Cultural reflections on porcelain in the 17th-century Netherlands Cultural reflections on porcelain in the 17th-century Netherlands, Amsterdam, Delft, JAPANESE PORCELAIN, Delfts, M. S. van Aken-Fehmers, Geschiedenis van een nationaal product, Netherlands, Gemeentemuseum Den Haag, Dutch Republic, Vossius, Willem Kalf, H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, 17th-century, 18th century, China, L. Schledorn, pp, M. S. van AkenFehmers, material constitution, Dutch Delftware, WP Amsterdam, J. van Campen, University of Amsterdam, Juriaen van Streeck, Chinese paintings, Oosters porselein Delfts, Dutch Golden Age, Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, Chinese porcelain, Johannes Pontanus, medicinal properties, medicinal qualities, Asia, porcelain dish, Middle Kingdom, Ehrenfried Walter von Tschirnhaus, Chinese community, Johannes Vermeer, Hieronymus Cardanus, Seventeenth-Century Netherlands Weststeijn, Julius Caesar Scaliger, Jan Evertsen Kloppenburch, cultural significance, Southern Netherlands, Seventeenth-Century Netherlands, Delfts Blauw, Chinese ceramics, De Pauw, Leiden University, History of Art, Anna Charlotte Amalie, Sir Francis Child, de Nederlanden, Magdalena Wilhelmina, Princess Caroline Louise von HessenDarmstadt, Cornelis de Pauw, Adri van der Meulen, Jan Franssen Bruyningh, Gemeentearchief Rotterdam, Prince John William Friso, Charles Frederick von Baden-Durlach, Antwerp University, Chinese civilisation, Bestandskatalog der Verwaltung, T. van Swieten, intention.76 De Pauw, porcelain painters, household wares, Amsterdam University Press, Stadsarchief Amsterdam, K. van Strien, Johan van Oldenbarnevelt, Aeltje Cornelis, Joris Joosten de Vlaming, Frederik Hendrik, Chinese medicine, Chinese brushwork, Suzanne Limburg, R. Stratmann, Matteo Ricci, Het Rapenburg

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Cultural Reflections on Porcelain in the Seventeenth-Century Netherlands Weststeijn, M.A.

Published in: Chinese and Japanese Porcelain for the Dutch Golden Age

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Citation for published version (APA): Weststeijn, T. (2014). Cultural Reflections on Porcelain in the Seventeenth-Century Netherlands. In J. van Campen, & T. Eliens (Eds.), Chinese and Japanese Porcelain for the Dutch Golden Age (pp. 213-229, 265-268). Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum Amsterdam.

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Download date: 05 Jul 2018 CHAPTER XII Cultural refl ections on porcelain in the 17th-century Netherlands*

THIJS WESTSTEIJN

One of the 17th century’s greatest admirers of Chinese good among all layers of society. Regardless of their porcelain was Willem Kalf (1619–1693), some of social background, many Dutch people saw and whose paintings demonstrate meticulous attention to handled it on a regular basis. Artists in particular its material and optical properties. His 1662 Still Life, lavished attention on its singular optical qualities. now in Madrid, features an extraordinary Chinese jar Moreover, potteries, especially in Delft, tried to with representations of the Eight Immortals (Fig. 1).2 recreate porcelain’s surface, which implied an even Kalf, who probably had no understanding of Taoist more accurate material knowledge; artisans then iconography, may have been aware that this was not decorated the imitations of Asian ceramics with only an exotic object but also an antiquity of sorts, themes and styles that purportedly looked Chinese. dating from a few decades earlier.3 As its material constitution was still unknown at the time, he could Even though – or perhaps because – porcelain also have appreciated porcelain as a curious sample of was a common presence in Dutch houses, it was the natural world, just like decorative tableware made seldom discussed. In the light of the sheer volume from ostrich eggs or the nautilus goblets that also of the China trade and the ubiquity of Chinese- feature in his work. In this painting, moreover, the style ceramics, references in literary sources are porcelain’s refl ective sheen, rendered in meticulous remarkably rare. Before the letters by Father detail with a scattering of dot-like highlights, is François Xavier d’Entrecolles (1712–1722), a Jesuit paired with other surfaces of various degrees of missionary who visited the kilns in Jingdezhen to transparency: the drinking vessels, plate and half- inspect the manufacturing process, European texts peeled lemon. gave scant attention to porcelain’s origin, material, and shape, or to the decoration’s themes and styles. Besides this very sophisticated example, porcelain It is understandable that the Delft potters who had features in hundreds of still lifes painted in the mastered ‘Chinese’ brushwork did not leave a written Northern and Southern Netherlands in the 17th record – their imitations had to pass for authentic.5 century.4 In many cases, it may have been included Yet the contrast between the abundance of visual as no more than a fi tting container for the fl owers material and the paucity of written sources is without or foodstuffs that artists wanted to represent, but it parallel in Dutch 17th-century culture, which was was also a subject in its own right among silverware, highly literate and developed a vibrant tradition glass, and other precious goods. Assuming from the of artistic theory. Oil paintings are therefore the degree of connoisseurship that a work such as Kalf’s most eloquent testimonies to the Low Countries’ Fig. 1 implies, one would expect there to have been some fascination with porcelain. Willem Kalf (1619–1693), awareness among these paintings’ owners of the Still Life with a Chinese Bowl, a origin, history, and cultural signifi cance of Chinese This observation surprises all the more in light of Nautilus Cup and other Objects, 1662. Oil on canvas, 79.4 x rarities. As the present book clarifi es, uniquely for porcelain’s many cultural and natural-historical 67.3 cm. Museo Thyssen- the Dutch situation, porcelain – either the Chinese associations. The artists’ interest seems to refl ect the Bornemisza, Madrid, inv. no. 203 (1962.10). © 2013, Museo original or a Dutch earthenware imitation that was insight that Dutchmen handling a piece of Chinese Thyssen-Bornemisza/Photo also known as porceleyn – was a standard domestic ceramics would be touching a sample of the most SCALA, Florence.

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130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 213 07-05-14 16:35 Fig. 2 advanced chemical manufacturing that they would EMBLEMS AND CLASSICAL SCHOLARSHIP Jan de Brune, ‘Wat de man kan, wijst zijn reden an’, ever come across. They would have admired how the engraving from Emblemata body, fashioned with extraordinary thinness, became Art history’s standard approach for establishing the of Zinnewerck, Amsterdam, transparent, resulting in a seemingly impossible meaning of objects, iconography, seems inadequate Jan Evertsen Kloppenburch, 1636, 2nd enlarged edition. combination of fragility and glittering hardness. to decode the cultural associations that were Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, Modern science tells us that ordinary steel cannot cut connected to porcelain in the Dutch context. First inv. no. 328 L 3. porcelain and that it is a great isolator of heat and of all, rather than the objects’ imagery, it was their Fig. 3 electrical current. In pre-modern Europe, by contrast, material quality that attracted artists and, probably, Jan Luyken, ‘Het porseleyn’, porcelain was associated with magic and medicine. buyers in general. Even emblem books, which usually engraving from Het leerzaam huisraad, Amsterdam, wed. P. Recreating it presented a serious challenge to Dutch- tried to identify thematic symbolism, foregrounded Arentz en K. van der Sys, 1711. trained artisans and natural philosophers. Porcelain porcelain’s materiality, as two of the century’s most Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. no. RP-P-OB-45.671. was thus an essential ingredient, and in material and popular authors exemplify. Jan de Brune’s (1588– quantitative terms by far the most substantial one, 1658) engraving (Fig. 2) shows a gentleman checking of the ‘Chinese century’ in the Low Countries: from the quality of a bowl by its sound: porcelain rings the fi rst baptism of a Chinese sailor in Middelburg in beautifully when struck, something that no European 1600, to the closing decades when the VOC reduced ceramic could do.7 The material’s combined hardness its direct trading with the Middle Kingdom. These and fragility could express a characteristic contrast exchanges impacted on various scholarly disciplines.6 in the Dutch moralists’ ideology that emphasised the But it was the reputation of Chinese medicine, transience of visible reality; Jan Luyken (1649–1712) chemistry and technical inventions that provided the described the vases in his image as without real main framework for the appreciation of porcelain. substance, only catering ‘to the eye’s desire’ (Fig. 3).8 In the many still lifes that depict porcelain, such references are usually present only implicitly: perhaps

214 CHINESE AND JAPANESE PORCELAIN FOR THE DUTCH GOLDEN AGE

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 214 07-05-14 16:35 when combined with fresh fl owers or fruit, such as Pontanus (1571–1639) and Bernardus Paludanus Fig. 4 c. Pieter Claesz (1596/97–1660), Pieter Claesz’s ( 1597–1660) still life featuring spots (1550–1633) took up this theme again. Pontanus, Still Life with Turkey Pie and of rot on the apples in a Wanli bowl, the association who famously noted in Rerum et urbis Amstelodamensium a Wanli Bowl, 1627. Oil on with transience was underscored (Fig. 4). Yet often historia (1611) that the VOC had imported so much panel, 75cm × 132 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, it simply seems to have been the painter’s attraction porcelain to Amsterdam that it seemed like an inv. no. SK-A 4646. to porcelain’s optical qualities that motivated his ordinary household good, addressed the vasa myrrhina choices. When a Chinese ceramic object appeared in a and admitted a certain resemblance except in the more elaborate setting, such as Abraham Bloemaert’s matter of colours, wherein Pliny described the beauty (1564–1651) Lot and his Daughters (Fig. 5), Jacob and variety of hues, ‘and’, said Pontanus, ‘what Pliny Campo Weyerman (1677–1747) explained that it was calls colours are not seen on the porcelains of our included for its visual allure; he also highlighted its time, which, so far as I know, have only blue mingled appropriateness in amorous adventures, as a gift for a with white’.11 female lover.9 The inadequacy of emblematics and classical Classical antiquity, which was the habitual basis scholarship to discuss the Dutch reception of Chinese for learned discussions, likewise failed to provide ceramics confi rms that the materiality of porcelain, the right interpretive framework. Humanists were more than the shapes or decoration, conjured up obviously at a loss when approaching the foreign new intellectual associations through its sheen, objects from their erudite background. Around 1550 translucency and hardness. To understand these two renowned philologists, Hieronymus Cardanus we should involve the artists’ interest in materials, (1501–1576) and Julius Caesar Scaliger (1484–1558), in chemistry with its medical and even alchemical tried to relate porcelain to Pliny’s account of the associations, and in porcelain as among the exotic ‘myrrhine vases’.10 In the Netherlands, Johannes creations of the natural world.

CULTURAL REFLECTIONS ON PORCELAIN IN THE 17TH-CENTURY NETHERLANDS 215

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 215 07-05-14 16:35 Fig. 5 Abraham Bloemaert PORCELAIN: A CREATION OF NATURE OR ART? called porcellana contrafatta: it imitated porcelain’s (1564–1651) (attr.), Lot and his colour and sheen but none of its hardness.12 In van Daugthers. Oil on canvas, 167 We may begin our analysis with Jan van Kessel’s Kessel’s composition, the putto brandishing an x 233 cm. The Leiden Gallery, New York (private collection). large series of the Four Continents (1664–1666), alembic and a barometer may furthermore have which features porcelain prominently as part of an conjured up the association with chemistry in encyclopaedic display of the world’s treasures. What general.13 fi rst catches the eye is that Chinese ceramics do not occur in the context of the continent of Asia, but in On the image’s right-hand side, by contrast, various relation to Africa (Figs. 6–9). The left-hand side of Chinese dishes are displayed among shells, gems, this polyptych’s central panel (Fig. 8) displays a set and coral (Fig. 9). This ensemble seems to refer of related objects: a sizeable porcelain dish, a multi- to the etymology of the term porcelain that related fl uted goblet in Venetian style in the foreground its constitution to seashells, harking back to and a bottle containing a bright pink liquid. The Marco Polo’s day when the term porcellana derived juxtaposition of glass and porcelain may have from a type of thin white shell resembling a piglet referenced actual European experiments in recreating (porcellino).14 This contention, which was repeated in porcelain, which had initially taken place in 16th- travelogues up to the 17th century, may explain why century Italy: most of these involved glass making. van Kessel associated porcelain with Africa and its Porcelain’s transparency made potters conclude that beaches. Yet the inclusion of coral and gems refl ects sand or ground glass was an essential ingredient. the much wider lexical fi eld that the term porcelain Venetian studios even produced a smoky kind of glass could cover in early modern inventories, ranging from

216 CHINESE AND JAPANESE PORCELAIN FOR THE DUTCH GOLDEN AGE

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 216 07-05-14 16:35 mother-of-pearl and crystal to any kind of valuable the Pseudodoxia referred to an envoy from Batavia to Fig. 6 ceramic.15 China in 1615, who identifi ed a specifi c clay from the Jan van Kessel (1626–1679), The Four Continents: Africa, region of ‘Hoang’ as essential. Although he witnessed 1664. Oil on copper, In fact, the fi rst contacts between Europeans the production with his own eyes, he found that its 48.6 x 67.8 cm (central panel). Bayerische and East Asians involved a profusion of theories details were a secret to be passed on from father to Staatsgemäldesammlungen – about porcelain’s origin and manufacture. They son: porcelain was ‘made out of earth, not laid under Alte Pinakothek, Munich, inv. are summed up in Thomas Browne’s (1605–1682) ground, but hardened in the Sunne and winde, [in] no. 1912. © bpk | Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen. widely read work of popular science, Pseudodoxia the space of fourty yeeres’. Only in 1665 were the (fi rst ed. 1646), which depended on the reports of, Dutch informed in more detail on the origin and among others, the Dutch explorer Jan Huygen van transport of the clay, when Johan Nieuhof’s (1618– Linschoten (c.1563–1611).16 The book relates a number 1672) famous travelogue appeared.17 of common erroneous assumptions about porcelain, beginning with someone who had joined Magellan’s If similar associations were indeed pertinent to circumnavigation, Duarte Barbosa (c.1480–1521): van Kessel’s image, it presented porcelain as both it was supposedly made from ground seashells, a creation of artifi ce (related to glass making eggshells, egg white and other materials that matured and chemistry) and a creation of nature (among for a century underground, increasing in value with shells, coral, and gems). This was not an incorrect the years. According to the humanist Guido Panciroli characterisation: porcelain was on the one hand the (1523–1599), beaten eggs and gypsum were useful result of the advanced stage of Chinese chemistry ingredients too. For a more reliable account, however, and ceramic industry; on the other hand, its main

CULTURAL REFLECTIONS ON PORCELAIN IN THE 17TH-CENTURY NETHERLANDS 217

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 217 07-05-14 16:35 218 CHINESE AND JAPANESE PORCELAIN FOR THE DUTCH GOLDEN AGE

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 218 07-05-14 16:35 Fig. 7 Detail of Fig. 6 (central panel).

CULTURAL REFLECTIONS ON PORCELAIN IN THE 17TH-CENTURY NETHERLANDS 219

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 219 07-05-14 16:35 Fig. 8 Detail of Fig. 6 (central panel, detail of left-hand side).

Fig. 9 Detail of Fig. 6 (central panel, detail of right-hand side).

220 CHINESE AND JAPANESE PORCELAIN FOR THE DUTCH GOLDEN AGE

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 220 07-05-14 16:35 Fig. 10 Adriaen van Utrecht (1599– 1652), Allegory of Fire, 1636. Oil on canvas, 117 x 154 cm. Royal Museums of Fine Arts of Belgium, Brussels, inv. no. 4731. © Royal Museums of Fine Arts of Belgium, Brussels, photo : J. Geleyns / Ro scan.

CULTURAL REFLECTIONS ON PORCELAIN IN THE 17TH-CENTURY NETHERLANDS 221

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 221 07-05-14 16:35 ingredient, kaolin, was only found in the region Witsen had a great interest in Asia: by 1670 he had of Gaoling at the time. In Europe, collections of consulted another Chinese visitor for his book Noord curiosities expressed this dual nature, as porcelain en Oost Tartarye. He contacted the Chinese community could feature among the artifi cialia as well as the in Batavia to translate an ancient inscription from his naturalia, something confi rmed by its presence art collection, which in all probability also included in depictions of galleries.18 According to the porcelain.27 In any account, the reputation of Chinese classifi cations of natural philosophy, porcelain might medical knowledge seemed to confi rm the much be associated more specifi cally with the element of older suggestion, dating back to the Middle Ages, fi re: one of van Kessel’s works depicted chinaware that porcelain could have apotropaic qualities, in – or another kind of ceramic that imitated its blue- particular that it would break upon coming into and-white aesthetic – in relation to this element, contact with poison (cups were therefore set in metal together with gold and silver vessels; and Adriaen van mounts).28 Utrecht’s (1599–1652) painting of the same theme (Fig. 10) featured three dishes of chine de commande.19 Unsurprisingly, the aforementioned Pseudodoxia The analogy was not without technical relevance, expressed scepticism about porcelain’s alleged as enamelling, which involved fi ring at a high properties, only admitting its benefi cial value in cases temperature, was eventually used for the decoration of of dysentery: both porcelain and metalwork.20 the properties must be verifi ed, which by Scaliger and others are ascribed to China-dishes: That they admit no poyson, That they strike fi re, That they will grow hot no higher then the liquor in them ariseth. For such as MEDICINE pass amongst us, and under the name of the fi nest, will onely strike fi re, but not discover Aconite, Mercury, or The various myths regarding the origin of porcelain Arsenick; but may be useful in dysenteries and fl uxes beyond the other.29 also involved expectations about its purported curative characteristics. The hygienic quality of its The author admitted that porcelain’s failure to impermeable surface, its origin in an unfathomable demonstrate medicinal qualities might have been due chemical process, and the general Asian provenance to the fact that the Chinese had severely limited the connecting porcelain to spices and tea made the export of their fi nest dishes. By 1723, in any event, association with medicine somewhat obvious.21 A Weyerman held the less lofty view that porcelain 1665 painting from the school of Gerard ter Borch contributed to the taste of the food: (now in the Apothecaries’ Society, Stockholm) demonstrates how a Dutch pharmacist would line All food and drink that is served in porcelain acquires a better taste and delights the eye …. Conserves appear up his pots in a row: the white ceramic’s sheen, much shinier in a porcelain dish than in a silver one, refl ecting associations with chemistry and perhaps and fruit acquires a new gloss by the porcelain’s celestial blue.30 Asia, would have constituted an adequate backdrop for the performance of medicine.22 At least one Weyerman’s writings on China were of a satirical Amsterdam apothecary, Jan Jacobsz Swammerdam nature: yet his many remarks on the medicinal (1606–1678), displayed a sizeable set of Chinese properties of Chinese imports, especially tea and porcelain that attracted visitors even from abroad.23 ginseng, probably refl ect beliefs widely held in the The Dutch had only a vague inkling of Asian medicine early 18th century.31 at the time, but for some it seemed to suggest the Middle Kingdom’s superiority. In 1683 the doctor and botanist Willem ten Rhijne (1649–1700) wrote CHEMISTRY the fi rst detailed European account of acupuncture.24 This art succeeds in ‘totally removing those pains to The range of associations connected with porcelain, which the fl esh is heir’, according to the Amsterdam even though not always helpful, may have contributed humanist, Isaac Vossius (1618–1689), whose De to the Dutch enthusiasm for its recreation. It was a artibus et scientiis Sinarum (‘On the Arts and Sciences of the German prince who funded the solution of the ‘secret’ Chinese’, 1685) also extolled Chinese knowledge on of making porcelain, but collectors and artisans in the circulation of blood.25 When in 1709, the Chinese the Netherlands had laid the groundwork. Various doctor Chou Mei-Yeh visited the Netherlands in the scholars seem to have intuited correctly that the use company of a VOC offi cial, the Amsterdam mayor of specifi c clay was necessary. Indeed, Paludanus’s Nicolaas Witsen (1641–1717) had his pulse taken.26 scientifi c collection already contained kaolin, if we

222 CHINESE AND JAPANESE PORCELAIN FOR THE DUTCH GOLDEN AGE

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 222 07-05-14 16:35 may believe Duke Frederick I of Württemberg who symbols for chemical elements; a bowl from an visited in 1592: inspecting ‘two chests of all sorts 18th-century Danish porcelain factory, inscribed with of manufactured objects produced in India, China, an epigram extolling the material’s qualities, even and both Indies’, he found the ‘clay from which depicted a Faustian fi gure in his laboratory, inspecting porcelain is made’.32 Paludanus had personally met a distillation vessel.41 It is worth questioning to what the Portuguese traveller Damião de Góis (1502–1574) extent the Dutch appreciation of Chinese porcelain who had described Asian ceramics ‘made of shells was inspired by a similar interest in natural-historical so expensive that one piece costs several slaves’, yet experiments. The Middle Kingdom’s reputation the Dutchman took a critical stance and emphasised for alchemy had been already discussed in the early that porcelain was merely a clay product.33 Johannes 17th century.42 By 1685, Vossius extolled Chinese Blaeu’s Great Atlas (1655) likewise confi rmed that, in chemia (chemistry or alchemy), which he said had contrast to popular beliefs, a certain type of clay ‘very been evolving for 2,000 years if not the 4,600 that clear and shiny like fi ne sand’ was the main ingredient some had claimed for it, and he highlighted that it of a procedure that was otherwise kept secret.34 Yet served the pursuit of longevity.43 In fact, one of the in their attempts to reconstruct the manufacturing most conspicuous cultural parallels between 17th- process, the Dutch failed to locate the right materials. century Europe and the Middle Kingdom was the The VOC ultimately tried to import white clay from shared interest in alchemy. The recognition of this South Africa, which proved inadequate;35 Weyerman, parallel, however, actually hampered the exchange of in the early 18th century, still noted that kaolin was ‘as information. The Jesuits were the main agents in the valuable as gold, pearls, and gems’.36 In the end, Delft exchange of scientifi c knowledge between East and studios bought inferior materials from Britain and the West, and the Low Countries played an important Spanish Netherlands to make the faience imitations intermediary role by publishing and illustrating which, in order to mimic the brightness and sheen of their writings.44 Yet the missionaries gave short porcelain, had to be fi red at least twice: in addition shrift to chemistry, as they feared being associated to a white tin glaze covering the brownish body, a with alchemy, which they sought to eradicate rather transparent lead glaze protected the decoration.37 than promote as a superstitious practice.45 Thus Yet mastery of these operations turned Delft into the the situation arose that while Tschirnhaus’s group capital of Europe’s ceramic industry. Unsurprisingly, frantically sought the formula for porcelain, of the two Dutch potters, Gerrit van Malsem (1682–c.1733) Europeans who could do so none simply asked and his stepfather, eventually contributed to the the Chinese. The Jesuits’ reticence, obviously, only solution of the secret of porcelain in 1708.38 They contributed to the far-fetched scientifi c expectations had been invited to Saxony to work with the young that Europeans already tended to attach to porcelain. alchemist Johann Friedrich Böttger (1682–1719) and the scientist Ehrenfried Walter von Tschirnhaus It is diffi cult to establish how precisely these (1651–1708) who was himself schooled in Leiden and associations contributed to artists’ interest in on friendly terms with eminent Dutch scholars.39 porcelain. Delft was the obvious focus point: according to Dirck van Bleijswijck (1639–1681), Many historians have dwelled on the remarkable ‘nowhere in [the Netherlands] porcelain is made story of this team’s discovery, which was both a in a more subtle or refi ned manner as in this city, sophisticated feat of analytical chemistry and the in which they appear to imitate the Chinese most result of an alchemist’s belief in transmutation.40 successfully’.46 Delftware was called porceleyn To relinquish the belief that glass was an essential and its dependence on Asian aesthetics was not ingredient, Böttger’s background was essential, in something to be ignored: one of the potter’s studios that he believed that simply by fi ring clay he could was even named ‘China’.47 It is likely that this ‘transmute’ the raw material into something as industry impacted the wider art world. Painters and transparent and valuable as porcelain (he intuited potters shared a single guild and visited the same correctly that all clays turn vitreous once fi red at a glassmakers to buy cobalt glass, the basis for the blue suffi ciently high temperature). In fact, throughout the pigment of smalt. Johannes Vermeer (1632–1675) 18th century porcelain makers continued to emphasise himself, whose interest in the natural sciences, that mastery of the ‘arcanum’, the procedure of especially optics, is increasingly being recognised, porcelain manufacture, involved the broad range of had a demonstrable interest in Chinese ceramics.48 experiments associated with alchemists’ studios. In his Girl with Pearl Necklace (1664), a large vase Potters’ marks, for instance, referred to the current decorated in blue-and-white references authentic

CULTURAL REFLECTIONS ON PORCELAIN IN THE 17TH-CENTURY NETHERLANDS 223

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 223 07-05-14 16:35 Fig. 12 Willem Kalf (1619–1693), 1655– 1660. Oil on canvas, 73.8 cm × 65.2 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. no. SK-A-199. Fig. 13 Juriaen van Streeck (1632–1687), . Oil on canvas, signed, 90.5 x 80 cm, formerly with art dealer Salomon Lilian, Amsterdam.

Fig. 11 Johannes Vermeer (1632-1675), Girl with Pearl Necklace, 1662–65. Oil on canvas, 56.1 x 47.4 cm. Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. © bpk / Gemäldegalerie, SMB / Jörg P. Anders.

224 CHINESE AND JAPANESE PORCELAIN FOR THE DUTCH GOLDEN AGE

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 224 07-05-14 16:35 Chinese wares very convincingly and supports an level, painters sometimes thought of themselves intricate play of refl ections (Fig. 11). The light falling as alchemists and of their art as ‘transmuting’ through the window on the left bounces off the girl’s materials into precious fi gures: this had actually been face and dress before hitting not just the mirror but commonplace in texts about painting since Giorgio also the porcelain vase. The vase’s left-hand side, Vasari had attributed Jan van Eyck’s invention of furthermore, refl ects the second window of Vermeer’s oil paint to alchemical experimentation.52 Hendrik studio, which is to the left of the picture plane; the Goltzius’s well-documented activities as an alchemist porcelain’s mirroring qualities thus help to widen were even part of his artistic identity.53 Perhaps the the suggested space outside the frame, involving the repute of Chinese alchemy, and the idea that the viewer more completely.49 The painting is suggestive manufacture of porcelain would be the outcome of of the measure to which a Delft painter’s interest an alchemical process, contributed to the attraction in optics extended to the experiments in artisan’s that this foreign material exerted on painters in the studios, attempting to recreate the refl ective qualities oil medium. Masters who focused on representing of an unknown chemical substance. intricate refl ections and surface textures, harkening back to van Eyck’s reputation, may have looked One question that this association poses is whether at porcelain with similar associations in mind. painters would have imitated potters in their material Alchemy was by no means an out-dated ambition experiments. One of the potters’ attempts required by the late 17th century; yet among some, including mixing ground Chinese porcelain through their clays. Tschirnhaus’s patron Augustus the Strong, the desire Replicating this procedure in oil painting would have to make gold was gradually replaced by the desire to been at least technically possible: artists often used make porcelain.54 silicate as a fi ller or preparatory layer. Yet this would not have contributed to the desired optical effects, as the refractory index of lead white (the most commonly CERAMICS AS EXOTICA used white) would have been so much greater than that of a silicate mixture. The pigment of smalt would In van Kessel’s image, as we have seen, porcelain have presented another, perhaps more obvious, was associated with Africa rather than Asia: this parallel as it contained the cobalt used by both the may have been for stylistic as well as iconographic Chinese potters and their Delft imitators. However, reasons. Black people were not infrequently paired this cheap and unstable pigment seems to have been with porcelain in Dutch art.55 Jurriaen van Streeck avoided in still lifes. As Arie Wallert’s research has (1632–1687), for instance, made a series of fulsome revealed, depicting porcelain sometimes involved works featuring two categories of ‘commodities’ from more expensive materials. Kalf, for instance, mixed the Republic’s trade: slaves, who were exported from ultramarine with verdigris to arrive at the right blue West Africa to the Caribbean and porcelain, which for a Wanli bowl in one of his still lifes (the purplish was imported from Asia. Besides exposing the reach hue of the ultramarine was cooled with green) (Fig. of the Dutch seaborne empire, the artist seems to 12). This comes as a surprise, as the cheaper azurite, have appreciated the visual contrast between the soft already of the desired greenish-blue colour, would darkness of the black slave’s skin and the porcelain’s have been a logical choice.50 Kalf may therefore refl ective sheen (Fig. 13). have chosen ultramarine, which was made from ground lapis lazuli, for its scientifi c associations. As As these images suggest, the porcelain trade was a argued above, porcelain and gems were deemed to main element of the incipient global commerce that be closely related as precious naturalia coming from had one of its main hubs in the Low Countries. As Asia. Representing porcelain by using ultramarine early as 1520, Albrecht Dürer acquired three pieces of would then have expressed a painter’s involvement porcolana from a Portuguese merchant in Antwerp.56 in the scientists’ search for the origins of the foreign Confi rming Pontanus’s statement that porcelain material.51 featured prominently among the goods imported by the VOC, a satirical poem by Simon van Beaumont Whereas there is little doubt that porcelain’s optical (1574–1654) underscores the ubiquity of goods qualities attracted masters such as Vermeer and Kalf, from the East and West in Amsterdam, describing the association with chemistry and alchemy (which a rustic visitor shopping for luxury items including were not separate disciplines of knowledge at the ‘satin, damask, Turkish carpets, Milanese under- time) is also worth considering. On a metaphorical stockings, beautiful porcelain’, who ended up with

CULTURAL REFLECTIONS ON PORCELAIN IN THE 17TH-CENTURY NETHERLANDS 225

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 225 07-05-14 16:35 Fig. 12 Willem Kalf (1619–1693), Still Life with Silver Jug and a Wanli Bowl, 1655–1660. Oil on canvas, 73.8 cm × 65.2 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, inv. no. SK-A-199.

226 CHINESE AND JAPANESE PORCELAIN FOR THE DUTCH GOLDEN AGE

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 226 07-05-14 16:35 some ordinary wooden crockery.57 Rembrandt himself a candlestick from the pottery De Grieksche A, were eventually laid hands on porcelain specimens for at times decorated with fake characters.64 By the turn his collection of ‘everything that came hither from of the century, the apparently widely popular taste the world’s four continents’, to quote one of his fi rst for Chinese calligraphy, painting, and porcelain was critics.58 ridiculed in satirical journals such as Haagse Mercurius and Amsterdamsche Hermes.65 This data suggests There is no doubt that porcelain’s ubiquity in that porcelain may have conjured up more general the Dutch Republic resulted from the increased associations than the scientifi c ones outlined above. interconnectivity in economic terms that came We may attempt to sketch this broader outlook on with ‘First Globalisation’ (to use Geoffrey Gunn’s the Middle Kingdom among the lettered collectors of phrase). When export porcelain was designed for Chinese art. the European market and when the VOC provided Chinese potters with detailed images, these works were de facto products of the collaboration between PORCELAIN AND THE CHINESE UTOPIA cultures, examples of the hybridity that typifi es the cultural dimension of globalisation. It is, however, The trade in Asian goods inspired some to develop a open to question whether the 17th-century buyers highly positive view of Chinese civilisation. Among of porcelain in the Netherlands would have been all imports, books would have been only the tip of a aware of this hybridity or have evaluated it positively. far larger pyramid that included applied art, fabrics, There was, after all, a prosaic reality behind the ceramics, spices, and tea. Even though no one except Dutch shipments of ceramics from Asia and to the the odd Asian visitor was able to read these texts, the Caribbean: crates with porcelain were included as an suspicion that the Chinese had older written sources adequate water-resistant, odourless ballast material. than the Europeans proved an irresistible source of When Dutch colonists in Suriname used tableware speculation to some Dutch scholars, who engaged in in Jingdezhen style, it was probably not Chinese Chinese chronology.66 This topic ultimately inspired civilisation that was on their minds but rather the Vossius to doubt the validity of the biblical account, mercantile success of the VOC.59 Likewise, the Dutch as according to the Chinese texts, their history viewers of van Streeck’s works would have thought spanned 5,000 years, antedating the Great Flood. of Dutch commercial virtues rather than of Chinese Others emphasised Chinese excellence in technical aesthetics or African identities. This hypothesis is and scientifi c discoveries, such as Ten Rhijne, who confi rmed by the fact that there are no Dutch still lifes wrote that ‘among the Chinese frequent examples that emphasise porcelain’s ‘Chineseness’ by depicting are to be found of discoveries, especially in the arts, it next to Asian calligraphy or books. Although, for which other nations made independently whereas the instance, various Dutch scholars collected Chinese Chinese had come upon them long before.’67 texts, and they found the inscrutable characters a source of linguistic and philosophical speculation, Eventually, Johannes Blaeu’s (1596–1673) work on these objects never feature in paintings.60 Europe’s fi rst detailed maps of China and Jacob Golius’s (1596–1667) seminal attempt to print Neither did Dutch paintings show Chinese applied the characters were just two expressions of an art, paintings, and sculptures which, as archives exceptionally vivid public debate on China in the reveal, were imported alongside the spices and tea. Dutch Republic:68 thus the fi rst European translation An initial survey of inventories of Dutch households of Confucius was into Dutch (1675, by Pieter van points out that ‘Chinesen’ – Chinese fi gures on paper Hoorn) and the fi rst European tragedy set entirely in or silk, or perhaps sculptures – were not unfamiliar China was Joost van den Vondel’s Zungchin (1667), decorative items.61 The Antwerp city secretary Jacob followed by Johannes Antonides van der Goes’s Trazil Edelheer (1597–1657) even called his cabinet of (1685).69 exotica a ‘Musaeum Sinense’ (Chinese Museum); in Amsterdam, Witsen amassed a sizeable collection of It is likely that this debate on the Middle Kingdom Asian art.62 Furthermore, some of the delftware pieces was grounded implicitly on the physical presence of themselves that carefully imitated and sometimes Chinese material culture in Dutch households. The improvised on the original themes demonstrated interplay between material culture and intellectual that the Dutch public had become sophisticated in discussions comes to the fore most literally in its taste for things Chinese.63 Delft ceramics, such as Vossius’s Variorum observationum liber (1685). Besides

CULTURAL REFLECTIONS ON PORCELAIN IN THE 17TH-CENTURY NETHERLANDS 227

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 227 07-05-14 16:36 Fig. 13 Juriaen van Streeck (1632– 1687), Still Life with a Moor. Oil on canvas, signed, 90.5 x 80 cm, formerly with art dealer Salomon Lilian, Amsterdam.

228 CHINESE AND JAPANESE PORCELAIN FOR THE DUTCH GOLDEN AGE

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 228 07-05-14 16:36 his positive accounts of Chinese medicine and Vossius’s Chinese preferences all but disappeared chemistry, Vossius also discussed ceramics and from public debate, in tandem with a general waning their decoration, the ‘small containers and vessels’, of the scholarly interest in the Middle Kingdom. ‘pottery dishes’, and ‘simple household wares’ that When the Amsterdam philosopher Cornelis de Pauw despite being rusticus (plain, for everyday use) were (1739–1799) returned to China’s claims of scientifi c, outfi tted with imagery that surpassed the Western intellectual, and political prowess, his statements on tradition. ‘Those who say that Chinese paintings do porcelain were negative, perhaps implicitly reacting not represent shadows, criticise what they actually to Vossius. De Pauw tried to debunk European should have praised’, Vossius contended, arguing admiration for the secret of porcelain manufacture, at length that the draughtsmanship of the Chinese about which the Chinese had kept just as silent as was so much more subtle than that of the West that, they had about gunpowder.75 He denied any relation even without using strong shadows, it managed to to the vasa myrrhina, contrasting the Chinese wares’ evoke depth and atmosphere.70 This was, in fact, a low prices with the prodigious amounts mentioned by unique standpoint in a European context. Previously Pliny. Ultimately he even criticised technical aspects, Matteo Ricci (1552–1610), founder of the Jesuit stating, for instance, that a fi ring method intended to mission, had criticised Chinese brushwork for its create patterns of craquelure (called yao-pien) reduced lack of lifelikeness and his remarks were repeated by the decorative process to chance rather than artistic Nieuhof, whose artist’s sensibility should have made intention.76 De Pauw’s stance was in turn contested him a keener judge.71 Up to the early 18th century, by a Chinese Jesuit, Aloysius Ko (Gao Leisi, 1734– d’Entrecolles, who had observed the hoa pei (porcelain c.1790), who had studied physics, chemistry, and painters) from close up, remained extremely industrial technology in France.77 dismissive of them: One thing this fi nal controversy seems to confi rm save some of them, in Europe they could only pass for apprentices of a few months. The entire knowledge of is the integrated nature of ideas on material culture these painters, and in general of all Chinese painters, is and on Chinese civilisation and philosophy in based on no principle at all and consists only in a certain routine helped by a very limited imagination.72 general. It was only in the Dutch Republic that imported ceramics were so ubiquitous that China When an English visitor, Sir Francis Child (1641/2– was physically present in an incontrovertible manner. 1713), saw the factories in Delft in 1697, he even Since European reports about Chinese society could stated that the Delft potters ‘paint better than the obviously be dismissed as coloured by the translation Chinese’ when decorating their ‘porcelain’, failing and transmission process, and even the images only in imitating the thinness of the ceramic body.73 represented on porcelain wares were distorted by the ambition to cater to European buyers, there was but In fact, Vossius’s positive statements about Chinese one presence that was unmistakably Chinese: the ceramics and its decoration can be explained by material itself. In Dutch households, this material his more general utopian vision of China. Not only was seen and handled on a regular basis. In most did he state that the Chinese excelled in art and cases, this probably occurred without much thought music, literature and science, but also he saw their being given to its Asian origins; but it is nevertheless civilisation as altogether superior: a realisation of a likely that the presence of material culture must be Platonic Republic in which the Emperor responded to understood as the implicit basis for the topicality of the judgment of philosophers, who in turn responded China in intellectual discussions. Without the many to the people. It was in all aspects a stark foil to the porcelain dishes on the chimneypieces of Amsterdam, European situation, which was riven by wars and the fi rst European translation of Confucius might well religious disagreements during Vossius’s lifetime.74 not have been in Dutch.

This Chinese Utopia, connecting ceramics to philosophy, foreshadowed the fashion for chinoiserie that would evolve in the 18th century, up to Voltaire’s philosophical sinophilia: by that time, the images on applied art, representing leisurely Chinese in paradisiacal gardens, seemed to confi rm the idea that these people lived happier lives than the Europeans. In the later Dutch Republic, however,

CULTURAL REFLECTIONS ON PORCELAIN IN THE 17TH-CENTURY NETHERLANDS 229

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 229 07-05-14 16:36 Wandverkleidungen, Leipzig, 1996 (Bestandskatalog fol. 39–181. behelzende een meenigte van aardige voorvallen, welke der Verwaltung der Staatl. Schlösser u. Gärten 9. Inventory published in A. Bredius, Künstler- zich sedert weinig tijds te Amsterdam, Rotterdam, in Hessen; Vol. 5), p. 72. inventare, The Hague, 1915–1922, Part I, pp. Den Haag, te Utrecht en de bijgelegene Plaatsen, op de 106. G. Riemann-Wöhlbrandt 1990 (op. cit. note 98), p. 129–147. C. W. Fock, ‘Kunst en rariteiten in Koffy- en Theegezelschapjes... hebben voorgedragen, 62. het Hollandse interieur’, in: E. Bergvelt and R. met alle de debauches en ongeregeldheden, welke 107. G. Riemann-Wöhlbrandt 1990 (op. cit. note 98), p. Kistemaker (eds.), De Wereld binnen Handbereik; onder pretext van deeze laffe Dranken worden 61. Nederlandse kunst- en rariteitenverzamelingen, gepleegd: Beneevens een uitreekening van de Jaarlijkse 108. It is possible that Magdalena Wilhelmina used 1585–1735 (exhib. cat. Amsterdams Historisch schade, welke door dit Koffy- en Theegebruik... word her links with the House of Orange to acquire Museum), Zwolle/Amsterdam, 1992, pp. 70–91, veroorzaakt, enz, Amsterdam, 1701, citations porcelain. Her daughter-in-law Anna Charlotte esp. p. 79. respectively pp. 490/491, 483/484, 117. Amalie (1710–1777) was a daughter of Prince John 10. A. J. Veenendaal, Johan van Oldenbarnevelt; 23. Jan Luijken, Het leerzaam huisraad, vertoond in vyftig William Friso of Nassau-Diez. bescheiden betreffende zijn staatkundig beleid en zijn konstige fi guuren, met godlyke spreuken en stichtelyke 109. R. Stratmann, ‘Wohnkultur im 18. Jahrhundert familie. Third Part 1614–1620, Rijks Geschiedkundige verzen, Amsterdam, 1711, pp. 118–119. und ihr Wandel dargestellt am Beispiel des Publicatiën Grote Serie 121, The Hague, 1967, pp. 24. Jan Claus Willem van Laar, Het groot Ceremonie-boek baden-durlachischen Hofes’, Barock in Baden- 488–505. der beschaafde zeeden, Amsterdam, 1735, p. 415, Württemberg vom Ende des dreißigjährigen Krieges bis 11. C. W. Fock, ‘Frederik Hendrik en Amalia’s quoted in H. Dibbits, Vertrouwd bezit, 2001, pp. zur Französischen Revolution, vol. 2 (cat.), Karlsruhe, appartementen: vorstelijk vertoon naast de triomf 305–306. 1981, pp. 277–291, 287. van het porselein’, in: P. van der Ploeg and C. 25. K. Zandvliet, De 250 rijksten van de Gouden Eeuw; 110. In 1751 Charles Frederick von Baden-Durlach Vermeeren, Vorstelijk Verzameld; de kunstcollectie van kapitaal, macht, familie en levensstijl, Amsterdam, married Princess Caroline Louise von Hessen- Frederik Hendrik en Amalia (exhib. cat. Mauritshuis), 2006, no. 59. Darmstadt (1723–1783). The Hague/ Zwolle, 1997, pp. 76–86. 26. Estate inventory: Gemeentearchief Alkmaar, 111. R. Stratmann 1981 (op. cit. note 109), p. 287. 12. C. Viallé, ‘“Fit for Kings and Princes”: a gift of notarial archive, inv. no. 319, deed 32, 28 July 112. C. Bischoff, ‘Fürstliche Appartements um 1700 Japanese lacquer’, in: Y. Nagazumi (ed.), Large and 1679. und ihre geschlechtsspezifi sche Nutzung’, in: M. Broad; the Dutch impact on early modern Asia; essays in 27. K. Zandvliet 2006 (op. cit. note 25), no. 145; Estate Droste and A. Hoffmann (eds.), Wohnfor men und honour of Leonard Blussé, Tokyo, 2010, pp. 188–222. inventory: Stadsarchief Amsterdam, notarial Lebenswelten, Frankfurt, 2004, pp. 67–79. 13. S. Limburg 2005 (op. cit. note 1). Inventory archive, inv. no. 5329, no. 60, 17 June 1693, f. 292 published in Th. H. Lunsingh Scheurleer et al. ff. With thanks to Cynthia Viallé for a transcript of Chapter 11 Porcelain in the interior 1986–1992, (op. cit. note 5) Part VIb, pp. 865–869. the estate. 1. For this chapter I am indebted to Suzanne 14. The Delft examples are: Nicolaes Verburch, Direc- 28. Zandvliet 2006 (op. cit. note 25), no. 39; Limburg for her MA thesis, Porcelein in het interieur tor General and Council of the VOC had, accord- J. Veenendaal, ‘Het Indische huisraad van in de 17de en 18de eeuw, 2005, Leiden University, ing to an inventory of 1676, a ‘small chamber or Rijklof van Goens Jr.’, in: H. L. Houtzager et History of Art, supervised by Prof. Dr. C. W. Fock porcelain room’ (‘achterboven of porseleynkamer’); al. (eds.), Delft en de Oostindische Compagnie, and Prof. Dr. C. J. A. Jörg. Limburg analyses a Dirck van Bleijswyck, member of the city coun- Amsterdam, 1987, pp. 171–188. Estate inventory: great number of inventories. We are most grateful cil, also had according to his inventory of 1695 Gemeentearchief Delft, notarial archive, notary for her permission to use her thesis for this a porcelain room. See M. S. van Aken, ‘Delfts Philips de Bries, protocol no. 2329, deed 101, 1 publication. aardewerk: de “allerbeste” nabootsing van oost- October 1688, and Weeskamer archive, inv. no. 2. For this information I am extremely grateful ers porselein’, Vormen uit Vuur 180/181 (2003/1-2), 7567–7595, part 13, estate no. 629 III. to Adri van der Meulen and Paul Smeele. pp. 66–77, esp. p. 68. An Amsterdam example 29. K. Zandvliet 2006 (op. cit. note 25), no. 6. Gemeentearchief Rotterdam, Weeskamer archive, is: Harpert Tromp, former Mayor, had according 30. Inventory of the estate of Johan Cornelis inv. no. 364, 17 October 1597, f. 202 ff., porcelain to his inventory from 1691 a porcelain room. See Speelman: Gemeentearchief Rotterdam, old on f. 221 (Joris Joosten de Vlaming); inv. no. 368, M. van Aken, ‘Delfts aardewerk: wel een sieraad, notarial archive, access no. 01.2.061, notary 12 March 1601, f. 205 ff., porcelain on f. 215 (Aeltje geen schat een verzameling waard’, in: E. Bergvelt Philips Basteels, inv. no. 961, 3 May 1690, pp. 518– Cornelis); inv. no. 370, 13 May 1602, f. 211 ff., et al. (ed.), Schatten in Delft; burgers verzamelen 624. List of possessions of Cornelis Speelman, porcelain on f. 221 (Jan Jansz). 1600–1750 (exhib. cat. Prinsenhof), Zwolle/Delft, sold 20 August 1687, after his death in Batavia: 3. S. Ostkamp, ‘De introductie van porselein in de 2002, pp. 126–141, esp. p. 136. Nationaal archief, VOC archive, inv. no. 1431, pp. Nederlanden’, Vormen uit Vuur 180/181 (2003/1–2), 15. S. W. A. Drossaers and Th. H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, 736–738. pp. 17–18, and his Chapter 4 of this book. Inventarissen van de inboedels in de verblijven van de 31. M. S. Van Aken 2003 (op. cit. note 14), p. 67. 4. S. Limburg 2005 (op. cit. note 1), p. 22. Oranjes en daarmee gelijk te stellen stukken 1567–1795 32. K. Zandvliet 2006 (op. cit. note 25), no. 66. Stadsarchief Amsterdam, entry number 1468, not (RGP Grote serie 147–149), The Hague, 1974– Inventory of the estate made after the death of inventoried. 1976. Jacob Jacobsz Hinlopen de Jonge, husband of 5. S. Limburg 2005 (op. cit. note 1), inventory 16. Drossaers en Lunsingh Scheurleer (op. cit. note Hester Ranst: Stadsarchief Amsterdam, notarial published in Th. H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, 15), Part I, pp. 647–694 and A.M.L.E. Erkelens, archive, notary Casper Ypelaer, inv. no. 5333, 25 C. W. Fock and A. J. van Dissel, Het Rapenburg; ‘Delffs Porcelijn’ van koningin Mary II; ceramiek op het April 1699. For Hester Ranst in her later days: E. geschiedenis van een Leidse gracht, Leiden, 1986– Loo uit de tijd van Willem III en Mary II (exhib. cat. Tigelaar (ed.), Amoureuze en pikante geschiedenis van 1992, Part IIIa, pp. 397–403. Paleis het Loo), Zwolle, 1996. het congres en de stad Utrecht; Augustinus Freschots 6. B. Blondé, ‘Think Local, act Global? Hot drinks 17. M. Fitski, Kakiemon porcelain. A Handbook, verhaal achter de Vrede van Utrecht, Hilversum, 2013, and the consumer culture of the 18th century Amsterdam/Leiden, 2011. pp. 138–140. Antwerp’, contribution to Goods from the East: 18. S. Schama, The Embarassment of Riches, New York, 33. K. Zandvliet 2006 (op. cit. note 25), no. 262. Trading Eurasia 1600-1830. Conference at the 1987. Estate inventory: Utrechtsarchief, stadsarchief II Palazzo Pesaro-Papafava, Venice, 11–13 January 19. Much has been published on this subject. Most (access no. 702–7), inv. no. 3146–7. 2013, organised by the University of Warwick. use has been made of H. Nijboer, De fatsoenering 34. Gemeentearchief Delft, notarial archive, notary C. de Staelen, Spulletjes en hun betekenis in een van het bestaan; consumptie in Leeuwarden tijdens de J. de Bries, inv. no. 2405, deed 46, 22 August 1712, commerciële metropool; Antwerpenaren en hun Gouden Eeuw (PhD thesis Groningen University), fol. 242-270v. materiële cultuur in de zestienden eeuw (unpublished Groningen, 2007. 35. It is interesting to compare quantities and dissertation, Antwerp University), Antwerpen, 20. D. Defoe, Robinson Crusoe, London, 1719. Quoted diversity with the royal collections discussed 2007. With many thanks to Prof. Dr. Bruno Blondé in L. Weatherill, ‘Meaning of conspicuous by Canepa and Bischoff in Chapters 2 and 10 for making this information available. behaviour’, in: J. Brewer and R. Porter, respectively. 7. Stadsarchief Amsterdam, notarial archive, notary Consumption and the World of Goods, London, 1993, Jan Franssen Bruyningh, inv. no. 197, 19 January p. 206. Chapter 12 Cultural refl ections 1613, fol. 436–543. 21. A. Laabs, De Leidse fi jnschilders uit Dresden (exhib. * I would like to express my gratitude to the 8. Th. F. Wijsenbeek-Olthuis (ed.), Het lange Voorhout; cat. Museum De Lakenhal, Leiden and Staatliche research group, ‘Art and Knowledge in Pre- monumenten, mensen, macht, Zwolle, 1998, p. 91. Kunstsammlungen, Dresden), Zwolle etc., 2001, Modern Europe’, Max Planck Institute for the Gemeentearchief The Hague, notarial archive, pp. 102–104. History of Science, Berlin, which made this article notary T. van Swieten, inv. no. 309, 20 May 1663, 22. De gedebaucheerde en betoverde koffy- en theewereld, possible by granting me a Fellowship in 2012.

NOTES TO CHAPTER X-XI 265

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 265 07-05-14 16:36 1. The same Wanli bowl features in two of Kalf’s beschrijvinghe der seer wijt beroemde coop-stadt to emphasize as the greatest Chinese discovery. other works, respectively in the Gemäldegalerie, Amsterdam … in Nederduyts overgheset door Petrum For the Dutch knowledge of this topic see Cook Staatliche Museen, Berlin, inv. no. 948 (1661), Montanum, Amsterdam: Hondius, 1614, pp. 145– 2007 (op. cit. note 22), pp. 349–377. and the Collection of Isabel and Alfred Bader, 147. 25. The doctor accompanied Johan van Hoorn, Milwaukee/Kingston (c.1678). 11. J. A. Page & I. Doménech (eds.), Beyond Venice: Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, to the 2. S. Ostkamp, ‘Krekels, kikkers en een lang Glass in Venetian Style, 1500–1750, Corning and Netherlands. See L. Blussé, ‘Doctor at Sea: Chou en voorspoedig leven. De boeddhistisch- New York: Corning Museum of Glass, 2004, p. 8. Mei-Yeh’s Voyage to the West (1710–1711),’ in: taoïstische belevingswereld in de huiskamer van 12. With thanks to Dr. Alex Marr (Cambridge E. de Poorter (ed.), As the Twig is Bent ..: Essays in de vroegmoderne Republiek’, Vormen uit vuur University) for identifying these objects. Honour of Frits Vos, Amsterdam: Gieben, 1990, pp. 212/213, 2011, pp. 2–31. Kalf, who was an art 13. On the etymology see in detail P. Pelliot, Notes on 7–30. dealer, possibly also bought and sold porcelain; in Marco Polo, Vol. II, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale & 26. Witsen (Amsterdam) to Vossius (London), 6 any case his still lifes, for which he selected only Librairie Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1963, pp. 805–809. November [1670], Leiden University Library, UBL authentic Chinese wares, usually of a very refi ned 14. Ibid., pp. 810–11; D. F. Lach 1970 (op. cit. note Ms Bur F11, fol. 160r; J. van der Veen 1992 (op. sort, suggest that he had acquired a sophisticated 9), p. 105, discusses how the term porcelain ‘was cit. note 22), p. 140. Witsen asked the Chinese taste. used so broadly that it included agates, precious in Batavia for a translation of the text on a mirror 3. Two overviews without any ambition to stones, mother-of-pearl, and seashells within its found in a Siberian grave; he had to wait two years completeness are A. I. Spriggs, ‘Oriental Porcelain meaning. In the inventory of 1611–13 of Philip II’s for the reply: Witsen to and from Cuper, University in Western Paintings, 1450–1750’, Transactions of porcelains and other ceramics, listings may be of Amsterdam Special Collections, Bf 39, 4-11- the Oriental Ceramic Society XXXVI, 1964–66, pp. 73– found for “porcelains” of crystal, of agate, and of 1708; Bf 3, 20-10-1705. 76, and N. Ottema, Chineesche ceramiek: handboek stone.’ Generally speaking, pearls and precious 27. In the Low Countries, Margaret of Austria was geschreven naar aanleiding van de verzamelingen in het stones were associated with Asia (see p. 40). one of the earliest collectors of porcelain; see N. Museum het Princessehof te Leeuwarden, Amsterdam: 15. T. Browne, Pseudo-doxia epidemica, dat is: Ottema 1946 (op. cit. note 3), p. 180 (referring De Bussy, 1946, pp. 180–184. Beschryvinge van verscheyde algemene dwalingen to Inventaire des vaiselles, joyaux… de Marguerite 4. Of course, they may also have wanted to keep des volks, transl. J. Grindal, Amsterdam: Van d’Autriche, publié par H. Michelant, Brussels: Hayez, studio secrets for themselves. Goedesbergh, 1668, pp. 87-88; English original, 1870). See also Teresa Canepa’s and Cordula 5. T. Weststeijn, ‘The Middle Kingdom in the Low Pseudodoxia Epidemica: Or, Enquiries into Very Many Bischoff’s Chapter 2/Chapter 10 of this book. Countries: Sinology in the Seventeenth-Century Received Tenents, and Commonly Presumed Truths, 28. T. Browne 1656 (op. cit. note 15), p. 73; 1668 (op. Netherlands’, in: R. Bod, J. Maat & T. Weststeijn London: Ekins, 1656, pp. 72–73. cit. note 15), p. 88. (eds.), The Making of the Humanities, Vol. II: From 16. J. Nieuhof, Het gezantschap der Neêrlandtsche Oost- 29. ‘Alle spyze en drank die opgidist [sic] word in Early Modern to Modern Disciplines, Amsterdam: Indische Compagnie, aan den grooten Tartarischen Porcelyn verlekkert in smaak, en verheugt het oog ... Amsterdam University Press, 2012, pp. 209–242. Cham ... beneffens een naukeurige beschryving der De Confi tuuren zyn veel verglaasder in een schotel van 6. ‘De man, eer dat hy koopt, om niet te zijn bedrogen, /Hy Sineesche steden, dorpen, regeering, Amsterdam: Van porcelyn, dan in een schotel van zilver, en het fruit krygt knipt aen ’t postuleyn: het mocht misschien niet dogen:/ Meurs, 1665, pp. 90–91. een nieuwe waessem door het heerlyk hemelsblaauw En hoort zoo aen ’t geluyd, of ’t fi jn is naer zijn keur, / 17. For some examples see Frans II Francken, An van het porcelyn’, J. C. Weyerman 1723 (op. cit. note Of ’t niet te lomp en is, of ergens heeft een scheur’, Art Cabinet, 1636, Oil on wood, 74 x 78 cm, 8), p. 366. J. de Brune de Oude, Emblemata of zinne-werck, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna; Cornelis 30. J. Bruggeman, ‘Literaire chinoiserie in het werk Amsterdam: Kloppenburch, 1624, Emblem XXIII de Bailleur, Gallery of a Collector, c.1635, Oil on van Jacob Campo Weyerman’, Mededelingen van (Wat de man kan, wijst zijn reden an), p. 166. See also oak, 115 x 148 cm, Residenzgalerie, Salzburg; de Stichting Jacob Campo Weyerman 21, 1998, pp. F. X. d’Entrecolles, Brieven van pater d’Entrecolles Cornelis de Bailleur, Gallery of a Collector, 1637, Oil 25–30. en mededelingen over de porseleinfabricage uit oude on wood, 93 x 123 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris; 31. D. F. Lach 1970 (op. cit. note 9), pp. 20–21. boeken, D. F. Lunsingh Scheurleer (ed.), Alphen Hieronymus Francken (attr.), An Art Cabinet, oil on 32. De Gois quoted by D. F. Lach 1970 (op. cit. note 9), aan den Rijn: Canaletto, 1982, p. 355 (Letter of panel, 68.5 x 65 cm, auctioned at Christie’s, New p. 105; Paludanus’ annotation in Van Linschoten’s 1712): ‘La bonne porcelaine a un son clair comme le York, 2001-01-26, lot no. 109 (photos in RKD, The report, see A. C. Burnell and P. A. Tiele (eds.), verre’. Hague). The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the 7. ‘ ’t Zyn Vaten, doch zy doen geen nut,/Om Spyze op den 18. Jan van Kessel (1626–1679), The Element of Fire, East Indies: From the Old English Translation of 1598: Dis te draagen, ... Maar dienen enkel ’t welbehaagen,/ c.1665, auctioned at London, Sotheby’s, 1995- The First Book, Containing his Description of the East Tot Oogen lust en Pronkery’, J. Luyken, Het leerzaam 07-05; The Element of Fire, dated 1670, private (1885), London: Hakluyt Society, 1885, vol. I, p. huisraad, Amsterdam: Arentz and Van der Sys, 1711, collection (photos in RKD, The Hague). 130. Fig. XXIV, p. 118. 19. J. Needham and Lu Gwei-djen, Science and 33. D. F. Lach & E. van Kley, Asia in the Making of 8. ‘[E]en Man, die aan zyn beminde, het Porcelyn onthout, Civilisation in China, vol. V, Part 2: Spagyrical Discovery Europe. Volume III: A Century of Advance, Book 4: East ziet’er vry blaauwer uit dan een Verwers blaauwkuip vol and Invention: Magisteries of Gold and Immortality, Asia, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993, Indigo’, J. C. Weyerman, Den Amsterdamsche Hermes, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974, p. pp. 1602–3, referring to Novus Atlas Sinensis, vol. deel 2, nr. 46 (10 August 1723), pp. 365–367. His 269–270. XI of Johannes Blaeu, Le Grand atlas, Amsterdam: reference may have been to Bloemaert’s Lot and 20. P. Pelliot 1963 (op. cit. note 13), pp. 808–809. Blaeu, 1663, p. 5; Dutch edition, Grooten atlas, his Daughters (Fig. 5): here porcelain, alongside the 21. Apotekarsocieteten, Stockholm (as ‘School of oft werelt-beschrijving, in welcke’t aertryck, de zee, en oysters, may have been intended as a reference Terborch’, 1665, size and support unknown). hemel, wordt vertoond en beschreven, Amsterdam: to sexual seduction, although it was far more Image from D. A. Wittop Koning, ‘Van Antwerpse Blaeu, 1646–1665, vol. VI, Introduction to the common to use white faience in this context, as majolica tot Delfts aarderwerk IV’, Antiek 2/6, maps of China. Nora Vester kindly informed me. 1968, pp. 265–270, Fig. 41. The painting probably 34. In 1652, Jan van Riebeeck sent samples of white- 9. D. F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, Volume II: A represents maiolica rather than Chinese wares. fi ring clay from the Cape to Batavia, to see Century of Wonder, Book 1: The Visual Arts, Chicago: 22. H. J. Cook, Matters of Exchange: Commerce, Medicine, whether it could be used to make porcelain. It University of Chicago Press, 1970, p. 105; the and Science in the Dutch Golden Age, New Haven and could not. reference is to J. C. Scaliger, Exercitationes exotericae London: Yale University Press, 2007, pp. 141–2; E. 35. ‘[E]en gebakke Aarde .... die in een gelit gaat met het de subtilitate, Paris, 1557. Bergvelt and R. Kistemaker (eds.), De wereld binnen Goud, met de Paerelen, en met de edele Gesteentens’, 10. ‘[A]engaende de Porcelleynen, en mach niet naeghelaten handbereik, Zwolle: Waanders, 1992, p. 149. J. C. Weyerman 1723 (op. cit. note 8), p. 365. zijn, dat namelick dese Oost-Indische handelinghen een 23. W. ten Rhijne, Dissertatio de arthritide: Mantissa 36. See J. D. van Dam, Delffse Porceleyne: Dutch groote menichte der selver inde Nederlanden ghebracht schematica: de acupunctura: et orationes tres, I. de Delftware 1620–1850, Zwolle: Waanders, 2004, on hebben .... alsoo moet men ooc van de Porcelleynen, der chymiæ ac botaniæ antiquitate et dignitate. II. de the technical details of the production and the welcker overvloet daghelicx meer ende meer aenwast, physiognomia. III. de monstris, London: Chiswell, & import of marl (clay with high lime content) from gevoelen dat de selve eerst wt dese navigatien by The Hague: Leers, 1683. Tournai and Norwich, which the Delft potters de onse by na tot het gheybruyck des ghemeenen 24. I. Vossius, ‘De artibus et scientiis Sinarum’, in: added to their mixtures. volcks ghemeyn gheworden zijn … de Porcelleynen Isaaci Vossii variarum observationum liber, London: 37. J. Berger Hochstrasser, Still Life and Trade in the deses tijts… alleen, mijns wetens blau met wit daer Scott, 1685, pp. 69–85: 76. See also pp. 70–75 on Dutch Golden Age, New Haven: Yale University tusschen gemengt hebben’, B. Pontanus, Historische the circulation of the blood, which Vossius seems Press, 2007, p. 148, also notes the seminal role

266 CHINESE AND JAPANESE PORCELAIN FOR THE DUTCH GOLDEN AGE

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 266 07-05-14 16:36 of early Dutch experiments in red stoneware. Perspective, Optics, and Delft Artists around 1650, New interest in Chinese characters see T. Weststeijn, Tschirnhaus, for instance, visited Ary de Milde’s York: Garland, 1977, and P. Steadman, Vermeer’s ‘From Hieroglyphs to Universal Characters: workshop in Delft. Camera: Discovering the Truth behind the Masterpieces, Pictography in the Early Modern Netherlands’, 38. Tschirnhaus served in the Dutch Republic’s army Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. in: E. Jorink & B. Ramakers (eds.), Art and Science and befriended Huygens and Spinoza, with whom 48. Vermeer’s own studio was probably the space in the Seventeenth-century Netherlands; Netherlands he shared a special interest in lenses. that he represented in most of his works: see P. Yearbook for History of Art 61, 2011, pp. 238–281. 39. See most recently J. Gleeson, The Arcanum: The Steadman 2001 (op. cit. note 47). 60. Cf. the inventories of Christina Swieten Extraordinary True Story of European Porcelain, 49. A. Wallert, Still Lifes: Techniques and Style. An (Amsterdam 17 February 1682, NAA 2639, fi lm London: Bantam, 1998. Examination of Paintings from the Rijksmuseum, 2665), Cornelis van der Herff (17 March 1690, 40. R. Rückert, ‘Alchemistische Symbolzeichen Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 1999, pp. 77–80, no. Gemeentelijke Archiefdienst, Dordrecht ONA als Meissener Masse-, Former-, Bossierer- und 10. 482), Jan Wijnkoop (11 March 1701, Stadsarchief Drehermarken im vierten Jahrzehnt des 18. 50. According to d’Entrecolles lapis lazuli was also Amsterdam NAA 6216, fols 461–508); discussed Jahrhunderts’, Keramos 151 (1996), pp. 57–108, used in the decoration of Chinese porcelain. in T. Weststeijn, ‘Vossius’ Chinese Utopia’, in: E. referring to Johann Christoph Sommerhoff, D’Entrecolles 1982 (op. cit. note 6), pp. 360–362. Jorink & D. van Miert (eds.), Isaac Vossius (1618– Lexicon Pharmaceutico-Chymicum, Nuremberg: 51. ‘Giovanni da Bruggia... si mise... come quello che si 1689): Between Science and Scholarship, Leiden and Ziegerus & Lehmannus, 1701, appendix, p. dilettava dell’archimia, a far di molti olj pe[r] far Boston: Brill, 2012, pp. 207–242, notes 51–52. 100. The Danish bowl (Copenhagen 1784, d. 5 vernici,’ G. Vasari, Le vite de’ piu eccellenti pittori, 61. J. J. L. Duyvendak, ‘Early Chinese Studies in cm, Nationalmuseet, Stockholm), is discussed scultori, e architettori, 3 Vols, Florence: Giunti, 1568, Holland’, T’oung Pao 32, 1934, pp. 293–344: in F. Hofmann, Das Porzellan der Europäischen vol. I, part 2, p. 375. p. 302; N. Golvers, ‘De recruteringstocht van Manufakturen, Frankfurt: Propyläen, 1980, p. 263. 52. A. Buchelius, Vitae eruditorum Belgicorum, M. Martini, S. J. door de Lage Landen in 1654: 41. Matteo Ricci was the fi rst to comment on the ms. Utrecht University Library, no. 838, fols. over geomantische kompassen, Chinese Chinese interest in alchemy, followed by Francis 270v-271r; K. van Mander, Het schilder-boeck, verzamelingen, lichtbeelden en R. P. Wilhelm van Bacon’s ‘Sylva Sylvarum, or Natural History in Haarlem: Paschier van Wesbusch, 1604, fol. 286v. Aelst, S. J.’, De zeventiende eeuw 10/2, 1994, pp. Ten Centuries’ (1627), in: F. Bacon, Works, B. The comparison between painting and alchemy 331–350: p. 348. Montagu (ed.), Philadelphia: Parry & McMillan, is discussed in more detail in T. Weststeijn, 62. Timothy Brook calls attention to a plate made in 1857, vol. 4, pp. 159–160, and T. Spizel, De re ‘“Painting’s Enchanting Poison”: Artistic Effi cacy Delft at the end of the 17th century on which the literaria Sinensium commentarius, Leiden: Hackius, and the Transfer of Spirits’, in: C. Göttler & W. ‘faux-Chinese decoration’ is evident as one of the 1660. See J. Needham, Ho Ping-Yu & Lu Gwei- Neuber (eds.), Spirits Unseen: The Representation depicted Immortals is smoking a pipe, something djen, Science and Civilization in China, Vol. 5, Part of Subtle Bodies in Early Modern European Culture. that never occurred in Chinese iconography 3: Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Historical Intersections, Yearbook for Early Modern Studies 9, (Lambert van Meerten Museum, Gemeentemusea Survey, from Cinnabar Elixirs to Synthetic Insulin, Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2007, pp. 141–178. Delft); T. Brook, Vermeer’s Hat: The Seventeenth Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976, p. 53. Around 1697, Augustus the Strong even had an Century and the Dawn of the Global World, New York: 227; J. Needham and Lu Gwei-djen 1974 (op. cit. entire set of tableware made from enamelled solid Bloomsbury/Profi le, 2008, p. 118, Plate 5. note 19), p. 32 and J. Needham, Lu Gwei-djen & gold that mimicked porcelain; see J. Gleeson 1998 63. Compare the candlesticks made c.1690–1700 N. Sivin, Science and Civilization in China, Vol. 5, Part (op. cit. note 39), p. 80. by Adrianus Kocx’s studio, presently in the 4: Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Apparatus and 54. Hendrik van der Burch, The Card Players, c.1660, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam (or the candlestick, Theory, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, oil on canvas, 78 x 67 cm, Detroit Institute of illustrated as Fig. 10 of Chapter 13 of this book), 1980, pp. 323–324. Arts, and the examples in J. Berger Hochstrasser and the polychrome tile panel made in Delft 42. ‘Chemiam jam a bis mille annis apud Seras in usu 2007 (op. cit. note 37), Figs. 79, 117, 118, 134: c.1690–1730 (inv. nos. BK-1955-72-A/B) which, fuisse constat. Quod si ipsos audiamus Chemicos, Jurriaen van Streeck, Still Life with Moor and curiously, features black-skinned fi gures against a illi jam a sexcentis supra quarter mille annis ejus Porcelain Vessels, oil on canvas, 142 x 120 cm, Alte Chinese backdrop), also in the Rijksmuseum. arcessunt antiquitatem; nec aliunde primorum Pinakothek, Munich; Jurriaen van Streek (attr.), 64. Haegse Mercurius no. 97 (9 July 1698), [3] and no. hominum longaevitatem quam hujus scientiae benefi cio Moor with Nautilus Goblet, Porcelain, and Fruit, oil 103 (30 July 1698), [1-2]; Amsterdamsche Hermes, provenisse affi rmant. Doctiores tamen Medici id on canvas, 127 x 140 cm, formerly collection A. vol. 2, no. 46 (10 August 1723), pp. 365–366 and genus hominum cum omnibus suis fi gmentis arcanis, Kay, Edinburgh; H. van Streek, Interior with Still vol. 2, no. 4 (20 October 1722), pp. 25–30. in apertam non audentibus prodire lucem, strenue Life and a Moor, 1686, oil on canvas, 120 x 95 cm, 65. J. L. L. Duyvendak 1934 (op. cit. note 61); T. contemnunt. Nusquam plures invenias Chemicos quam Hermitage, St. Petersburg; Barend van der Meer, Weststeijn 2012 (op. cit. note 60). apud Seras, non divitias tantum, sed et immortalitatem Finely Laid Table with a Moor, 1675–1680, oil on 66. W. Ten Rhijne’s De arthritide quoted from J. quoque promittentes, eaque aliis liberaliter spondentes, canvas, 151 x 118 cm, Alte Pinakothek, Munich. Needham, Lu Gwei-djen & N. Sivin 1980 (op. cit. quae sibi ipsis praestare nequeunt’, I. Vossius 1685 55. N. Ottema 1946 (op. cit. note 3), p. 180. note 41) frontispiece, unpaginated. (op. cit. note 24), p. 77. 56. Quoted from A. Page and I. Doménech 2004 (op. 67. Golius’s ‘De regno Cattayo additamentum’ was 43. See T. Weststeijn 2012 (op. cit. note 5). cit. note 11), p. 193. included in M. Martini’s Atlas Sinensis, Amsterdam: 44. See Mr. de P*** [Cornelis de Pauw], Recherches 57. ‘[W]at ooit uit ’s waerelds vier gedeelten herwaarts Blaeu, 1655, a part of J. Blaeu’s Atlas. philosophiques sur les Egyptiens et les Chinois, II Vols, kwam’, A. Pels, Gebruik én misbruik des tooneels, M. 68. P. van Hoorn, Eenige voorname eygenschappen Amsterdam: Vlam, Leiden: Murray, & Berlin: A. Schenkeveld-van der Dussen (ed.), Culemborg: van de ware deugdt, voorzichtigheydt, wysheydt Decker, 1773, Vol. I, p. 356, who reproaches the Tjeenk Willink / Noorduijn, 1978, pp. 77–78. en volmaecktheydt, getrocken uyt den Chineschen Jesuits for failing to accurately portray the Chinese The inventory of Rembrandt’s ‘Kunstkamer’ Confucius, Batavia: Van den Eede, 1675; J. van as determined alchemists. He criticises Kircher (25–26 July 1656) lists as no. 153 ‚‘Twee porceleyne den Vondel, Zungchin of ondergang der Sineesche in particular, ‘homme capable de tout rêver et de tout Caguwarisen’ (‘two porcelain cassowaries’) and heerschappye Amsterdam: De Wees, 1667; J. A. van croire’, for glossing over the alchemical activities of as no. 155 ‘Twee porceleyne beeltiens’ (‘two small der Goes, Trazil of overrompelt Sina, Amsterdam: the Chinese Emperor. porcelain statues’). Other items, nos. 143, 144, Rieuwertsz, Arentsz & Magnus, 1685. 45. D. van Bleijswijck, Beschrijvinge der stadt Delft, 146, and 150 may have referred to wooden boxes 69. I. Vossius 1685 (op. cit. note 24), p. 79. Delft: Bon, 1667, p. 736. and lacquer rather than to ceramics. Amsterdam 70. J. Nieuhof 1665 (op. cit. note 16), Part II, p. 30. 46. This studio was located on the north end of the City Archive (Stadsarchief), DBK 364, fol. 32v. In Part I, p. 91, however, Nieuhof praises the Nieuwe Langendijk; see M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 58. On the Dutch export of ceramics to Suriname and porcelain painters’ skill in representing animals et al. (eds.), Delfts aardewerk: geschiedenis van een Curaçao see M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 1999–2003 and plants. nationaal product, III Vols, Zwolle: Waanders, 1999– (op. cit. note 46), vol. II, pp. 43–45. 71. ‘Ces Hoa pei, ou Peintres de porcelaine ne sont gueres 2003, vol. I, p. 14. See also Susanne Lambooy’s 59. Ernst Brinck’s collection of Chinese books mons gueux que les autres ouvriers: il n’y a pas de Chapter 13 of this book. was especially renowned: the German scholar quoi s’en etonner, puisqu’a la reserve de quelques-uns 47. He also depicted Chinese porcelain in Woman Bartholdus Nihusius described it to Athansius d’eux, ils ne pourroient passer en Europe que pour des Reading a Letter, c.1657–1659, Dresden, Kircher in Rome on 22 September 1651, Archive apprentis de quelques mois. Toute la science de ces Gemäldegalerie, and in A Girl Asleep, 1657, Pontifi ca Universita Gregoriana, Ms 557 (Ep. Peintres, & en general de tous les Peintres Chinois, n’est Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. On Kirch. III) fol. 222–223; see also J. van der Veen fondee su aucun principe, & ne consiste que dans une Vermeer’s optical interests see A. Wheelock, 1992 (op. cit. note 22), p. 137. On the Dutch certaine routine aidee d’un tour d’imagination assez

NOTES TO CHAPTER XII 267

130850_p130850_p001_280.indd001_280.indd 267 07-05-14 16:36 bornee. Ils ignorent toutes les belles regles de cet art’, Aken-Fehmers, T. M. Eliëns, S. M. R. Lambooy, 23. M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 2002 (op. cit. note 1), F. X. d’Entrecolles (letter of 1712), D. F. Lunsingh Het Wonder van Delfts Blauw. DelftWare WonderWare, p. 132. For the equivalent names of the shapes of Scheurleer 1982 (op. cit. note 6), pp. 298–300. Zwolle/The Hague 2012, pp. 19–33; C. J. A. Jörg, Chinese porcelain and Delft earthenware see 72. K. van Strien, Touring the Low Countries. Accounts Oosters porselein Delfts aardewerk. Wisselwerkingen, M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 2007-b, (op. cit. note 4), of British Travellers, 1660–1720, Amsterdam: Groningen, 1983; C. J. A. Jörg, Oriental Porcelain and pp. 101–104. Amsterdam University Press, 1998, p. 125. the Netherlands. Interaction between East and West in 24. For transcriptions of the estate inventories of the 73. ‘[W]hen [the Chinese] Kings sin, the philosophers the 17th century, Riga, 2011. potteries De Metaale Pot (1691) and Het Jonge have as great a liberty to admonish them, as ever 5. The Italian tin-glazed earthenware was described Moriaanshooft (1692) see M. S. van Aken-Fehmers the Prophets had with the Israelites. The people in around 1557 by Cipriano Piccolpasso in his 1999 (op. cit. note 1), pp. 194–197, 210–211 and have the same freedom to judge the philosophers, ceramics handbook: C. Piccolpasso, Li tre libri for overviews of production range and price lists when they do not fulfi l their duty’, I. Vossius, Isaaci dell’arte del vasaio / The Three books of the potters Appendices 1–2. Vossii variarum observationum liber, London: Scott, art, 1557, R. Lightbrown, A. Caiger-Smith (transl. 25. Transcription of estate inventory in M. S. van 1685, pp. 58–59; see also T. Weststeijn 2012 (op. and annotation), Castel Durante facsimile (2nd Aken-Fehmers 1999 (op. cit. note 1), pp. 194–197, cit. note 60). edition), Verdin-le-Vieil, 2007. p. 196. 74. C. de Pauw 1773 (op. cit. note 44), vol. II, p. 458. 6. M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 2007-b (op. cit. note 4), 26. S. W. A. Drossaers, Th. H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, 75. C. de Pauw 1773 (op. cit. note 44), vol. II, p. 413. p. 95, Fig. 1. See also J. M. Baart, ‘Het Hollants Inventarissen van de inboedels in de verblijven van de 76. Ko’s answers were partially published in the Jesuit Porceleyn 1600-1660’, Vormen uit Vuur 180/181, Oranjes en daarmee gelijk te stellen stukken 1567– Mémoires of 1777. See J. Needham, Science and 2003, pp. 56–65. 1795, three parts, ’s-Gravenhage, 1974. GS 148, Civilisation in China, vol. V, Part 3: Spagyrical Discovery 7. Citation from M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 2002 (op. Inventaris van roerende goederen van Henriette Amalia and Invention: Historical Survey, from Cinnabar cit. note 1), p. 127. van Nassau-Dietz, geboren van Anhalt-Dessau, in het Elixirs to Synthetic Insulin, Cambridge: Cambridge 8. K. van Strien, Touring the Low Countries, Accounts of Hof te Leeuwarden 1688–1694, p. 156, no. 588. University Press, 1976, pp. 227–228, and J. D. British Travellers, 1660-1720, Amsterdam, 1998, p. 27. Transcription of the estate inventory in M. S. van Burson, ‘Chinese Novices, Jesuit Missionaries 125, citation from M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 1999 Aken-Fehmers 1999 (op. cit. note 1), pp. 210–211, and the Accidental Construction of Sinophobia in (op. cit. note 1), p. 37. reference in M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 2002 (op. cit. Enlightenment France’, French History 27/1, 2013, 9. M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 2007-b (op. cit. note 4), note 1), p. 132. pp. 21–44: esp. pp. 31–43. p. 94. 28. P. Biesboer, China-Delft-Europa. Chinoiserie (exhib. 10. Manuscript of maiolica potter and tile maker cat. Het Prinsenhof), Delft, 1976. Chapter 13 Dutch delftware and Chinese porcelain Petrus Sijbeda, collection Gemeentemuseum 29. For Kraak porcelain and the Delft imitations see 1. Cramer died in Delft in 1740. Citation taken Het Hannemahuis, Harlingen. Recipe (p. 40) in M. S. van Aken-Fehmers, op. cit. note 4, 2003, pp. from T. M. Eliëns (ed.), M. S. van Aken-Fehmers, pounds: tinas : 200 lood, 80 fi jn tin; masticot: 300 67–77. L. A. Schledorn, Delfts aardewerk. Geschiedenis zand, 100 Engelse soda; tinglazuur: 300 masticot, 225 30. For the combination of Chinese fi gures and van een nationaal product, I, Zwolle/The Hague tin-as, 40 zout, 12 lb pot-as, 4 lb naalde- of spelde Moorish fi gures in polychrome tile pictures see (Gemeentemuseum Den Haag), 1999, p. 19 vijlsel. H. E. van Gelder, ‘Het grote tegeltableau der (henceforth M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 1999); M.S. 11. D. van Bleijswijck, Beschryvinge der stadt Delft, Collectie Loudon’, Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum 4, van Aken-Fehmers, ‘Delfts aardewerk: wel een Delft, 1667, pp. 736–737, M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 1956, pp. 96–101. sieraad, geen schat een verzamling waard’, in: 1999 (op. cit. note 1), pp. 17, 19, M. S. van 31. For other examples see M. S. van Aken-Fehmers, E. Bergvelt, M. Jonker & E. Wiechmann (eds.), Aken-Fehmers, L. Schledorn, A. G. Hesselink, et al., Delfts aardewerk. Geschiedenis van een Schatten in Delft. Burgers verzamelen 1600-1750, T. M. Eliëns, Delfts aardewerk. Geschiedenis van nationaal product. Dutch Delftware. History of a Zwolle/Delft (Museum Het Prinsenhof) 2002, pp. een nationaal product, vol. II, Zwolle/The Hague National Product, vol IV, Vazen met tuiten. 300 jaar 127–141. (Gemeentemuseum Den Haag), 2001, p. 36. pronkstukken. Vases with spouts. Three centuries of The data in this article are based on the 12. L. Schledorn, ‘Het Delfsche porceleijn werd wijdt splendour, Zwolle/The Hague (Gemeentemuseum research project ‘Dutch Delftware’ of the en zijdt getrocken: de handel in Delfts aardewerk’, Den Haag) 2007 (henceforth M. S. van Aken- Gemeentemuseum Den Haag (1995–present) in: M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 2001 (op. cit. note 11), Fehmers 2007a), cat. nos. 9.03–9.07. led by T. M. Eliëns, carried out by M. S. van Aken- pp. 37–45. 32. M. Reed & P. Demattè (eds.), China on Paper. Fehmers, S. M. R. Lambooy and L. Schledorn, 13. La Haye/Rotterdam 1690, Volume 2. [...] ‘On fait European and Chinese Works from the Late Sixteenth published in the fi ve- volume series Delfts de fort belles fayences à Nevers & en Hollande, qu’on to the Early Nineteenth Century, Los Angeles, 2007, aardewerk. Geschiedenis van een nationaal product, appelle de fausses porcelaines, & qu’on a quelquefois de pp. 13, 142. For imitations in textiles see F. Ulrichs, Zwolle / The Hague, 1999, 2001, 2003, 2007, 2013. la peine à distinguer des vrayes.’ ‘Johan Nieuhof’s and Olfert Dapper’s Travel Citations and fi gures from this series are used in 14. L. Schledorn, ‘Oosters porselein en Delfts Accounts as Sources for European Chinoiserie’, this article with the permission of the author M. S. aardewerk: een economische wisselwerking?’, in: A Taste for the Exotic. Foreign Infl uences on Early van Aken-Fehmers. E. Bergvelt, M. Jonker & E. Wiechmann 2002 (op. Eighteenth-Century Silk Designs, Riggisberger Berichte 2. See L. Schledorn, ‘De Kamer Delft van de VOC: cit. note 1), pp. 143–155., p. 151 and Fig. 2, p.152. 14, 2007, pp. 45–56. een rijke bron’, in: E. Bergvelt, M. Jonker & E. For the management and ownership history of 33. S. M. R. Lambooy, ‘Plaques: A Blueprint of Wiechmann 2002 (op. cit. note 1), pp. 31–45. delftware factories see L. Schledorn in M. S. van Delft’ in: R. D. Aronson, S. M. R. Lambooy, Dutch 3. M.S. van Aken-Fehmers 1999 (op. cit. note 1), p. Aken-Fehmers 2001 (op. cit. note 11), pp. 69–96. Delftware. Plaques: A Blueprint of Delft, Amsterdam, 30; M.S. van Aken-Fehmers 2002 (op. cit. note 1), For the management and ownership history of Aronson Antiquairs, 2008/2009, pp. 4–7. p. 133. delftware factories see L. Schledorn in M. S. van 34. For a polychrome dish from the delftware pottery 4. Literature on the infl uence of Asian porcelain on Aken-Fehmers 2001 (op. cit. note 11), pp. 69–96. Het Moriaanshooft, c.1680–85, decorated with Dutch delftware: 15. M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 2002 (op. cit. note 1), p. fi gures from Dapper’s Beschryving des Keizerryks, M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 2002 (op. cit. note 1); 129, Fig. 1. see R. D. Aronson and S. M. R. Lambooy, Dutch M. S. van Aken-Fehmers, ‘Delfts aardewerk: de 16. M. S. van Aken-Fehmers 2001 (op. cit. note 11), pp. Delftware, including selections from the Collection of ‘allerbeste’ nabootsing van oosters porselein’, 52–55 and Fig. 2. Dr. F.H. Fentener van Vlissingen and a rare group of I.W. Vormen uit Vuur, 180/181, 2003, pp. 67–77; M.S. 17. L. Schledorn 2002 (op. cit. note 11) Hoppesteyn marked objects, Amsterdam, Aronson van Aken-Fehmers, ‘Dutch Delftware: the ‘Very 18. Ibid., p. 155. Antiquairs, 2008, pp. 26–29, cat. nr. 13. A set of Best’ Imitation of Chinese Porcelain’, in: S. 19. Ibid., p. 154. wall plaques with decoration after the print Ananas Pierson (ed.), Transfer. The infl uence of China on 20. M. S.van Aken-Fehmers 2007-b (op. cit. note 4) p. from Het Gezandtschap by Nieuhof in the collection World Ceramics (Colloquies on Art & Archaeology in 96. of Dyrham Park, UK, is illustrated in H. Ressing, Asia Nr. 24), SOAS/ Percival David Foundation 21. Ibid., p. 93. ‘Delfts aardewerk in Dyrham Park’, Vormen uit Vuur of Chinese Art, London, 2007, pp. 93–121 22. For the reproduction of the book of marks see M. 173, 2000, pp. 3–28, p. 24, Figs. 32–33. (henceforth 2007-b); M. S. van Aken-Fehmers, S. van Aken-Fehmers 2012 (op. cit. note 4), pp. For the infl uence of chinoiserie prints by Petrus ‘Delfts ‘porceleyn’ in Chinese stijl’, in: C. 78–85. Archive research has shown that the shop Schenk junior (1693–1775) on ceramics see A. L. Lahaussois (ed.), Delfts aardewerk, Paris/Brussel/ sign was already in use in 1665, see M. S. van den Blaauwen, ‘Ceramiek met chinoiserieën naar Amsterdam, 2008, pp. 106–111; M. S. van Aken- Aken-Fehmers 2007-b (op. cit. note 4), p. 107 and prenten van Petrus Schenk Jr’, Bulletin van het Fehmers, ‘De verlokkingen van Azië’, in: M. S. van note 60. Rijksmuseum 12, 1964-2, pp. 35–49.

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