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Home , Abel Herrero, Alex Dominguez, Alma Allen (politician), Ana Hernandez, Andrew Murr, Angela Paxton

IDEOLOGY AND PARTISANSHIP IN THE 87th (2021) REGULAR SESSION OF THE LEGISLATURE

Mark P. Jones, Ph.D. Fellow in Political Science, ’s Baker Institute for Public Policy

July 2021

© 2021 Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy

This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and the Baker Institute for Public Policy.

Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the Baker Institute.

Mark P. Jones, Ph.D. “Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the ” https://doi.org/10.25613/HP57-BF70 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Executive Summary

This report utilizes roll call vote data to improve our understanding of the ideological and partisan dynamics of the Texas Legislature’s 87th regular session.

The first section examines the location of the members of the and of the Texas House on the liberal-conservative dimension along which legislative politics takes place in Austin. In both chambers, every Republican is more conservative than every Democrat and every Democrat is more liberal than every Republican. There does, however, exist substantial ideological diversity within the respective Democratic and Republican delegations in each chamber.

The second section explores the extent to which each senator and each representative was on the winning side of the non-lopsided final passage votes (FPVs) on which they voted. In the Senate, the one-third of senators with the highest FPV Win Rates are all Republicans, while the one-third of senators with the lowest FPV Win Rates are all Democrats. In sharp contrast, in the House, the one-third of representatives with the highest FPV Win Rates are split at a three-to-two ratio among Democrats (62%) and Republicans (38%), while the one- third of representatives with the lowest FPV Win Rates are all Republicans.

The third section uses the data from the first two sections to examine the relationship between ideology, partisanship, and FPV Win Rates in the Texas Senate and House. The data suggest that a Republican agenda dominated the Texas Senate during the 2021 regular session, with the Republican senators at the ideological center of the GOP Senate Caucus having a FPV Win Rate that was 31% greater than that of the Democrat at the ideological center of the Democratic Senate Caucus.

The data reveal a Texas House where a Republican agenda did not dominate to the same degree as in the Senate, despite Republicans holding a majority similar in size to that in the Senate and despite the Speaker of the House, like the Lieutenant Governor who leads the Senate, being a Republican. The median Democrat on the Lib-Con dimension in the House had a FPV Win Rate that was 11% higher than that of the median Republican on the Lib- Con dimension.

The final section examines the partisanship of the Texas Senate and House via an analysis of partisan roll rates—the proportion of FPVs where a majority of the respective caucuses’ members were on the losing side. The data reveal one similarity and two differences between the Senate and House. The similarity is that a large majority of the FPVs had a bipartisan consensus (73% in the Senate and 69% in the House), with neither party being rolled. The first difference is that while Senate Republicans were rolled on only 0.3% of the FPVs, House Republicans were rolled on 29.4% of FPVs, almost 100 times more. The second is that Senate Democrats were rolled on 26.4% of FPVs, more than twice the rate for House Democrats (10.4%).

3 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Introduction

This report utilizes roll call votes cast during the 87th (2021) regular session of the Texas Legislature to better understand the partisan and ideological forces that influenced the legislation that passed and failed to pass between January and May of 2021.

The report first examines the position during the 2021 regular session of the Texas senators and representatives on the liberal-conservative dimension that dominates legislative behavior in Austin (as well as Washington, D.C.). It provides the ideological location (the Liberal-Conservative Score, or Lib-Con Score) for every senator in relation to every other senator and the ideological location of every representative in relation to every other representative. The 31-member Texas Senate is examined first, followed by the 150- member Texas House.

The report then analyzes the extent to which each senator and each representative was on the winning side of non-lopsided Final Passage Votes (FPVs) in their respective chamber. The higher a legislator’s FPV Win Rate, the more they were in agreement (or at least were not in disagreement) with the legislation that obtained final passage in their chamber during the 2021 legislative session.

The report then brings together the Lib-Con Score and the FPV Win Rate data from the preceding two sections to better understand the ideological and partisan balance of power in the Texas Senate and in the Texas House during the 2021 regular session. To do so it employs information about the ideological location (Lib-Con Score) of the median Democrat, median Republican, and median legislator in the chamber to ascertain which partisan and ideological groups experienced the most success in terms of agreeing with the most legislation that passed out of their chamber, and which partisan and ideological groups experienced the least success in terms of disagreeing with the most legislation that passed out of their chamber.

A final section moves from an individual-level analysis to a party-level analysis via the study of roll rates in the Texas Senate and in the Texas House. A party is “rolled” on an FPV when a majority of its members casting a vote are on the losing side of the vote. Conversely, a party is not “rolled” on an FPV when a majority of its members casting a vote are on the winning side of the vote. It is possible for no party (Democrat or Republican) to be rolled on a vote, or for one of the two parties to be rolled on a vote.

4 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Liberals and Conservatives in the Texas Legislature: 2021

This section locates the Texas senators and representatives on the liberal-conservative dimension along which most activity in the Texas Legislature (and U.S. Congress) now takes place (Poole and Rosenthal 2006, 1997; Voteview 2021). The section begins with a brief discussion of the methodology utilized to determine the ideological location of the legislators in each chamber, followed by an analysis of the Texas Senate and then an analysis of the Texas House of Representatives.

Methodology

Political scientists have for more than 40 years used roll-call votes cast by members of the U.S. Congress to plot them on the Liberal-Conservative dimension along which most legislative politics now takes place. In this tradition, here I use a Bayesian estimation procedure belonging to the family of methodological approaches that represent political science’s gold standard for roll-call vote analysis (Carroll et al. 2009; Clinton, Jackman, and Rivers 2004).

The ranking of the Texas Senate draws on the 898 non-lopsided roll-call votes taken during the 2021 regular session. As with previous rankings conducted in 2019, 2017 (post-special session), 2017 (regular session), 2015, 2013, and 2011, the senators are ranked from most liberal to most conservative based on their Liberal-Conservative Score, with the 95% credible interval (CI) for this point estimate also provided.

The ranking of the Texas House members draws on the 1,235 non-lopsided roll-call votes taken during the 2021 regular session. As with previous rankings conducted in 2019, 2017 (post special session), 2017 (post regular session) 2015, 2013, and 2011, the representatives are ranked from most liberal to most conservative based on their Liberal-Conservative Score, with the 95% credible interval (CI) for this point estimate also provided.

If two legislators’ CIs overlap, their positions on the ideological spectrum might be statistically equivalent, even if their Lib-Con Scores are different. In no case in 2021 did the CI of a Republican senator overlap with that of a Democratic senator, indicating that in the Texas Senate every Republican is significantly more conservative than every Democrat, and every Democrat is significantly more liberal than every Republican. By the same token, in no case in 2021 did the CI of a House Republican overlap with that of a House Democrat, indicating that in the Texas House every Republican is significantly more conservative than every Democrat, and every Democrat is significantly more liberal than every Republican.

Following standard practice (Poole and Rosenthal 2006, 1997), House votes that are lopsided are excluded from the analysis, with “lopsided” being defined as when fewer than 2.5% of representatives are on the losing side of the vote (in most cases, fewer than four). For the Senate, votes are considered lopsided if fewer than two senators are on the losing side of the vote. The Senate and House Lib-Con Scores are not directly comparable.

5 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

The 2021 Texas Senate, from Left to Right

The Texas Senate’s roll-call votes from this year’s regular session make it possible to rank the state’s 31 senators from left to right on the state’s ideological spectrum (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. Texas Senate Liberal-Conservative Location, 87th Legislature (2021)

Senate Republicans The 18 Republican senators fall into three general groups in regard to their ideological location.

6 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

At the most conservative end of the GOP ideological spectrum are four senators: Bryan Hughes of Mineola, of Muenster, of Conroe, and of Edgewood. All four have Lib-Con Scores that are significantly more conservative than those of more than three-quarters of the other 14 Republicans, ranging from 11 of 14 for Hall to 14 of 14 for Hughes. Within this conservative quartet however, no senator is significantly more or less conservative than another.

At the other end of the GOP ideological spectrum is a single senator, of Amarillo. Seliger’s Lib-Con Score is significantly less conservative than that of every one of his 17 fellow Republicans.

The remaining 13 Republicans fall into a middle category, ranging from of Granbury at the most conservative end of the spectrum to Larry Taylor of Friendswood at the less conservative end. The CIs of a majority of these 13 senators overlap, indicating that for most pair-wise senator vs. senator comparisons within this sub-group, neither senator is significantly more or less conservative than the other. The only exceptions follow: Birdwell and of Georgetown are significantly more conservative than Taylor, of , and of New Braunfels; Robert Nichols of Jacksonville and of Lakeway are significantly more conservative than Taylor and Huffman; and of McKinney is significantly more conservative than Taylor.

The median Senate Republicans, who represent the absolute center of the 18-member GOP Senate caucus, are Paxton and of North Richland Hills.

Senate Democrats The 13 Democratic senators also fall into three general groups in regard to their ideological location.

At the liberal extreme of the Democratic ideological spectrum is a single senator, of Austin. Eckhardt’s Lib-Con Score is significantly more liberal than that of every one of her 12 fellow Democrats.

At the centrist end of the Democratic ideological spectrum are two South Texas senators, Eddie Lucio Jr. of Brownsville and Juan “Chuy” Hinojosa of McAllen. Both possess Lib-Con Scores that are significantly more centrist than those of every one of their 11 other Democratic colleagues. Neither Lucio Jr. nor Hinojosa is, however, significantly more or less centrist or liberal than the other.

The third group of 10 Democrats ranges from of Burleson on the centrist side of the Democratic ideological spectrum to of Houston at the liberal end. The CIs of a majority of these senators overlap, indicating that their Lib-Con Scores are not significantly different, and that neither is more or less liberal than the other. One exception however is Miles, who, among these 10 Democratic senators, is significantly more liberal than Powell, of Laredo, and of . The other exceptions: of Houston is significantly more liberal than Powell and Zaffirini; and Carol

7 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Alvarado of Houston, Nathan Johnson of Dallas, and Roland Gutierrez of are significantly more liberal than Powell.

The median Senate Democrat, who represents the absolute center of the 13-member Democratic House caucus, is César Blanco of El Paso.

The 2021 Texas House, from Left to Right

The Texas House’s roll-call votes from this year’s regular session make it possible to rank 149 of the state’s 150 representatives from left to right on the state’s ideological spectrum. Republican House Speaker Dade Phelen of Beaumont, who by custom doesn’t ordinarily vote, is not included in the analysis.

House Republicans The 82 members of the Republican House delegation reflect a wide range of ideological positions (see Figure 2). The delegation stretches from of Tyler, of Deer Park, of Royce City, of Spring, of Angleton, and of Arlington at the most conservative end, to of San Antonio, of Houston, Morgan Meyer of Dallas, of Fort Worth, of College Station, and J.M. Lozano of Kingsville at the other.

Within the Republican delegation, three distinct blocs of representatives appear in the data.

At the most conservative end of the spectrum is a set of 16 representatives ranging from Schaefer to Matt Krause of Fort Worth. As a group, these 16 representatives are significantly more conservative than more than three-fourths of their fellow Republican legislators. At the most conservative end of this group, Schaefer is significantly more conservative than 74 of his 81 fellow Republicans (91%), compared to 62 of 81 (77%) for Krause at the other end, with of Mt. Pleasant and of Wallisville in the middle, each significantly more conservative than 66 of their 81 GOP colleagues (82%).

At the most centrist end of the GOP spectrum is a set of seven representatives ranging from Larson to Jim Murphy of Houston. As a group, these seven representatives are significantly less conservative than more than three-fourths of their fellow Republican legislators, ranging from 73 of 81 (90%) for Larson to 63 of 81 (78%) for Murphy.

The majority of House Republicans (59 of 82, or 72%) occupy a middle ground between these two Republican ideological poles. The median House Republicans in 2021, who represent the absolute center of the 82-member GOP House caucus, are DeWayne Burns of Cleburne and of Fort Worth.

8 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Figure 2. Texas House Liberal-Conservative Location, 87th Legislature (2021)

9 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

House Democrats The 67 Democratic House members also reflect a diverse array of ideological worldviews, albeit slightly less polarized internally than their GOP counterparts (see Figure 3). The delegation ranges from of Carrollton, Ana-Maria Ramos of Richardson, of Dallas, of Austin, of Dallas, and Jessica González of Dallas at the liberal end of the Democratic ideological continuum to of Rio Grande City, Richard Peña Raymond of Laredo, of Batesville, of Edinburg, of Robstown, and of Eagle Pass at the centrist end of the Democratic continuum.

Within the Democratic delegation, three distinct blocs of legislators also appear in the data.

At the most liberal end of the Democratic ideological spectrum, five representatives stand out for having a Lib-Con Score that is significantly more liberal than that of at least one- half of the members of the Democratic delegation. They range from Beckley, who is significantly more liberal than 48 of her 66 (73%) fellow Democrats, to Rose, who is significantly more liberal than 33 of her 66 (50%) fellow Democrats.

At the other end of the Democratic ideological spectrum are 12 Democrats whose Lib-Con Score is significantly more centrist than that of at least half of their fellow Democrats. They range from Guillen, who is significantly more centrist than 63 of his 66 (96%) Democratic colleagues, to Armando “Mando” Martinez of Weslaco, who is significantly more centrist than 33 of his 66 (50%) fellow Democrats.

The majority of House Democrats (50 of 67, or 75%) occupy a middle ground between these two Democratic ideological poles. The median House Democrat in 2021, who represents the absolute center of the 67-member Democratic House caucus, is of San Antonio.

10 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Figure 3. Texas House Liberal-Conservative Location, 87th Legislature (2021)

11 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Final Passage Vote Win Rates in the Texas Senate and House

A measure of legislative behavior that complements the Lib-Con Score is a legislator’s Final Passage Vote (FPV) Win Rate. For every legislator, an FPV Win Rate was calculated by dividing the number of FPVs where they were on the winning side by the total number of FPVs on which they cast a vote, excluding any lopsided FPVs as defined in the previous section. During the 2021 regular session there were 314 non-lopsided FPVs in the Senate and 659 non-lopsided FPVs in the House.

Final Passage Vote Win Rates in the Texas Senate

Table 1 ranks the 31 Texas senators based on their FPV Win Rate. Also included is their partisan affiliation, Senate district number, and hometown.

Table 1. 2021 Texas Senate FPV Win Rates

Name Party District Hometown FPV Win Rate (%) Joan Huffman Republican 17 Houston 99.57 Larry Taylor Republican 11 Friendswood 99.57 Donna Campbell Republican 25 New Braunfels 97.84 Republican 12 Flower Mound 97.40 Republican 18 Brenham 96.51 Republican 7 Houston 96.05 Kelly Hancock Republican 9 North Richland Hills 93.07 Angela Paxton Republican 8 McKinney 92.64 Brian Birdwell Republican 22 Granbury 90.48 Dawn Buckingham Republican 24 Lakeway 90.48 Robert Nichols Republican 3 Jacksonville 90.48 Charles Perry Republican 28 Lubbock 90.04 Charles Schwertner Republican 5 Georgetown 89.61 Kel Seliger Republican 31 Amarillo 86.58 Eddie Lucio Jr. Democratic 27 Brownsville 81.82 Brandon Creighton Republican 4 Conroe 80.79 Bob Hall Republican 2 Edgewood 79.65 Juan "Chuy" Hinojosa Democratic 20 McAllen 77.06 Drew Springer Republican 30 Muenster 75.76 Bryan Hughes Republican 1 Mineola 70.56 Judith Zaffirini Democratic 21 Laredo 64.94 Beverly Powell Democratic 10 Burleson 63.64 César Blanco Democratic 29 El Paso 62.34 Royce West Democratic 23 Dallas 61.97 José Menéndez Democratic 26 San Antonio 61.23 Nathan Johnson Democratic 16 Dallas 59.57 Democratic 6 Houston 59.39 Roland Gutierrez Democratic 19 San Antonio 59.31 John Whitmire Democratic 15 Houston 58.01 Borris Miles Democratic 13 Houston 54.67 Sarah Eckhardt Democratic 14 Austin 46.32

The Senate FPV Win Rates range from a high of 99.57% (Republicans Joan Huffman and Larry Taylor) to a low of 46.32% (Democrat Sarah Eckhardt). The data indicate that Huffman and Taylor were on the winning side of all but one of the 314 FPVs cast, with 10 other Republican senators on the winning side of more than nine out of every ten FPVs:

12 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Donna Campbell (97.84%), Jane Nelson of Flower Mound (97.40%), Lois Kolkhorst of Brenham (96.51%), Paul Bettencourt of Houston (96.05%), Kelly Hancock (93.07%), Angela Paxton (92.64%), Brian Birdwell (90.48%), Dawn Buckingham (90.48%), Robert Nichols (90.48%), and Charles Perry of Lubbock (90.04%).

The median Senate FPV Win Rate is 80.79% (Brandon Creighton), signifying that the median senator was on the winning side of slightly more than four-fifths of all Final Passage Votes during the 2021 regular legislative session. The median Republican FPV Win Rate in the Senate is 90.48%, while the median Democratic FPV Win Rate is almost 30% lower at 61.23%.

Among the 31 senators, 14 of the 18 Republicans (78% of the GOP Caucus) have higher FPV Win Rates than the Democrat with the highest FPV Win Rate, Eddie Lucio Jr. at 81.82%. Lucio’s FPV Win Rate is higher than that of four Republicans (Creighton, Bob Hall, Drew Springer, Bryan Hughes), while Democrat Juan “Chuy” Hinojosa’s FPV Win Rate (77.06%) is higher than that of two Republicans (Springer and Hughes).

Eleven of the 13 Democrats (85% of the Democratic caucus) have FPV Win Rates that are lower than that of the Republican with the lowest FPV Win Rate, Hughes (70.56%). Or, put another way, the Republican with the lowest FPV Win Rate still was on the winning side of more FPVs than 85% of the Democratic senators.

Republicans account for 18 (58%) and Democrats 13 (42%) of the 31 senators. Among the one-third (10 senators) of the Senate with the highest FPV Win Rates, 100% are Republicans and 0% are Democrats. Among the one-third (11 senators) of the Senate with the next highest FPV Win Rates, 73% are Republicans and 27% are Democrats. Finally, among the one-third (10 senators) of the Senate with the lowest FPV Win Rates, 0% are Republicans and 100% are Democrats.

Overall, these data suggest that the center of lawmaking gravity within the Texas Senate during the 2021 legislative session was located firmly within the GOP Caucus.

Final Passage Vote Win Rates in the Texas House

Table 2 ranks the 149 Texas representatives based on their FPV Win Rate. Also included is their partisan affiliation, House district number and hometown. As was the case for the Lib-Con Score, Speaker is not included in the analysis.

Table 2. 2021 Texas House FPV Win Rates

Name Party District Hometown FPV Win Rate (%) Democratic 147 Houston 96.74 Morgan Meyer Republican 108 Dallas 95.81 Ryan Guillen Democratic 31 Rio Grande City 95.80 Dan Huberty Republican 127 Houston 95.79 J.M. Lozano Republican 43 Kingsville 95.18 Kyle Kacal Republican 12 College Station 94.88 Lyle Larson Republican 122 San Antonio 94.76

13 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Richard Peña Raymond Democratic 42 Laredo 94.32 Republican 121 San Antonio 93.56 Jim Murphy Republican 133 Houston 93.54 Tracy O. King Democratic 80 Batesville 93.15 Todd Hunter Republican 32 Corpus Christi 92.94 John Raney Republican 14 College Station 92.52 Charlie Geren Republican 99 Fort Worth 92.43 Democratic 118 San Antonio 92.22 Abel Herrero Democratic 34 Robstown 92.06 Democratic 117 San Antonio 91.22 Phil Stephenson Republican 85 Wharton 90.29 Armando Martinez Democratic 39 Weslaco 90.23 Eddie Morales Democratic 74 Eagle Pass 90.21 Republican 112 Richardson 90.08 Eddie Lucio, III Democratic 38 Brownsville 90.06 Democratic 22 Beaumont 90.02 Democratic 139 Houston 89.65 Harold V. Dutton, Jr. Democratic 142 Houston 89.63 Republican 88 Canadian 89.11 Democratic 37 Brownsville 89.02 Julie Johnson Democratic 115 Farmers Branch 89.00 Democratic 78 El Paso 88.94 Liz Campos Democratic 119 San Antonio 88.91 Barbara Gervin-Hawkins Democratic 120 San Antonio 88.89 Republican 83 Lubbock 88.84 Republican 30 Victoria 88.82 Democratic 149 Houston 88.78 Democratic 144 Houston 88.61 Democratic 146 Houston 88.19 Democratic 124 San Antonio 88.11 Democratic 141 Houston 87.69 R.D. 'Bobby' Guerra Democratic 41 Mission 87.65 Democratic 76 El Paso 87.45 Republican 9 Marshall 87.45 Democratic 143 Houston 87.38 Democratic 107 Dallas 87.31 Democratic 35 Mission 87.10 Sergio Muñoz, Jr. Democratic 36 Palmview 87.00 Republican 84 Lubbock 86.86 Republican 26 Richmond 86.86 Democratic 79 El Paso 86.62 Democratic 48 Austin 86.31 Republican 72 San Angelo 86.29 Democratic 135 Houston 86.28 Republican 18 Shepherd 86.26 Ramon Romero, Jr. Democratic 90 Fort Worth 86.15 Chris Turner Democratic 101 Grand Prairie 86.02 Democratic 52 Round Rock 85.96 Democratic 140 Houston 85.94 Democratic 111 Dallas 85.85 Lina Ortega Democratic 77 El Paso 85.71 Democratic 123 San Antonio 85.69 John Turner Democratic 114 Dallas 85.58 John H. Bucy III Democratic 136 Austin 85.44 Mary González Democratic 75 Clint 85.35 Democratic 50 Austin 85.16 Democratic 137 Houston 85.09

14 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Terry Meza Democratic 105 Irving 85.06 Hugh D. Shine Republican 55 Temple 84.95 Democratic 131 Houston 84.92 Trey Martinez Fischer Democratic 116 San Antonio 84.77 Democratic 134 Houston 84.70 Democratic 145 Houston 84.62 Ron Reynolds Democratic 27 Missouri City 84.41 Democratic 47 Austin 84.39 Democratic 46 Austin 84.10 Democratic 45 Driftwood 83.94 Democratic 125 San Antonio 83.91 Democratic 113 Garland 83.90 Republican 44 Seguin 83.43 Eddie Rodriguez Democratic 51 Austin 82.76 Republican 11 Nacogdoches 82.57 Carl Sherman, Sr. Democratic 109 DeSoto 82.57 Ed Thompson Republican 29 Pearland 82.31 Democratic 148 Houston 81.87 Terry Canales Democratic 40 Edinburg 81.84 Jessica González Democratic 104 Dallas 81.64 Charles 'Doc' Anderson Republican 56 Waco 81.63 Glenn Rogers Republican 60 Graford 81.26 Democratic 95 Fort Worth 81.25 Brad Buckley Republican 54 Killeen 81.21 Gina Hinojosa Democratic 49 Austin 81.18 Democratic 103 Dallas 81.15 Republican 71 Abilene 81.14 Gary VanDeaver Republican 1 New 79.92 Republican 69 Wichita Falls 79.88 Jasmine Crockett Democratic 100 Dallas 79.73 Toni Rose Democratic 110 Dallas 79.27 Michelle Beckley Democratic 65 Carrollton 78.60 Republican 87 Amarillo 78.07 Republican 10 Waxahachie 78.04 Ana-Maria Ramos Democratic 102 Richardson 77.99 Republican 57 Lufkin 77.76 Republican 4 Forney 77.44 Republican 138 Houston 76.55 Republican 98 Southlake 76.35 DeWayne Burns Republican 58 Cleburne 75.86 Mike Schofield Republican 132 Katy 75.81 John Smithee Republican 86 Amarillo 75.67 Republican 63 Flower Mound 75.29 Republican 64 Denton 75.20 Republican 82 Midland 73.76 Republican 126 Spring 73.19 Stephanie Klick Republican 91 Fort Worth 71.78 James White Republican 19 Hillister 71.59 Republican 97 Fort Worth 69.59 Phil King Republican 61 Weatherford 68.94 Republican 24 Friendswood 67.78 Republican 70 McKinney 67.50 Republican 7 Longview 67.25 David Spiller Republican 68 Jacksboro 67.05 Cecil Bell, Jr. Republican 3 Magnolia 66.80 Republican 17 Lockhart 66.41 Reggie Smith Republican 62 Sherman 65.14

15 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Brooks Landgraf Republican 81 Odessa 64.33 Republican 129 Houston 63.26 Republican 130 Cypress 62.04 Republican 28 Richmond 61.26 Republican 67 Plano 61.15 David Cook Republican 96 Mansfield 60.38 Republican 8 Palestine 60.30 Republican 89 Lucas 59.70 Justin Holland Republican 33 Rockwall 58.14 Republican 13 Anderson 57.87 Republican 53 Junction 57.20 Republican 16 Conroe 55.30 Matt Krause Republican 93 Fort Worth 52.27 Republican 150 Spring 51.80 Republican 73 Fredericksburg 51.33 Jeff Cason Republican 92 Bedford 49.42 Mayes Middleton Republican 23 Wallisville 48.76 Republican 66 Plano 47.92 Republican 106 Frisco 46.68 Republican 59 Stephenville 45.08 Cody Vasut Republican 25 Angleton 40.53 Tony Tinderholt Republican 94 Arlington 40.04 Cole Hefner Republican 5 Mt. Pleasant 39.85 Terry Wilson Republican 20 Marble Falls 39.85 Bryan Slaton Republican 2 Royse City 39.20 Steve Toth Republican 15 The Woodlands 35.93 Briscoe Cain Republican 128 Deer Park 35.29 Matt Schaefer Republican 6 Tyler 33.90

Twenty-three representatives have FPV Win Rates greater than 90%, indicating that on more than nine out of every 10 final passage votes in which they participated they were on the winning side. Of these 23 representatives, 12 (52%) are Republicans and 11 (48%) are Democrats. At the lower end of the distribution, 13 representatives have FPV Win Rates that are less than 50%, meaning they were on the losing side of more than one out of every two final passage votes. All 13 are Republicans. The Democrat with the lowest FPV Win Rate is Ana-Maria Ramos at 77.99%, meaning that she was on the winning side of almost eight out of every 10 FPVs. Ramos’ FPV Win Rate is higher than that of 50 (61%) of the 82 Republican representatives.

The median House FPV Win Rate is 83.91% (Ray Lopez of San Antonio), indicating that the median representative in the chamber was on the winning side of FPVs more than four-fifths of the time during the 2021 regular session. The median House Democratic FPV Win Rate is 86.02% (Chris Turner of Grand Prairie) while the median House Republican FPV Win Rate is more than 10% lower at 75.25% (Lynn Stucky of Denton [75.20%] and Tan Parker of Flower Mound [75.29%]).

Republicans account for 82 (55%) and Democrats 67 (45%) of the 149 representatives (excluding Speaker Phelan). Of the one-third (50) of the House with the highest FPV Win Rates, 38% are Republicans and 62% are Democrats. Among the one-third (49) of the House with the next highest FPV Win Rates, 27% are Republicans and 73% are Democrats. Among the one-third of the House with the lowest FPV Win Rates, 100% are Republicans and 0% are Democrats.

16 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Comparing Final Passage Vote Win Rates in the Senate and House

There exists a stark difference between the relationship of legislator partisanship and FPV Win Rates in the Texas Senate and House.

While the Senate (80.79%) and House (83.91%) median FPV Win Rates are very similar, the distribution of Republicans and Democrats above and below this median value is quite different. Excluding the median senator (a Republican), of the 15 senators with FPV Win Rates above the Senate median, 14 (93%) are Republicans and one (7%) is a Democrat. Excluding the median representative (a Democrat), of the 74 representatives with FPV Win Rates above the House median, 21 (28%) are Republicans and 53 (72%) are Democrats.

Of the 15 senators with FPV Win Rates below the Senate median, three (20%) are Republicans and 12 (80%) are Democrats, while in the House, of the 74 representatives with FPV Win Rates below the median, 61 (82%) are Republicans while 13 (18%) are Democrats.

While in the Senate, 100% of the one-third of senators with the highest FPV Win Rates are Republicans and 0% are Democrats, in the House only 38% of the one-third of representatives with the highest FPV Win Rates are Republicans, while 62% are Democrats. And, at the other extreme, while in the Senate 100% of the senators with FPV Win Rates in the bottom third are Democrats and 0% are Republicans, in the House the proportions are inverted, with 100% of the representatives in this lowest category Republicans and 0% Democrats.

Ideology, Party, and FPV Win Rates in the Senate and House

This section brings together the information from the preceding two sections on Lib-Con Scores and FPV Win Rates to better understand the dynamics of the Texas Senate and House during the 2021 regular session.

For both the Senate and for the House, a figure was created with the legislators arrayed on the X-Axis from most liberal on the left to most conservative on the right, with the Y-Axis reflecting those legislators’ respective FPV Win Rates. Blue circles represent Democrats and red circles represent Republicans. A LOESS smoothing parameter is then added (the curved solid horizontal black line), which shows the relationship between the Lib-Con Score and the FPV Win Rate for each chamber. Finally, each figure has three vertical dashed lines: D (the location of the median Democratic legislator based on the Lib-Con Score), R (the location of the median Republican legislator based on the Lib-Con Score), and F (the location of the median chamber legislator based on the Lib-Con Score, or the Floor median).

Ideology, Party, and FPV Win Rates in the Senate

In the Senate (see Figure 4) the LOESS curve peaks near the Floor (F) Lib-Con median, represented by Republican Joan Huffman, with an FPV Win Rate of 99.57%. This Floor FPV Win Rate is only 7% higher than the Lib-Con median Republican (R) Win Rate of 92.86%, the average of the FPV Win Rates of the two Lib-Con median Republican senators, Angela Paxton (92.64%) and Kelly Hancock (93.07%). Both the Floor and the Median Republican

17 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

FPV Win Rates are substantially greater than the FPV Win Rate of the median Senate Democrat on the Lib-Con dimension (represented by a D in the figure), César Blanco, at 62.34%. That is, the FPV Win Rate of the median Republican senator on the liberal- conservative ideological dimension is more than 30% higher than that of the median Democratic senator on the liberal-conservative ideological dimension.

Figure 4. Win Rates in the Texas Senate – 87th Legislature (2021, Final Passage Votes)

These data underscore that the Texas Senate was a body dominated by the conservative Republican majority during the 2021 legislative session, where fewer than one out every 10 bills opposed by the median GOP senator obtained final passage, while the median Democrat in contrast saw close to two out of every five bills that they opposed obtain final passage.

Ideology, Party, and FPV Win Rates in the House

In the House (see Figure 5) the LOESS curve also peaks near the Floor (F) Lib-Con median, represented by Republican Todd Hunter of Corpus Christi, with a FPV Win Rate of 92.94%. This FPV Win Rate is 8% higher than the Democratic Lib-Con median (D), represented by Trey Martinez Fischer at 84.77%. The FPV Win Rate of the Lib-Con median Democrat is in turn 11% higher than that of the Lib-Con median House Republicans (R), 73.82%; the average of the FPV Win Rates of DeWayne Burns (75.86%) and Stephanie Klick (71.78%). And, while the FPV Win Rate of the median Democrat on the Lib-Con dimension is only 8% less than the Floor Lib-Con median, the FPV Win Rate of the median Republican on the Lib-Con dimension is 19% less than the Floor median.

18 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Figure 5. Win Rates in the Texas House – 87th Legislature (2021, Final Passage Votes)

These data suggest that the Texas House agenda was not dominated by a single political party during the 2021 legislative session in the same way as in the Texas Senate. And, to the extent to which one party in the House fared better in terms of not having bills it opposed obtain final passage, the advantaged party in the House was the minority Democratic Party rather than the majority Republican Party.

Comparing the Two Chambers

The data in Figure 4 reveal a Texas Senate where a Republican legislative agenda dominated the 2021 regular legislative session. Two-thirds (12 of 18) of the GOP Senators were on the winning side of more than 90% of FPVs, while with the exception of two Democrats (Eddie Lucio Jr. at 81.82% and Juan “Chuy” Hinojosa at 77.06%), all Democratic senators had FPV Win-Rates below 66.67%, indicating they were on the losing side of more than one in three FPVs, more than one in two in the case of Sarah Eckhardt.

In contrast, the data in Figure 5 reveal a Texas House that was by and large dominated by centrist and center-right Republicans and Democrats during the 2021 legislative session. More than one-third (30) of the Republicans (all with Lib-Con Scores to the right of the GOP Lib-Con median) had FPV Win-Rates below 66.67%, indicating they were on the losing side of more than one in three FPVs, with 13 Republican representatives on the losing side of more than one in two FPVs.

19 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Partisan Roll Rates in the Senate and House

A leading measure of partisan agenda control in a legislature is the partisan roll rate (Cox and McCubbins 2005). A party leader who controls the legislative agenda should, through the use of their agenda control, be able to ensure that their party is rarely if ever rolled on the chamber floor. That is, if they so desire, the leader should be able to prevent any legislation that is opposed by a majority of their party’s legislators from ever reaching the floor via their control of the legislative agenda. As a result, a low roll rate for a party suggests that its leader exercises strong agenda control with the goal of ensuring that the majority of their party’s legislative caucus is never on the losing side of a final passage vote.

In the Texas Senate, there were 314 non-lopsided FPVs during the 2021 regular session—that is, FPVs where at least two senators were on the losing side of the vote. Among these FPVs, the most common outcome, 230 votes (or 73.3%), was a bipartisan consensus where a majority of both Republicans and Democrats were on the winning side of the FPV (i.e., neither party was rolled). The next most common outcome was a vote where Democrats alone were rolled, which occurred 83 times (26.4%). In sharp contrast, Republicans alone were rolled on only one vote (0.3%). And even on the lone FPV where Republicans were rolled (SB 179, related to the use of public school counselors’ work time), seven of the 18 Republican senators were on the winning side, joining the 13 Democrats for a 20 to 11 passage.

In the Texas House, there were 659 non-lopsided FPVs—that is, FPVs where at least 2.5% of the representatives voting were on the losing side of the vote. Among these FPVs, the most common outcome, 456 votes (or 69.2%), was a bipartisan consensus where a majority of both Republicans and Democrats were on the winning side of the FPV (i.e., neither party was rolled). The next most common outcome was a vote where Republicans alone were rolled, which occurred 134 times (29.4%), followed by 69 times (10.4%) where Democrats alone were rolled. In spite of Republicans holding a majority (83) of the 150 Texas House seats and the Speaker of the House being a Republican, House Republicans as a party were rolled almost three times more than House Democrats during the 2021 regular session.

Figure 6 provides the roll rates for Senate Republicans, Senate Democrats, House Republicans, and House Democrats. Senate Republicans’ roll rate is a miniscule 0.3%, followed in size by that of the House Democrats (10.4%) and Senate Democrats (26.4%), with House Republicans possessing the highest roll rate at 29.4%. The data suggest that the Republican leader of the Texas Senate, Lieutenant Governor , exercised a powerful level of control over the Senate agenda, in particular determining what reached the floor for a Final Passage Vote and what did not. In contrast, Speaker Dade Phelan either did not exercise a similar level of agenda control in the Texas House or, if he did, this agenda control was not always highly partisan in terms of its motivation and goals, given that Phelan is a Republican and House Republicans have a roll rate that is almost triple that of House Democrats.

20 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Figure 6. Partisan Roll Rates in the Texas House and Senate, 2021

An important caveat to the above analysis is that each one of the non-lopsided FPVs has an equal impact on the FPV Win Rate, whether it was a high-profile bill such as the Election Integrity, Heartbeat and anti-CRT legislation or a low-profile bill that few outside of the Capitol were even aware of. That said, the main power provided to a legislative leader by agenda control is keeping legislation opposed by a majority of the faction, party, or coalition they represent from ever reaching the floor, thereby keeping that group (faction, party, or coalition) from being rolled. And, in the case of the House, the data illustrate quite clearly that, contrary to the case in the Senate, the GOP Caucus was regularly rolled, and at a notably higher rate than the Democratic Caucus.

21 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

References

Carroll, Royce, Jeffrey B. Lewis, James Lo, Keith T. Poole, and Howard Rosenthal. 2009.“Comparing NOMINATE and IDEAL: Points of Difference and Monte Carlo Tests,” Legislative Studies Quarterly 34: 555-91.

Clinton, Joshua, Simon D. Jackman, and Douglas Rivers. 2004. “The Statistical Analysis of Roll Call Data: A Unified Approach,” American Political Science Review 98: 355-70.

Cox, Gary W., and Mathew D. McCubbins. 2005. Setting the Agenda: Responsible Party. Government in the U.S. House of Representatives. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Poole, Keith T., and Howard Rosenthal. 1997. Congress: A Political-Economic History of Roll Call Voting. New York: Oxford University Press.

Poole, Keith T., and Howard Rosenthal. 2006. Ideology and Congress: A Political-Economic History of Roll Call Voting. New York: Routledge.

Voteview. 2021. www.voteview.com.

22 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Appendices

Below is a table with the 31 Texas Senators ranked from most liberal to most conservative based on their Lib-Con Score from the 2021 regular session.

Appendix Table 1. 2021 Texas Senate Lib-Con Scores

Rank Name Party District Hometown Lib-Con Score 1 Sarah Eckhardt Democratic 14 Austin -1.81 2 Borris Miles Democratic 13 Houston -1.31 3 John Whitmire Democratic 15 Houston -1.14 4 Carol Alvarado Democratic 6 Houston -1.14 5 Nathan Johnson Democratic 16 Dallas -1.14 6 Roland Gutierrez Democratic 19 San Antonio -1.13 7 José Menéndez Democratic 26 San Antonio -1.03 8 César Blanco Democratic 29 El Paso -1.03 9 Royce West Democratic 23 Dallas -0.94 10 Judith Zaffirini Democratic 21 Laredo -0.87 11 Beverly Powell Democratic 10 Burleson -0.86 12 Juan "Chuy" Hinojosa Democratic 20 McAllen -0.45 13 Eddie Lucio Jr. Democratic 27 Brownsville -0.28 14 Kel Seliger Republican 31 Amarillo 0.48 15 Larry Taylor Republican 11 Friendswood 0.72 16 Joan Huffman Republican 17 Houston 0.74 17 Donna Campbell Republican 25 New Braunfels 0.79 18 Jane Nelson Republican 12 Flower Mound 0.85 19 Lois Kolkhorst Republican 18 Brenham 0.87 20 Paul Bettencourt Republican 7 Houston 0.97 21 Charles Perry Republican 28 Lubbock 0.97 22 Kelly Hancock Republican 9 North Richland Hills 0.99 23 Angela Paxton Republican 8 McKinney 1.02 24 Dawn Buckingham Republican 24 Lakeway 1.02 25 Robert Nichols Republican 3 Jacksonville 1.05 26 Charles Schwertner Republican 5 Georgetown 1.08 27 Brian Birdwell Republican 22 Granbury 1.12 28 Bob Hall Republican 2 Edgewood 1.38 29 Brandon Creighton Republican 4 Conroe 1.44 30 Drew Springer Republican 30 Muenster 1.44 31 Bryan Hughes Republican 1 Mineola 1.55

23 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

Below is a table with the 149 Texas representatives (excluding Speaker Phelan) ranked from most liberal to most conservative based on their Lib-Con Score from the 2021 regular session.

Appendix Table 2. 2021 Texas House Lib-Con Scores

Rank Name Party District Hometown Lib-Con Score 1 Michelle Beckley Democratic 65 Carrollton -1.22 2 Ana-Maria Ramos Democratic 102 Richardson -1.20 3 Jasmine Crockett Democratic 100 Dallas -1.17 4 Gina Hinojosa Democratic 49 Austin -1.13 5 Toni Rose Democratic 110 Dallas -1.12 6 Jessica González Democratic 104 Dallas -1.07 7 Rafael Anchia Democratic 103 Dallas -1.06 8 Vikki Goodwin Democratic 47 Austin -1.06 9 Nicole Collier Democratic 95 Fort Worth -1.05 10 Erin Zwiener Democratic 45 Driftwood -1.04 11 Chris Turner Democratic 101 Grand Prairie -1.02 12 Celia Israel Democratic 50 Austin -1.02 13 John H. Bucy III Democratic 136 Austin -1.02 14 Gene Wu Democratic 137 Houston -1.01 15 Ron Reynolds Democratic 27 Missouri City -1.01 16 Sheryl Cole Democratic 46 Austin -1.00 17 Eddie Rodriguez Democratic 51 Austin -1.00 18 Ann Johnson Democratic 134 Houston -1.00 19 Christina Morales Democratic 145 Houston -1.00 20 Carl Sherman, Sr. Democratic 109 DeSoto -0.99 21 Lina Ortega Democratic 77 El Paso -0.99 22 Rhetta Bowers Democratic 113 Garland -0.98 23 Donna Howard Democratic 48 Austin -0.98 24 Penny Morales Shaw Democratic 148 Houston -0.97 25 Jon Rosenthal Democratic 135 Houston -0.96 26 Democratic 105 Irving -0.95 27 Diego Bernal Democratic 123 San Antonio -0.95 28 James Talarico Democratic 52 Round Rock -0.95 29 Yvonne Davis Democratic 111 Dallas -0.94 30 Armando Walle Democratic 140 Houston -0.94 31 Ray Lopez Democratic 125 San Antonio -0.94 32 John Turner Democratic 114 Dallas -0.92 33 Mary González Democratic 75 Clint -0.92 34 Trey Martinez Fischer Democratic 116 San Antonio -0.91 35 Jarvis Johnson Democratic 139 Houston -0.89 36 Ana Hernandez Democratic 143 Houston -0.89 37 Alma Allen Democratic 131 Houston -0.89 38 Ramon Romero, Jr. Democratic 90 Fort Worth -0.88 39 Art Fierro Democratic 79 El Paso -0.88 40 Shawn Thierry Democratic 146 Houston -0.87 41 Hubert Vo Democratic 149 Houston -0.87 42 Claudia Ordaz Perez Democratic 76 El Paso -0.85 43 Ina Minjarez Democratic 124 San Antonio -0.83 44 Julie Johnson Democratic 115 Farmers Branch -0.83 45 Senfronia Thompson Democratic 141 Houston -0.83 46 Liz Campos Democratic 119 San Antonio -0.82 47 Victoria Neave Democratic 107 Dallas -0.82 48 Joe Moody Democratic 78 El Paso -0.81 49 Garnet Coleman Democratic 147 Houston -0.79 50 Mary Ann Perez Democratic 144 Houston -0.78

24 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

51 Oscar Longoria Democratic 35 Mission -0.77 52 Joe Deshotel Democratic 22 Beaumont -0.76 53 Eddie Lucio, III Democratic 38 Brownsville -0.75 54 Barbara Gervin-Hawkins Democratic 120 San Antonio -0.75 55 Alex Dominguez Democratic 37 Brownsville -0.73 56 Armando Martinez Democratic 39 Weslaco -0.72 57 Philip Cortez Democratic 117 San Antonio -0.71 58 R.D. 'Bobby' Guerra Democratic 41 Mission -0.71 59 Sergio Muñoz, Jr. Democratic 36 Palmview -0.69 60 Harold V. Dutton, Jr. Democratic 142 Houston -0.68 61 Leo Pacheco Democratic 118 San Antonio -0.65 62 Eddie Morales Democratic 74 Eagle Pass -0.63 63 Abel Herrero Democratic 34 Robstown -0.59 64 Terry Canales Democratic 40 Edinburg -0.49 65 Tracy O. King Democratic 80 Batesville -0.47 66 Richard Peña Raymond Democratic 42 Laredo -0.43 67 Ryan Guillen Democratic 31 Rio Grande City -0.41 68 Lyle Larson Republican 122 San Antonio -0.16 69 Dan Huberty Republican 127 Houston -0.11 70 Morgan Meyer Republican 108 Dallas -0.10 71 Charlie Geren Republican 99 Fort Worth -0.09 72 Kyle Kacal Republican 12 College Station -0.09 73 J.M. Lozano Republican 43 Kingsville -0.06 74 Jim Murphy Republican 133 Houston -0.05 75 Todd Hunter Republican 32 Corpus Christi -0.05 76 Ken King Republican 88 Canadian -0.02 77 John Raney Republican 14 College Station 0.00 78 Angie Chen Button Republican 112 Richardson 0.00 79 Steve Allison Republican 121 San Antonio 0.01 80 Chris Paddie Republican 9 Marshall 0.02 81 Drew Darby Republican 72 San Angelo 0.04 82 Ernest Bailes Republican 18 Shepherd 0.05 83 Geanie Morrison Republican 30 Victoria 0.05 84 Phil Stephenson Republican 85 Wharton 0.07 85 Travis Clardy Republican 11 Nacogdoches 0.09 86 John Kuempel Republican 44 Seguin 0.09 87 John Frullo Republican 84 Lubbock 0.10 88 Jacey Jetton Republican 26 Richmond 0.11 89 Stan Lambert Republican 71 Abilene 0.13 90 Dustin Burrows Republican 83 Lubbock 0.13 91 Hugh D. Shine Republican 55 Temple 0.14 92 Ed Thompson Republican 29 Pearland 0.15 93 Four Price Republican 87 Amarillo 0.16 94 Charles 'Doc' Anderson Republican 56 Waco 0.16 95 Trent Ashby Republican 57 Lufkin 0.19 96 Glenn Rogers Republican 60 Graford 0.20 97 James Frank Republican 69 Wichita Falls 0.22 98 Gary VanDeaver Republican 1 New Boston 0.23 99 Sam Harless Republican 126 Spring 0.23 100 Brad Buckley Republican 54 Killeen 0.24 101 Jake Ellzey Republican 10 Waxahachie 0.24 102 John Smithee Republican 86 Amarillo 0.24 103 Tom Craddick Republican 82 Midland 0.25 104 Keith Bell Republican 4 Forney 0.25 105 Lynn Stucky Republican 64 Denton 0.26 106 Tan Parker Republican 63 Flower Mound 0.26 107 Giovanni Capriglione Republican 98 Southlake 0.26

25 Ideology and Partisanship in the 87th (2021) Regular Session of the Texas Legislature

108 Stephanie Klick Republican 91 Fort Worth 0.27 109 DeWayne Burns Republican 58 Cleburne 0.27 110 Phil King Republican 61 Weatherford 0.29 111 Mike Schofield Republican 132 Katy 0.32 112 Craig Goldman Republican 97 Fort Worth 0.33 113 James White Republican 19 Hillister 0.33 114 Lacey Hull Republican 138 Houston 0.33 115 Greg Bonnen Republican 24 Friendswood 0.35 116 David Spiller Republican 68 Jacksboro 0.35 117 John Cyrier Republican 17 Lockhart 0.35 118 Jay Dean Republican 7 Longview 0.36 119 Cecil Bell, Jr. Republican 3 Magnolia 0.39 120 Dennis Paul Republican 129 Houston 0.39 121 Reggie Smith Republican 62 Sherman 0.40 122 Gary Gates Republican 28 Richmond 0.40 123 Republican 81 Odessa 0.41 124 Scott Sanford Republican 70 McKinney 0.42 125 Tom Oliverson Republican 130 Cypress 0.42 126 David Cook Republican 96 Mansfield 0.44 127 Candy Noble Republican 89 Lucas 0.44 128 Jeff Leach Republican 67 Plano 0.44 129 Cody Harris Republican 8 Palestine 0.46 130 Will Metcalf Republican 16 Conroe 0.48 131 Andrew Murr Republican 53 Junction 0.48 132 Ben Leman Republican 13 Anderson 0.48 133 Justin Holland Republican 33 Rockwall 0.48 134 Matt Krause Republican 93 Fort Worth 0.62 135 Matt Shaheen Republican 66 Plano 0.63 136 Kyle Biedermann Republican 73 Fredericksburg 0.63 137 Valoree Swanson Republican 150 Spring 0.64 138 Shelby Slawson Republican 59 Stephenville 0.65 139 Jeff Cason Republican 92 Bedford 0.66 140 Jared Patterson Republican 106 Frisco 0.68 141 Mayes Middleton Republican 23 Wallisville 0.68 142 Cole Hefner Republican 5 Mt. Pleasant 0.77 143 Terry Wilson Republican 20 Marble Falls 0.78 144 Tony Tinderholt Republican 94 Arlington 0.79 145 Cody Vasut Republican 25 Angleton 0.80 146 Steve Toth Republican 15 The Woodlands 0.82 147 Bryan Slaton Republican 2 Royse City 0.85 148 Briscoe Cain Republican 128 Deer Park 0.87 149 Matt Schaefer Republican 6 Tyler 0.89

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