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Jolyon Howorth & Vivien Schmidt
EU GLOBAL STRATEGY 50 ExperT Opinion Jolyon Howorth & Vivien Schmidt Visiting Professor of Political Science, Yale University Professor of International Relations, Boston University There is a danger in making the strategic review hope to achieve in the neighbourhood – including too complex. There is merit in recalling the par- the neighbours of the neighbours. The geograph- simonious interpretation of the world that has ic focus is important. The EU is a global trading inspired realists: system anarchy; the fundamen- actor and a key partner of the UN; but in terms tal role of states; the centrality of the distribution of the deployment of crisis management power, of power; balance of power. Indeed, power itself. it should not for the foreseeable future aspire to be anything other than a regional power. These basics remain the© crucialEU Institute forelements Security Studies, of 2015. inter | QN-AL-15-00X-2A-N- | ISBN 978-92-9198-258-5 | ISSN 2315-1129 | DOI 10.2815/77528 national relations. The currencies the EU prefers What might the EU hope to achieve in the neigh- – multilateralism, international law, international bourhood? Lucidity about the EU’s real leverage institutions, diplomacy, soft and smart power – is essential. If EU accession is not on the cards, have all come into their own since 1945 and they leverage is massively reduced. The most the EU have a vital role to play. But there should be no can hope to do in the southern neighbourhood is illusions: positive sum aspirations have not re- to assist local and regional political initiatives aimed placed zero-sum realities. -
European Union Page 1 of 10
European Union Page 1 of 10 HOME ARCHIVE CONTACT EUROPEAN UNION Europe Sales Recruitment European Union Looking to set up in Europe? We recruit Everything to do with European Union items. Country Managers Yahoo.com The European Union or EU is an intergovernmental and supranational organisation of European countries, which currently has 25 member states. The Union was established under that name by the Treaty on European Union (commonly known as the Maastricht Treaty) in 1992. However, many aspects of the EU eu training existed before that date through a series of predecessor EU Directives, ICH, EMEA organisations, dating back to the 1950s. The European Two training locations in Union's activities cover all policy areas, from health and Europe! economic policy to foreign affairs and defence. www.cfpie.com However, the nature of its powers differs between areas. Depending on the powers transferred to it by its member states, the EU therefore resembles a federation (e.g. monetary affairs, agricultural, trade and environmental policy), a confederation (e.g. in European Union social and economic policy, consumer protection, Find European Union internal affairs), or an international organisation (e.g. Maps at Great Prices. in foreign affairs). A key activity of the EU is the www.Pronto.com establishment and administration of a common single market, consisting of a customs union, a single currency (adopted by 12 of the 25 member states), a Common Agricultural Policy and a Common Fisheries Eu Communication Policy. On 29 October 2004, European heads of A study about the government signed a Treaty establishing a Constitution Institutional for Europe, which is currently awaiting ratification by Communication of the individual member states. -
Europe: Searching for Its Strategic Compass
Europe: Searching for its Strategic Compass. Emmanuel Macron’s Vision Author: Jānis Eichmanis Associate Fellow Latvian Institute of International Affairs 2020, Rīga Europe: Searching for its Strategic Compass. Emmanuel Macron’s Vision Jānis Eichmanis Associate Fellow Latvian Institute of International Affairs Riga, 2020 Executive Summary Compelled by the shifting global power relationships which can, at various levels, act as threat multipliers, the European Union, collectively and at the level of member states, seeks geopolitical understanding of these shifts and their consequences for European security; metaphorically, one could say that it is a matter of finding Europe’s ‘strategic compass’. The result, after a process of analysis and debate, would be a common threat analysis and a common strategic culture. Two parallel processes have been initiated; one by the French President Macron that is based on an exclusive group of countries, including the U.K., and the other inclusive, initiated by the Union’s Defence Ministers. From a Latvian perspective the French initiative is the one more fraught with ambiguity, as it is embedded in an attempt to come to terms with the Union’s relations with the United States, Russia and China. In the French understanding of these relations Europe should not become an object of contention but should maintain an independent and autonomous foreign policy course that serves Europe’s interests as an integrated entity that upholds the principles of the ‘rules-based international order’. How President Macron makes his case for his version of the EU’s strategic compass is the subject of this paper. It raises the question of whether Macron’s attempts to refashion the Union’s strategic focus will merge with that of the inclusive EU strategic process or whether the French maintain its separate identity. -
A New Institutional Architecture for the Transatlantic Relationship?
EuropeEurope VVisionsisions 55 A New Institutional Architecture for the Transatlantic Relationship? Jolyon Howorth June 2009 Ifri-Bruxelles The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the authors alone. ISBN : 978-2-86592-558-2 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2009 IFRI IFRI-BRUXELLES 27 RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THÉRÈSE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15, FRANCE 1000 - BRUXELLES, BELGIQUE PH. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 PH. : + 32 (0)2 238 51 10 Email : [email protected] Email: [email protected] WEBSITE : Ifri.org Contents THE CRISIS OF TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS ........................................ 2 NATO: P ART OF THE SOLUTION OR PART OF THE PROBLEM ?.............. 4 HISTORY IN FAST -FORWARD MODE ..................................................... 7 REVISED INSTITUTIONAL ARCHITECTURE & R ECOMMENDATIONS -
Ivv), 1913 – 1945
De Internationale van Amsterdam De Wereld van het Internationaal Vakverbond (IVV), 1913 – 1945. 1 Korte Inhoud Inleiding 1 De Wereld van het Internationaal Vakverbond 13 (Amsterdam, Berlijn, Parijs) De Verscheurende roep naar Internationale Eenheid 67 (De Rode Verleiding van het Internationaal Vakverbond) Ondergeschikte of Partner 96 (De moeilijke relatie tussen het IVV als koepel van nationale centrales en de beroepsinternationalen) Genève 114 (De IAO en het sociale hervormingsprogramma van het IVV) Seeking for Problems 135 (De vrouwenwerking van het IVV) Isolationisme of leiderschap 145 (De American Federation of Labor en het Internationaal Vakverbond) Een vrije vakbeweging in een wereld zonder vrijheid 165 (Het IVV tegen fascisme en nazisme) Voorbij het Internationaal vakverbond 196 (De weg naar het Wereldvakverbond) Under Cover 222 (De geheime diensten van de internationale vakbeweging) Conclusies 243 Acroniemen 252 Bijlagen 255 Bibliografie 257 2 Inleiding “The history of labor internationalism is a history of failure, of dreams disappointed, ideals compromised, and institutions corrupted” (Victor Silverman)1. Edo Fimmen had het al voorspeld in 1933 : “the judgement of history upon the labour movement in the years immediatly following the war, and especially upon the leaders of that movement, is not likely to be a merciful one.”2 In juli 1919 werd in Amsterdam het Internationaal Vakverbond (IVV) opgericht. Deze ‘Internationale van Amsterdam’3 verklaarde de oorlog aan de oorlog en wou de arbeiders bevrijden van het kapitalisme. Voor Edo Fimmen, een van de vaders van het IVV, was het al sinds 1923 duidelijk dat het anders zou lopen en hij drong lang maar tevergeefs aan op een meer daadkrachtige internationale vakbeweging. -
France, NATO and ESDP: the Impossible Balancing
France, NATO and European Security: Status Quo Unsustainable; New Balance Unattainable? Jolyon HOWORTH∗ In January 1947, British and French officials met to discuss draft versions of the Treaty of Dunkirk. A sticking point emerged over the precise conditions under which the proposed mutual defence clause could be invoked. For the French, the simple threat of territorial invasion should trigger British support. For the British, however, only an actual invasion could warrant the implementation of alliance solidarity. This seemingly arcane distinction already presaged the fundamental difference of strategic approach between Paris and London which was to result in fifty years of stalemate in European defence Cupertino. For the United Kingdom (U.K.), too strong a statement of European resolve risked demotivating the United States (U.S.) and encouraging U.S. isolationism. For France, a strong Europe was the logical prerequisite for a strong Alliance. Europe needed to balance U.S. power—in the interests of both parties. Thus, from the outset of the post-war period, France expressed confidence in Europe's ability to safeguard her own future, whereas Britain worried that the old continent could never be secure without the permanent entanglement of the new1. Contrary to a great deal of mythology, France was never opposed to the “involvement of the new”—indeed the mainstream of the political class, including Charles de Gaulle himself, actively pressed for the creation of NATO and for the construction of an Atlantic partnership. What France in general (and the General in particular) could not accept was an imbalanced alliance in which one of the ∗ Jolyon Howorth is Jean Monnet Professor of European Politics at Bath University and Associate Research Fellow at the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri). -
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HUnGAry’s Post-2001 rAtiFiCAtion CHAllenGes: lessons ConCerninG tHe V4-nAto relAtionsHiP Péter Marton Abstract: Hungary and the other Visegrad countries (V4), over the past decade, participated in coalition military operations in Afghani- stan and Iraq, but not Libya. This article examines how this has impact- ed Hungary’s standing in the North Atlantic Alliance, and to this end deploys the concepts of “two level games” and “ratification” as deployed throughout the political sciences, particularly in Putnam’s works. This work adapts these concepts to show how a key challenge of Hungarian foreign and security policy post-2001 was the multi-pronged ratifica- tion of the country’s path in its foreign affairs to indirectly provide for the country’s security, through sufficient “macro-adaptation” to the -Al liance’s needs. There are lessons that can be gleaned from this experience concerning the other V4 countries and the V4 group as a collective. Keywords: Hungary, V4, Libya, North Atlantic Alliance, game theory Introduction Hungary, along with the other Visegrad countries, has, in the past decade, participated in coalition military operations involving combat1 in Afghanistan and Iraq, but has refrained from doing so in Libya. This article examines how this decision affects the coun- try’s standing within the North Atlantic Alliance and, to this end, deploys the concept of “two level games” and “ratification” as used in the political sciences largely in Robert Putnam’s footsteps. It will adapt these concepts to show how a key challenge of Hungarian for- eign and security policy post-2001 was the multi-pronged ratifica- tion of the country’s path in its foreign affairs to thereby indirectly provide for the country’s security, through sufficient “macro-adap- tation” to the Alliance’s needs. -
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HOW SUPERPOWERS GO TO WAR AND WHY OTHER STATES HELP THEM: THE IMPACT OF ASYMMETRIC SECURITY INTERDEPENDENCE ON WAR COALITION FORMATION - A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government by Alarik Morgan Fritz, M.A. Washington, DC October 2008 Copyright 2008 by Alarik Morgan Fritz All Rights Reserved ii The views expressed in this dissertation are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Center for Naval Analyses, the CNA Corporation, the US Navy, the Department of Defense, or the US Government. iii HOW SUPERPOWERS GO TO WAR AND WHY OTHER STATES HELP THEM: THE IMPACT OF ASYMMETRIC SECURITY INTERDEPENDENCE ON WAR COALITION FORMATION Alarik Morgan Fritz, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Andrew Bennett, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Nations usually go to war to defend against a threat (balancing) or gain some profit (bandwagoning). However, they sometimes join war coalitions without such motivations – or refuse to join them despite great pressure from the coalition leader. For example, the US-led coalition against Iraq in 2003 was largely composed of states that were not traditional US allies, were not threatened by Iraq, and had little to gain from the invasion. Furthermore, the US surprisingly failed to enlist key allies in the coalition. Are coalition formation dynamics different now than during the Cold War? This is an important question because such war coalitions may be more common in the future. This dissertation examines the impact of asymmetric security interdependence between minor states and a superpower vis-à-vis their war coalition choices. -
The Rift Between America and Old Europe
THE RIFT BETWEEN AMERICA AND OLD EUROPE This book strives to explain the opening of the great political rift between America and Old Europe in 2002–2003. Following the wave of solidarity with America in 2001, most of America’s European allies enthusiastically joined the war in Afghanistan, but for some of them enthusiasm soon gave way to pacifist reactions to the American switch from the common war on terrorism to regime change in Iraq, to American rejection of international treaties and to hostility to the UN. The evolution of American foreign policy from earlier multilateralism to the neo-conservative unilateralism of the Bush administration thus caused hostility in some of America’s traditional allies, among them France and Germany. French and German public opinion polls, media opinion, and the context of past foreign policy supply the background for this analysis in a year of major parliamentary elections in both countries in 2002. Early in 2003, the European-American estrangement led to an open break as Washington plunged ahead, overriding UN and allied support for weapons inspections in Iraq, to launch a blitzkrieg operation against Saddam Hussein. Ultimately The Rift Between America and Old Europe analyses how this decision, combined with the rejection of Kyoto and other international treaties, all clearly related to the conservative Republican revolution in domestic policies, widened the rift by undermining the role of America as a democratic model. The book ends with a critical assessment of the 2000 presidential election and its significance for America’s leadership abroad. This book will be of interest to advanced undergraduate and postgraduate students in international relations and security studies as well as to journalists and policy-makers. -
Apprenticeship, Partnership, Membership: Twenty Years of Defence Development in the Baltic States
Apprenticeship, Partnership, Membership: Twenty Years of Defence Development in the Baltic States Edited by Tony Lawrence Tomas Jermalavičius 1 Apprenticeship, Partnership, Membership: Twenty Years of Defence Development in the Baltic States Edited by Tony Lawrence Tomas Jermalavičius International Centre for Defence Studies Toom-Rüütli 12-6 Tallinn 10130 Estonia Apprenticeship, Partnership, Membership: Twenty Years of Defence Development in the Baltic States Edited by Tony Lawrence Tomas Jermalavičius © International Centre for Defence Studies Tallinn, 2013 ISBN: 978-9949-9174-7-1 ISBN: 978-9949-9174-9-5 (PDF) ISBN: 978-9949-9174-8-8 (e-pub) ISBN 978-9949-9448-0-4 (Kindle) Design: Kristjan Mändmaa Layout and cover design: Moonika Maidre Printed: Print House OÜ Cover photograph: Flag dedication ceremony of the Baltic Peacekeeping Battalion, Ādaži, Latvia, January 1995. Courtesy of Kalev Koidumäe. Contents 5 Foreword 7 About the Contributors 9 Introduction Tomas Jermalavičius and Tony Lawrence 13 The Evolution of Baltic Security and Defence Strategies Erik Männik 45 The Baltic Quest to the West: From Total Defence to ‘Smart Defence’ (and Back?) Kęstutis Paulauskas 85 The Development of Military Cultures Holger Mölder 122 Supreme Command and Control of the Armed Forces: the Roles of Presidents, Parliaments, Governments, Ministries of Defence and Chiefs of Defence Sintija Oškalne 168 Financing Defence Kristīne Rudzīte-Stejskala 202 Participation in International Military Operations Piret Paljak 240 Baltic Military Cooperative Projects: a Record of Success Pete Ito 276 Conclusions Tony Lawrence and Tomas Jermalavičius 4 General Sir Garry Johnson Foreword The swift and total collapse of the Soviet Union may still be viewed by some in Russia as a disaster, but to those released from foreign dominance it brought freedom, hope, and a new awakening. -
The Role of Identity in Support for Supranational Integration in EU Foreign and Security Policies’, European Integration Online Papers (Eiop), Vol
EIoP © 2015 Osman Sabri Kiratli European Integration online Papers ISSN 1027-5193 Vol. 19 (2015), Article 7 How to cite? Kiratli, Osman Sabri (2015): ‘The role of identity in support for supranational integration in EU Foreign and Security Policies’, European Integration online Papers (EIoP), Vol. 19, Article 7, http://eiop.or.at/eiop/texte/2015-007a.htm, pp. 1-37. DOI: 10.1695/2015007 The role of identity in support for supranational integration in EU Foreign and Security Policies Osman Sabri Kiratli Bogazici University, School of Applied Disciplines, International Trade Department Abstract: This paper examines the effect of popular identification with Europe and the European Union on the level of governments’ willingness to consent to supranational reforms of foreign and security policies. Applying ordinary least squares (OLS) regression on a series of statistical analyses based on data provided by Eurobarometer and state positions prior to the three major EU treaties (the 1992 Maastricht Treaty, the 1997 Amsterdam Treaty and the 2004 Constitutional Treaty), this paper concludes that higher levels of European identification by citizens greatly increase domestic support for joint decision-making in foreign and defence policies which in turn pushes governments to adopt more integrationist positions during negotiations. Keywords: European identity; CFSP; supranationalism; public opinion; political science. http://eiop.or.at/eiop/texte/2015-007a.htm 1 EIoP © 2015 Osman Sabri Kiratli Table of Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................ -
Politika English Final.Indd
Enlarged European Union and its Foreign Policy: Issues, Challenges, Perspectives David Král, Lukáš Pachta EUROPEUM Institute for European Policy EUROPEUM Institute for European Policy EUROPEUM Institute for European Policy Rytířská 31, CZ 110 00 Praha 1 Tel: +420-221 610 205 Fax: +420-221 610 204 E-mail: [email protected] Proof reading: Patrick Lyons Graphic design: (v) design, Vít Šmejkal Published by EUROPEUM Institute for European Policy, 2005 ISBN: 80-903237-7-4 We would like to acknowledge a generous support of the German Marshall Fund of the United States and Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung to this publication. ENLARGED EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS FOREIGN POLICY: ISSUES, CHALLENGES, PERSPECTIVES David Král, Lukáš Pachta Europeum Institute for European Policy, July 2005 2 Table of Contens TABLE OF CONTENS David Král ENLARGING EU FOREIGN POLICY THE ROLE OF NEW EU MEMBER STATES AND CANDIDATE COUNTRIES Executive Summary . 9 1. Introduction . 11 2. Setting the Stage – New Member States during Accession Negotiations, Convention and Intergovernmental Conference . 15 3. New Europe’s Atlanticism – An Ever Lasting Love? . 21 3.1 Security Considerations and Atlanticism . 22 3.2 Political Elites and Atlanticism . 24 3.3 Public Opinion and Atlanticism . 28 4. Geographical Priorities in the Activity of the New Member States . 33 4.1 Russia – Will the Balts Be Able to Prompt a Common EU Stance? . 35 4.2 Poland – Paving the Way for the Ukraine to Join the EU . 40 4.3 The Central European Countries – Pulling South Rather than East? . 43 5. Idealism versus Pragmatism in Foreign Policy – An Enduring Cleavage between Old and New Europe? .