Vernacular Houses and Domestic Material Culture on Barbados

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Vernacular Houses and Domestic Material Culture on Barbados Abstract This paper describes the houses and household furnishings of the enslaved peo- ple on Barbadian sugar plantations, and traces the development and changes in urchitectural forms, including wattle-and-daub, stone, and wooden plank dwellings, over !he several centuries of slavery on the island. We also treat the housing policies of plantation owne~slmanagers,and explore possible Afncan and European cultural influences on the Barbadian vernacular housing tmdition that me~gtdduring the period of slavery. Introduction In this paper we describe both the houses and household furnishings of the enslaved people on Barbadian sugar plantations, and also trace the development and changes in architectural forms over the several cen- turies of slavery on the island. We also treat the housing policies of plan- tation ownerslrnanagers and explore possible African and European culti~ralinfluences on the Barbadian vernacular housing tradition that emerged during the period of slavery. It must be emphasized at the out- set that, as with so many areas of the social, cdtural and material life of the enslaved people in Barbados, information in documentary sources is often very superficial, highly limited, fragmented and ethnocentric. Because of the sparse historical and archaeological record, severe limi- tations are placed on the amount of detail that can be captured with respect to the topics treated in this paper." The Journal of Carib bean History 43, 1 (2009):1-36 1 2 Jerome S. Handler and Stephanie Bergman Domestic Material Cullure on Barbadian Sugar Plantations a 3 Village Settlements and Plantation Housing Policies The legal code aside, little evidence exists that planters paid much formal attention to shelter during the seventeenth century or for much During the period of plantation slavery in Barbados, from around the of the eighteenth; later (usually pro-slavery) sources indicate that slave 1640s to between 1834 and 1838, the great majority of enslaved houses were sometimes constructed and maintained at the plantation's Barbadians lived on sugar plantations, in small villages or hamlets fox- expense. The most common policy in Barbados was probably similar to merly referred to as "Negro YardsN.The villages were on an average of that described by the historian J. Harry Bennett for the two Codrington about five acres or less of land and were usually located not far from plantations owned (from the early eighteenth century until 1983! by the the house of the planter (the "dwelling house"] and plantation yard, Church of England's Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign which contained the sugar mill and factory, stables, and various out- Parts. On these plantations in the eighteenth century and until around buildings. During this period there may have been roughly 400 or more 1820, "shelter was regarded as the slave's own problem . [and he] such vilIages, though their numbers fluctuated over the years. Villages was left to build, repair, and furnish his hut with such materials as he on smaller plantations had fewer than 50 inhabitants, but settlements could find for himself". By the late-eighteenth century, plantation on medium and large plantations held between 100 to 200 people. A sig- account books show occasional small expenditures to aid favoured work- nificant number had populations in the 200s while settlements exceeding ers, usually drivers and tradesmen, in the construction and repair of 300 people were relatively rare. On smaller plantations, or farms with shelter, and Codrington's management sometin~esassisted in emergen- few enslaved labourers, there were only a handful of houses, while on cies, such as after damage by storms. However, as Iate as the l820s, many others the number of houses was closer to twenty-five. On a still "most of the slaves continued to find housing for themselves, with only larger number of plantations, with enslaved populations from 100 to occasional help" from Codrington's management because, as a group of 200, the settlements usually contained from 25 to 50 houses, while a resident planters observed in 1812, "to furnish proper houses to a whole significant number of settlements with populations numbering in the set of slaves is certainly a very expensive & tedious work".4 200s contained up to around 75 houses. It is doubtful that many planta- For most of the period of slavery, the enslaved peoples in Barbados tions had more than 80 houses. In 1833, for example, Vaucluse, in the were expected to construct their own shelters and provide their own parish of St Thomas, was among Barbados's largest plantations, consist- building materials, although planters occasionally gave "some assistance ing of "nearly 600 acres" and "more than 300" enslaved persons. At this with materialsf5 It is doubtful that this involved much, if any, financial time, less than four percent of the island's enslaved population lived on , expenditure. By the 1820s and early 1830s, however, this changed some- plantations of this size, and the Vaucluse settlement had "nearly" 80 what as more stone and wooden houses (but still a definite minority], houses. Finally, it can be noted that while planters determined the actual were being "built, and regularly repaired, at the expense and with the locale of the "Negro yard", the enslaved were generdly free to choose labour of tbe estateU.6Regardless of how much plantations became their specific house sites within this area.z involved in housing, most of the enslaved people were largely left to The slave code of Barbados, reflecting a general, British West Indian their own devices in both house construction and repair, and they gen- pattern, contained no provisions for housing, "but by voluntary customm, erally built their houses in Barbados, as in Jamaica, "according to their a planter in the 1780s reported, "the masters generally allow them to own fancy both in size and shape".' build little cottages for that p11rpose".3 Even if Barbadian law had pro- vided for shelter, it would probably not have ken enforced, nor would House Types it have had any significant impact on the policies of plantation manage- ments. In practice, Barbadian planters, in common with planters in other Although housing is often mentioned in documentary sources, these parts of the West Indies, pursued different policies in providing housing sources offer only superficial and sparse descriptions of building mate- materials and incurring expenses in the construction and repair of rials and give virtually no architectural details on, for example, methods houses. Moreover, these policies varied throughout the period of plan- of construction and interior and exterior design. It is clear, however, that tation slavery. the most common dwelling throughout the period of slavery was a rec- 4 Jerome S. Hander and Stephanie Bergman Domestic Material Culture on Barbadian Sugar Plantations 5 tangular, single-storey, wattle-and-daub structure with a packed earth or visited Barbados during Apprenticeship, observed that the "Negro huts" dirt floor, and a pitched roof covered with thatch: a dwelling form were covered "with a loose overhanging thatchn.Reporting on Jamaican undoubtedly deeply influenced by West African building architecture.* wattle-and-daub houses in the early nineteenth century, Alexander Constructed of locaI materials available from plantation woodlands, this Barclay observed that "to throw off the rain the thatch is brought down type of house was also the most widespread house-type throughout the a considerabie distance over the walls, which in consequence look low, Caribbean. and the roof highH. C.G.A. Oldendorp, the late-eighteenth-century In the wattle-anddaub house, at least four, but probably more, forked Moravian missionary, made a similar obsedtion of roofs on wattle-and- wooden posts or stakes were driven into the ground to form a framework daub houses in the Danish West Indies, also describing these houses a5 for the twigs or slender tree branches interlaced around the posts to low and small; the entry way, in fact, was "so low that a man cannot form the walls; branches or boards were laid on top to form roof rafters. pass through it without bending dm".Barbadian houses were probably Planters were sometimes advised to keep a portion of their land in similar in thew features, and the overhanging roof, which could serve 'wood for Negro houses", and some plantations advertised the sale of as shelter during rain or from the sun's heat, was reminiscent of African "rafters and other sticks for building Negro-Houses".When wood was architectural forms. An idealized, perhaps wen romanticized, view of lacking, the wattle of the walls was constructed of "the strong reed or Barbadian houses is shown in an engraving in John Waller's account of cane of the Guinea cornn.The wattle was plastered on the interior (and his travels in the West Indies (figure 1). House constructional materials probably the exterior as well! with mud or day daub; in later years, the are unclear from the illustration, but they may have been plastered wat- exterior also may have been coated with a lime plaster. The sources do tle-and-daub or, perhaps, stone. The thatching probably closely resem- not suggest any exterior decoration, a common feature in West African bled thatching on working class rural Barbadian houses during the indigenous architecture, and there is no evidence of verandas or porches, late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries (figures 2, 3, 4).la also common in West Africa.9 Because wattle-and-daub thatched
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