Political Economy of Institutions and Decisions
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State Failure in Developing Countries and Strategies of Institutional Reform
State Failure in Developing Countries and Strategies of Institutional Reform Mushtaq H. Khan Department of Economics, SOAS, University of London. Abstract: The analysis of state failure and the policy debate have been driven by two very different underlying views of what the state does. The first, which we call the “service- delivery” view says the role of the state is to provide law and order, stable property rights, key public goods and welfarist redistributions. In failing to provide these, state failure contributes to economic under-performance and poverty. State failure of this type is in turn related to an inter-dependent constellation of governance failures including corruption and rent-seeking, distortions in markets and the absence of democracy. All of these need to be addressed to focus the state on its core service-delivery tasks. The second locates the developing country state in the context of “social transformation”: the dramatic transition these countries are going through as traditional production systems collapse and a capitalist economy begins to emerge. Dynamic transformation states have heavily intervened in property rights and devised rent-management systems to accelerate the capitalist transition and the acquisition of new technologies. State failure according to this view has been driven by the lack of institutional capacities in these respects, and more importantly, the incompatibility of institutional capacities with pre-existing distributions of power. An examination of the econometric data and historical evidence raises serious doubts as to whether the governance reforms suggested by the first view can improve growth, while the need for reforms identified by the second view are much better supported. -
The Death of the Firm
Article The Death of the Firm June Carbone† & Nancy Levit†† INTRODUCTION A corporation is simply a form of organization used by human beings to achieve desired ends. An established body of law specifies the rights and obligations of the people (including shareholders, officers, and employees) who are associated with a corporation in one way or another. When rights, whether constitutional or statutory, are ex- tended to corporations, the purpose is to protect the rights of these people.1 In the Supreme Court’s decision in Burwell v. Hobby Lob- by—and more generally in corporate and employment law—the firm as entity is disappearing as a unit of legal analysis. We use the term “firm” in this Article in the sense that Ronald Coase did to describe a form of business organization that or- ders the production of goods and services through use of a sys- tem internal to the enterprise rather than through the use of independent contractors.2 The idea of an “entity” in this sense † Robina Chair in Law, Science and Technology, University of Minneso- ta Law School. †† Curators’ and Edward D. Ellison Professor of Law, University of Mis- souri – Kansas City School of Law. We thank William K. Black, Margaret F. Brinig, Naomi Cahn, Paul Callister, Mary Ann Case, Lynne Dallas, Robert Downs, Max Eichner, Martha Fineman, Barb Glesner Fines, Claire Hill, Brett McDonnell, Amy Monahan, Charles O’Kelley, Hari Osofsky, Irma Russell, Dan Schwarcz, Lynn Stout, and Erik P.M. Vermeulen for their helpful comments on drafts of this Article and Tracy Shoberg and Shiveta Vaid for their research support. -
Mumbai Law and Economics of Institutions
Instructor: Jayati Sarkar email: [email protected] skype id: jayati.sarkar13 LAW AND ECONOMICS OF INSTITUTIONS EMLE Third Term: April – June 2020 Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research, Mumbai, INDIA Course Description This course is designed to expose the student to fundamental theoretical perspectives and empirical research that have developed over the years to study the emergence and functions of institutions, with special emphasis placed on law as an institution. Insights gained in the course will be helpful in understanding the role of institutions in development, and in analysing the process of economic change. The course is divided into three main sections, namely (i) why study institutions matter (ii) theoretical perspectives in institutional economics, and (iii) how institutions matter. Topics covered under these sections include how social, political and legal institutions impact economic development, bounded rationality and institutions, the function of institutions in mitigating collective action problems, rent seeking, interest groups and policy formulation, role of institutions in reduction of transaction costs and the role of rules and norms in coordinating and protecting institutions. Course Requirement In view of the Covid 19 pandemic, the course this year will be in the form of self study with directed readings as specified in this reading list. Soft copies of all readings in this list will be provided to you.. Power point presentations of lectures that go with the readings will also be sent to you on pre-specified dates. There will be 12 such power points presentations to be covered over a span of four weeks. In these four weeks, we will meet online via Skype every Tuesday at a mutually convenient time to discuss any questions that you may have on the lecture notes and readings. -
Introduction Robert Gibbons and John Roberts
Introduction Robert Gibbons and John Roberts Organizational economics involves the use of economic logic and methods to understand the existence, nature, design, and performance of organizations, especially managed ones. As this handbook documents, economists working on organizational issues have now generated a large volume of exciting research, both theoretical and empirical. However, organizational economics is not yet a fully recognized field in economics—for example, it has no JournalofEconomic Literature classification number, and few doctoral programs offer courses in it. The intent of this handbook is to make the existing research in organizational economics more accessible to economists and thereby to promote further research and teaching in the field. The Origins of Organizational Economics As Kenneth Arrow (1974: 33) put it, “organizations are a means of achieving the benefits of collective action in situations where the price system fails,” thus including not only business firms but also consortia, unions, legislatures, agencies, schools, churches, social movements, and beyond. All organizations, Arrow (1974: 26) argued, share “the need for collective action and the allocation of resources through nonmarket methods,” suggesting a range of possible structures and processes for decisionmaking in organizations, including dictatorship, coalitions, committees, and much more. Within Arrow’s broad view of the possible purposes and designs of organizations, many distinguished economists can be seen as having addressed organizational issues -
Are We There Yet? IZA DP No
IZA DP No. 6934 Are We There Yet? Time for Checks and Balances on New Institutionalism Murat Iyigun October 2012 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit Institute for the Study of Labor Are We There Yet? Time for Checks and Balances on New Institutionalism Murat Iyigun University of Colorado and IZA Discussion Paper No. 6934 October 2012 IZA P.O. Box 7240 53072 Bonn Germany Phone: +49-228-3894-0 Fax: +49-228-3894-180 E-mail: [email protected] Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but the institute itself takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) in Bonn is a local and virtual international research center and a place of communication between science, politics and business. IZA is an independent nonprofit organization supported by Deutsche Post Foundation. The center is associated with the University of Bonn and offers a stimulating research environment through its international network, workshops and conferences, data service, project support, research visits and doctoral program. IZA engages in (i) original and internationally competitive research in all fields of labor economics, (ii) development of policy concepts, and (iii) dissemination of research results and concepts to the interested public. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. -
Theory of International Politics
Theory of International Politics KENNETH N. WALTZ University of Califo rnia, Berkeley .A yy Addison-Wesley Publishing Company Reading, Massachusetts Menlo Park, California London • Amsterdam Don Mills, Ontario • Sydney Preface This book is in the Addison-Wesley Series in Political Science Theory is fundamental to science, and theories are rooted in ideas. The National Science Foundation was willing to bet on an idea before it could be well explained. The following pages, I hope, justify the Foundation's judgment. Other institu tions helped me along the endless road to theory. In recent years the Institute of International Studies and the Committee on Research at the University of Califor nia, Berkeley, helped finance my work, as the Center for International Affairs at Harvard did earlier. Fellowships from the Guggenheim Foundation and from the Institute for the Study of World Politics enabled me to complete a draft of the manuscript and also to relate problems of international-political theory to wider issues in the philosophy of science. For the latter purpose, the philosophy depart ment of the London School of Economics provided an exciting and friendly envi ronment. Robert Jervis and John Ruggie read my next-to-last draft with care and in sight that would amaze anyone unacquainted with their critical talents. Robert Art and Glenn Snyder also made telling comments. John Cavanagh collected quantities of preliminary data; Stephen Peterson constructed the TabJes found in the Appendix; Harry Hanson compiled the bibliography, and Nacline Zelinski expertly coped with an unrelenting flow of tapes. Through many discussions, mainly with my wife and with graduate students at Brandeis and Berkeley, a number of the points I make were developed. -
The Property Right Paradigm Armen A. Alchian; Harold Demsetz The
The Property Right Paradigm Armen A. Alchian; Harold Demsetz The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 33, No. 1, The Tasks of Economic History. (Mar., 1973), pp. 16-27. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-0507%28197303%2933%3A1%3C16%3ATPRP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-A The Journal of Economic History is currently published by Economic History Association. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/eha.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to and preserving a digital archive of scholarly journals. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Thu Jun 7 08:00:21 2007 The Property Right Paradigm INTRODUCTION CONOMICS textbooks invariably describe the important eco- E nomic choices that all societies must make by the following three questions: What goods are to be produced? How are these goods to be produced? Who is to get what is produced? This way of stating social choice problems is misleading. -
DOUGLASS C. NORTH and NON-MARXIST INSTITUTIONAL DETERMINISM Joseph R
Journal of Libertarian Studies Volume 16, no. 4 (Fall 2002), pp. 101–137 2002 Ludwig von Mises Institute www.mises.org DOUGLASS C. NORTH AND NON-MARXIST INSTITUTIONAL DETERMINISM Joseph R. Stromberg* Men imprison themselves within structures of their own creation because they are self-mystified. — Edward Palmer Thompson1 Douglass North has written many essays and books over forty or more years in which he has sought to reintegrate economic theory and economic history. His project became more and more ambitious over time, producing interesting insights, questions, and narratives. His early interests and work centered on the economics of location, transpor- tation costs, and interregional economic relations in American history. In mid-career, he seized on transaction costs—modified from time to time by other “variables”—as the main motor of history, economic history, and institutional development. It was North’s approach to combining history and theory that help- ed him bring into being the New Economic History and, later, what North and his school call the New Institutional History. For his efforts, North shared the 1993 Nobel Prize in Economics with Robert W. Fogel, a University of Chicago economist who is a major practitioner of Cliometrics, or quantitative economic history. The Nobel Comm- ittee cited North and Fogel “for having renewed research in economic history by applying economic theory and quantitative methods in order to explain economic and institutional change.”2 *Historian-in-Residence, Ludwig von Mises Institute, Auburn, Alabama. 1E.P. Thompson, The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays (London: Merlin Press, 1978), p. 165. 2“Press Release,” The Bank of Sweden Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel, www.nobel.se/economics/laureates/1993/press.html. -
Douglass North's Theory of Institutions: Lessons for Law and Development
Original citation: Faundez, Julio. (2016) Douglass North’s Theory of Institutions : lessons for law and development. Hague Journal on the Rule of Law, 8 (2). pp. 373-419. Permanent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/84086 Copyright and reuse: The Warwick Research Archive Portal (WRAP) makes this work of researchers of the University of Warwick available open access under the following conditions. This article is made available under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0) and may be reused according to the conditions of the license. For more details see: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ A note on versions: The version presented in WRAP is the published version, or, version of record, and may be cited as it appears here. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected] warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications Hague J Rule Law (2016) 8:373–419 DOI 10.1007/s40803-016-0028-8 ARTICLE Douglass North’s Theory of Institutions: Lessons for Law and Development Julio Faundez1 Published online: 25 July 2016 Ó The Author(s) 2016. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract This paper offers a critical overview and assessment of North’s work on institutions and economic change, focusing on aspects of his work that are of interest to law and development scholars. It examines North’s approach to institu- tions through his historical work focusing on his concept of credible commitment and his interpretation of the effect of the Glorious Revolution on property rights, focusing especially on the role he assigns to property rights in bringing about the Industrial Revolution. -
Law and Economics: Its Glorious Past and Cloudy Future Richarda
Law and Economics: Its Glorious Past and Cloudy Future RichardA. Epsteint The title I have given to this short comment is one that does not speak to any great optimism about the future of Law and Economics, and it is incumbent upon me, even in a short essay, to indicate the sources of my uneasiness. When I entered legal academia in 1968, Law and Economics was just getting started as a separate field. The magnitude of the intellectual revolution is hard to recount today because virtually everyone who works in common law subjects is familiar with the now routine exercise of showing why it is, or has to be, the case that this or that common law rule is, or is not, efficient. But the present familiarity should not be read back into the past. In my student days at Oxford be- tween 1964 and 1966, I engaged in an exhaustive study of the common law of contract, property, and torts. I studied legal his- tory and jurisprudence, and learned Roman and international law to boot, all with reference to contract, property, and torts. Yet I cannot recall a single instance in which common law rules were praised for their efficient properties or criticized for their lack thereof. For our normative work, we relied on some intuitive notion of fairness or justice, which seemed to produce on average better economic results than the self-conscious instrumentalism that guides so many judges today. For our descriptive work, we relied on stare decisis and close case readings. To be sure, English academics and judges were less innova- tive than their American counterparts. -
The Contribution of Douglass North to New Institutional Economics Claude Ménard, Mary M
The Contribution of Douglass North to New Institutional Economics Claude Ménard, Mary M. Shirley To cite this version: Claude Ménard, Mary M. Shirley. The Contribution of Douglass North to New Institutional Economics. Sebastian Galani, Itai Sened. Institutions, Property Rights and Economic Growth: The legacy of Douglass North, Cambridge University Press, pp.11-29, 2014, 9781107041554. 10.1017/CBO9781107300361.003. hal-01315473 HAL Id: hal-01315473 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01315473 Submitted on 13 May 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. THE CONTRIBUTION OF DOUGLASS NORTH TO NEW INSTITUTIONAL ECONOMICS Claude Ménard And Mary M. Shirley Chap. 1, pp. 11-29 In: INSTITUTIONS, PROPERTY RIGHTS, and ECONOMIC GROWTH. The Legacy of Douglass Nortrh. S. Galiani and I. Sened (eds.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2014 2 The Contribution of Douglass North to New Institutional Economics By Claude Ménard and Mary M. Shirley 1 Abstract Douglass North, along with Ronald Coase, Elinor Ostrom, and Oliver Williamson, transformed the early intuitions of new institutional economics into powerful conceptual and analytical tools that spawned a robust base of empirical research. NIE arose in response to questions not well explained by standard neoclassical models, such as make or buy? Or, why rich or poor? Today NIE is a success story by many measures: four Nobel laureates in under 20 years, increasing penetration of mainstream journals, and significant impact on major policy debates from anti-trust law to development aid. -
From Olson to Veblen: the Stagflationary Rise of Distributional Coalitions
FROM OLSON TO VEBLEN: THE STAGFLATIONARY RISE OF DISTRIBUTIONAL COALITIONS Jonathan Nitzan Department of Economics McGill University 855 Sherbrooke St. West Montreal, Quebec H3A 2T7 Paper presented at the annual meeting of The History of Economics Society Fairfax, Virginia May 30-June 2, 1992 Contents Introduction 2 1. Distributional Coalitions 2 2. Distributional Coalitions and Macroeconomics: Beginnings 11 3. Industry and Business 19 4. Ownership, Earnings and Capital 25 5. Corporate Finance and the Structural Roots of Inflation and Stagflation 46 6. Toward a Dynamic Theory of Distributional Coalitions and Stagflation 63 References 72 1 Introduction This essay deals with the relationship between stagflation and the process of restructuring. The literature dealing with the interaction of stagnation and inflation is invariably based on some explicit or implicit assumptions about economic structure, but there are very few writings which concentrate specifically on the link between the macroeconomic phenomenon of stagflation and the process of structural change. Of the few who dealt with this issue, we have chosen to focus mainly on two important contributors – Mancur Olson and Thorstein Veblen. The first based his theory on neoclassical principles, attempting to demonstrate their universality across time and place. The second was influenced by the historical school and concentrated specifically on the institutional features of modern capitalism. Despite the fundamental differences in their respective frameworks, both writers arrive at a similar conclusion, namely, that the phenomenon of stagflation is inherent in the dynamic evolution of collective economic action, particularly in the rise and consolidation of ‘distributional coalitions.’ 1. Distributional Coalitions It is perhaps convenient to begin our discussion of institutional dynamics with the general theoretical framework proposed by Olson, first in his 1965 work on The Logic of Collective Action and, later, in his 1982 book on The Rise and Decline of Nations.1 According to Olson (1982, p.