite this article: Tuomas Forsberg (2019) Russia and the European security order revisited: from the congress of Vienna to the post-cold war, European Politics and Society, 20:2, 154-171, DOI: 10.1080/23745118.2018.1545182 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2018.1545182 © 2018 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 30 Nov 2018. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 571 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rpep21 EUROPEAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY 2019, VOL. 20, NO. 2, 154–171 https://doi.org/10.1080/23745118.2018.1545182 Russia and the European security order revisited: from the congress of Vienna to the post-cold war Tuomas Forsberga,b aHelsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland; bTampere University, Tampere, Finland ABSTRACT KEYWORDS Russia’s role in the international order is often explained with Russia; international order; reference to historical examples, analogies and longue durée security order; European trends. This article examines Russia’s role in, and visions of, the security international order from the Congress of Vienna to the end of the Cold War. The article also discusses the lessons, and perhaps also the wrong lessons, that the current Russian leadership and elite have drawn on the basis of past grand bargains. -
CEPS Wider Europe Matrix E-Version
THE WIDER EUROPE MATRIX THE WIDER EUROPE MATRIX MICHAEL EMERSON PREFACE BY GÜNTER VERHEUGEN CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound policy research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe. The views expressed are entirely those of the authors. CEPS Paperbacks present analysis and views by leading experts on important questions in the arena of European public policy. They are written in a style geared to an informed but generalist readership of policy-makers, government officials and corporate executives. This book was prepared at the invitation of Aspen Italia, in the context of the Italian Presidency of the European Union in the second half of 2003. Financial support from the Compagnia di San Paolo, Torino, is gratefully acknowledged. The paper also draws on a current project supported by the Science Policy Office of the Belgian federal government on conflict management in the divided states of the European periphery, undertaken by CEPS in collaboration with the Free University of Brussels (VUB); and on a recent project on the Middle East supported by the UK Department for International Development (DFID). The text was finalised on 17 December 2003. Graphic designs by 6A Architects, London (www.6a.co.uk). ISBN 92-9079-469-0 © Copyright 2004, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. -
BRUSSELS FORUM 2009 20 Years After the Fall of the Iron Curtain
BRUSSELS FORUM 2009 20 Years after the Fall of the Iron Curtain Anne Applebaum The Washington Post I was once told never to do this in front of a microphone because it makes a very annoying sound, but I think maybe my microphone is far enough away. Thank you very much for inviting me. Thank you all for being here. As you know from your programs, this is the panel entitled “20 Years after the Fall of the Iron Curtain.” What that means, for those of you who were here in this morning's panel with Minister Lavrov, that on this panel you are allowed to talk about history. You are, indeed, encouraged to talk about history, particularly because if there is a part of the world in which perceptions of the past shape the present, and continue to shape contemporary politics more than this one, more than Central Europe, then I don't know what it is. Although I don't expect we're going to argue over details, sometimes it is important to get to the bottom of what really happened, what we really did and what took place over the last two decades in order to explain the present. I will start by making a few remarks of my own, and then I will introduce our extremely distinguished panel who, among them I tried to count - not very successfully - but they have something like 120 years of experience in public office. All of them are very distinguished. All of them remember 1989 and will be able to talk about it very well.