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Tamil Nadu Assembly Elections 2021: Dravidian Politics at Crossroads

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Tamil Nadu Assembly Elections 2021: Dravidian Politics at Crossroads ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846 Tamil Nadu Assembly Elections 2021: Dravidian Politics at Crossroads EPW ENGAGE The elections to the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly provide an opportunity to reassess the fault lines in the caste, religious and ethno-geographical identities in the state and their significance in electoral politics. Elections to the legislative assembly of Tamil Nadu were held in a single phase on 6 April 2021 with a voter turnout of 72.78%. With the counting of votes scheduled to take place on 2 May 2021, the electoral prospects of various parties and alliances are in the fray. Some of the key pre-poll formations for the 2021 assembly elections in Tamil Nadu include: i. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) and including S Ramadoss’s Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and others; ii. The Secular Progressive Alliance led by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and including the Indian National Congress (INC), the Communist Party of India (CPI), the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI[M]), the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), Vaiko’s Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), Kongunadu Makkal Desia Katchi (KMDK), and others; iii. The alliance between T T V Dhinakaran’s Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam (AMMK), the Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK), the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), and others. ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846 iv. The Makkalin Mudhal Kootani led by Kamal Haasan’s Makkal Needhi Maiam (MNM) and including Indhiya Jananayaga Katchi (IJK), All India Samathuva Makkal Katchi (AISMK), and others; v. Unallied parties such as S Seeman’s Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). Without attempting to make predictions regarding the outcome of the recently held elections, we look through articles published in EPW to examine the interplay of some of the conflicting identities in the state and their political implications. Anti-caste Movement and Dravidian Politics The political space in Tamil Nadu has been dominated by the two Dravidian parties—DMK and AIADMK, which have alternated in holding power in the state since 1967. P Ramajayam (2019) explained: Tamil Nadu is the only state in India which has been ruled by state-level parties either single-handedly or in alliance with the national parties since 1967. The DMK has been a strong regional political force in the state since the 1960s. Its breakaway party, the AIADMK headed by M G Ramachandran came to dominate state politics. From 1971 onwards national parties have been depending heavily upon the Dravidian parties. Alliances with other parties—including the national parties—have been forged on the terms of the DMK and AIADMK. An EPW editorial (2018) noted: In the past, political contestation in Tamil Nadu has been largely limited to the two Dravidian parties with other forces, including national parties and long- established parties with specific social bases hitching themselves to either of these parties’ bandwagons during elections. The Dravidian parties also perfected a system of patronage to go along with welfare-oriented governance, that included entrenched corruption, to consolidate themselves and remain dominant. They managed to effectively subordinate parties such as the Indian National Congress (INC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the state despite supporting them at the centre in the past. But their system of patronage—consistent even as the Dravidian parties alternated in power—has always had its discontents. The political successes of the Dravidian parties are marked by the anti-caste impetus provided by the Dravidian movements. Rajan Kurai Krishnan (2018) wrote: ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846 The Dravidian movement is constituted by its engagement with caste inequality, for which it held scripturally sanctioned Brahmin supremacy as providing the model and the impetus. Over the last 50 years, this has led to the near removal of Brahmins and other upper castes from political power in the state, with the singular exception of Jalayalalithaa, a Brahmin woman. … No matter how the success of Dravidian parties and their rule in eradicating caste inequality and discrimination is measured, there can be no denial that they brought caste into public reckoning as assemblages of power. This galvanised democratic aspirations in the state, which appears to have had an impact on developments in various social sectors, particularly health and education, in comparison with North Indian states. The state has held on to 69% reservations. Similarly, M Vijayabaskar and Vignesh Karthik K R (2021) also observed: Both the DMK and the AIADMK owe their electoral success to their ability to suture together a bloc of subaltern communities on the plank of dignity and social justice. Affirmative action policies, broad-basing access to healthcare and education, and a mix of both universal and targeted welfare interventions have ensured relatively inclusive developmental outcomes compared to most states in the country. Importantly, the two parties have thus far managed to hold the subaltern communities across castes and religions as a bloc despite emergence of frictions between specific communities. While commentators have questioned whether the Dravidian parties continue to remain relevant, especially after the deaths of AIADMK general secretary and former Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa, and DMK president and former Chief Minister M Karunanidhi, others have cited the voting patterns in recent years to contend for the continued political dominance of the parties. For instance, citing the DMK’s success in all 23 seats it contested in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections in the state (the DMK-led alliance swept the polls by winning all but one seat), Ramajayam made the case: The election results in some ways indicate the reassertion of Dravidian identities and the key role for the Dravidian parties in the politics of the state. Shifting Dravidian Politics—Geographical and Ethnic Identity But do the continued electoral successes of the Dravidian parties indicate a continued ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846 political relevance of the Dravidian ideology, in an equal sense? Drawing from The Strangeness of Tamil Nadu: Contemporary History and Political Culture in South India by M S S Pandian, V Geetha (2021) in her review of the book wrote: The party (DMK) … has strategically recast the values and principles of the Dravidian movement, particularly Periyar’s ideas, to both legitimise as well as serve its will to power. Its leadership had become captive to dominant caste interests and its understanding of identity, whether of caste, religion, gender or ethnicity, has been substantially different from Periyar’s own complex understanding of these matters. According to Pandian, Periyar conceived of oppression as unfolding along several axes of caste, gender, class and so on and posited multiple approaches to combat inequality and injustice. The DMK, on the other hand, had adopted an “atomistic approach” and lost sight of Periyar’s “integrative” approach. It could easily adopt one or two strands of Periyar’s legacy and not consider these in tandem with others in the cluster of inequalities. Geetha analysed the shift in the Dravidian debate differently from Pandian and took it back to Periyar himself. While Periyar recognised multiple oppressions, he did mark the condition of the so-called untouchables and of women as constituting the essential inhumanity of the caste order. This is evident in almost all his writings from the 1920s and into the 1940s. There is a shift in the terms of his debate thereafter, as he assimilates several levels of injustice and oppression to an overarching oppression of the “Dravidian” south by the “Aryan” north. The constituent features of this latter were of course the multiple oppressions that he had addressed all his life—caste, untouchability, the Hindu religion, the women’s question—but the multiplicity of approaches that he had adopted were often folded into a consistent opposition to Hindu-Hindi-India. To be sure, this opposition was contingent on specific events or developments that elicited dissent but the logic of resistance remained in place: a refusal to accept the validity of the Indian nation state. Krishnan characterised the heart of the debate regarding the Dravidian identity: The key issue is the meaning of the word “Dravidian.” It refers to the ethnic or racial identity of the non-Aryan inhabitants of South India as well as to its geographical spread. Historically, the non-Brahmin movement used the term to ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846 mark their counter-hegemonic politics against the Brahminical elite, who accepted the orientalist labelling of their identity as Aryan. In the aftermath of the deaths of Jayalalithaa and Karunanidhi, emerging political leaders, such as film stars Kamal Haasan and Rajinikanth, have claimed that the rule of Dravidian parties should end in the state primarily because of rampant corruption promoted by their populist measures. Yet, Haasan has also invoked an insular definition of the Dravidian identity solely based on geography. Krishnan explained: [A]fter the initial speech delivered by Haasan, it appears that there is a subtext to this cleaning operation. The Dravidian movement is blamed for divisive politics based on caste differences. Since caste identity has always been seen as a corruption of the ideal of deracinated citizenship as well as the historically-ordained class struggle, the cleaning up of corruption is subtly underlined by an argument about cleaning politics of caste identities. … Haasan (another Brahmin), by explaining the six hands that hold each other in the party flag as the six states of South India, has defined Dravidian identity as based entirely on geography. Vijayabaskar and Kartik elaborated upon the emergence of Haasan’s MNM and Seeman’s NTK in the context of their rejection of the politics of the Dravidian parties. Haasan’s MNM seeks to bring about two changes in the politics of TN.
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