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Opening Remarks: Hacking and Digital Dissidence

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Opening Remarks: Hacking and Digital Dissidence Chapter 1 Opening Remarks: Hacking and Digital Dissidence 1.1 Using Computers for the Pursuit of Political and Social Changes and for the Bene fi t of All Mankind The concrete possibility of using all the various types of technologies available to mankind for the speci fi c purposes of networking, of contributing to political and social changes and of contrasting oppressive dictatorships, and even authority in general, has always been, since the very fi rst activities of university hackers 1 in California during the 1960s, a singularly fascinating and often inspiring issue. 2 1 In this book I will use the term “hacker” exclusively to indicate subjects with great computer skills, or dedicated to a creative use of technology, without criminal intentions. To indicate crimi- nal activities carried out with the help of the computer, or against a computer system, I will use the expression “computer criminals”. For a preliminary historical overview of hacking and the fi rst Internet projects see, inter alia , Rosenzweig’s essay concerning “wizards, bureaucrats, warriors and hackers” (Rosenzweig 1998 ) . The author outlines how the profound and complex development of the Internet cannot be divorced from the idiosyncratic and personal visions of those scientists and bureaucrats whose sweat and dedication launched the project, and made it real. He identi fi es those hackers as originating from three different frameworks: (i) from the social history of the fi eld of computer science, (ii) from the Cold War scienti fi c and technical apparatus, which took advantage of massive government funding for computers and networking as tools for fi ghting nuclear and conventional wars, and (iii) from the countercultural radicalism that sought to redirect technology toward a more decentralized, and non-hierarchical, vision of society (Rosenzweig 1998 : 1552). 2 Among the many sources, including books, academic essays, documentaries and movies that describe the activities of the hackers in California in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, the reader might like to consider the following: Triumph of the Nerds: The Rise of Accidental Empires (1996), an in fl uential documentary written and directed by Robert X. Cringely; the movie Pirates of Silicon Valley (1999), directed by Martyn Burke, based on an accurate Freiberger and Swaine book (Freiberger and Swaine 2000 ) , the documentary In Search of the Valley , pro fi ling many of the founders of the so-called Silicon Valley , and the book by Livingston on the “founding fathers” of the information technology world (Livingston 2007 ) . See also the interesting Pfaffenberger’s critical approach regarding the non revolution of personal computer revolution (Pfaffenberger 1988 ) : the scholar remarks that for the phone phreakers, hackers, and (later) early personal computer users “the goal was not to overthrow the System , but rather the more conservative aim of gaining entry G. Ziccardi, Resistance, Liberation Technology and Human Rights 1 in the Digital Age, Law, Governance and Technology Series 7, DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-5276-4_1, © Springer Netherlands 2013 2 1 Opening Remarks: Hacking and Digital Dissidence The idea that computers might not only assist humans, but might also allow the most complete expansion possible of intellectual and cognitive capacities and the widest and most transparent diffusion of information useful for progress and democracy (Turner 2005 ) , fi rst took root in the theories of the protest movements that fl ourished in North America in the 1960s 3 and, in particular, formed the basis of the ideas of, among others, Lee Felsenstein, the Free Speech Movement and the fi rst California homebrew computer clubs (Lash 2006 ; Turner 2006 ) . Concerning the interpretation of the role of computers by Lee Felsenstein, and the possibility of giving power to individuals not only over machines but also, and even more importantly, over political oppressors , Levy is quite unequivocal. The author outlines how Felsenstein considered the computer itself a model for activism , and hoped the proliferation of computers to people would spread a sort of hacker ethic 4 throughout society (Levy 1984 : 142). Wozniak, the co-founder of Apple Computers , wrote in detail about the importance of the digital revolution and the urgency of controlling computers. This hacker describes how, in the 1970s, the small, but quickly growing, computer scene was based on the belief that all the hackers were on top of a revolution . Hackers, and the people, were fi nally going to get control of their own computers, despite the fact that computers, until that time, belonged only to million-dollar companies (Wozniak 1984 ) . The motto a computer for all , and the urgency that those early intellectuals felt regarding the development and penetration of inexpensive, mass-market computers that could be easily accessible to everyone were the theories that, for the fi rst time, focused consideration on the radical idea that technology might, in fact, improve the world ( Levy 1984 ). It seems to me that there is a very clear common thread connecting those fi rst stimulating ideas of the 1960s with events occurring now in different parts of the world, where various technology platforms are becoming fundamental support tools for individuals who not only need to seek knowledge beyond state fi lters, but who also see, in these new technologies, an opportunity to seek freedom in contexts that tend to limit it. Hauben elucidated this shift, remarking that some of the people who were involved in student protests continued their efforts to bring power to the people by developing and spreading computer power in forms that were more accessible and affordable for individuals (Hauben 1996 ) . to the System , helping to improve it, and ultimately gaining prestige and self-esteem by winning its approval” (Pfaffenberger 1988 : 41). The author’s conclusions are clear: personal computing has become impersonal computing , in which the machine, that was supposed to foster autonomy and individual creativity, is reduced to serving as a mere mainframe terminal (Pfaffenberger 1988 : 47). 3 See Searle’s studies regarding campus wars (Searle 1971 ) , the movie Berkeley in the Sixties (1990) and the article by Hauben on participatory democracy and online activities (Hauben 1996 ) . As Turner notes, both the New Left and the counterculture hoped to transform the technocratic bureaucracies that, in their view, had brought Americans the Cold War and the con fl ict in Vietnam (Turner 2005 : 493). 4 See Sect. 3.7 . 1.1 Using Computers for the Pursuit of Political and Social Changes… 3 According to this scholar, three steps can be identi fi ed: 1 . the fi rst step is the creation of the PC . The personal computer movement of the 1970s, fi rst of all, created the personal computer; 2 . the second step is the mass production and diffusion of affordable computers . By the mid 1980s, protest movements forced corporations to produce computers which everyone could afford; 3 . the third step is the birth of the Internet . Finally, Internet, a brand new communi- cation medium , grew out of the ARPANET research that started in 1969. These communications advances, outlines Hauben, coupled with the widening availability of computers, transformed the spirit of the 1960s into an achievable goal for modern times (Hauben 1996 ) ; in fact, in modern times, there are indeed thousands of digital dissidents around the world who risk their liberty to protest and to oppose repressive forms of government and strategies aimed at controlling the behavior of the population. 5 Relying on little else but their own quick thinking and, often, on obsolete technologies, they are threatened and detained for the opinions they express and the news they divulge; dedicated to the development of techniques to circumvent surveillance and fi lter technologies and to hide, encrypt, anonymize and disclose information, they are constantly tracked by the authorities of their countries. Using smartphones,6 cameras, 7 laptops and handheld video cameras, they transmit in real time the facts of the societies in which they live. They act to eradicate fi lters; they fi ght to tear down codes of silence and to elude censorship software; they refute the theory of secrecy surrounding matters of public interest, while prizing it above all else in their own private lives; they aim to erode media monopolies and to disprove false state truths. They create web sites to divulge 5 See the study by Warf and Grimes regarding counterhegemonic discourses and the Internet (Warf and Grimes 1997 ) : the authors identify the Internet as a terrain of contested philosophies and politics and of confrontation, and a place that can also sustain counterhegemonic discourses, challenging established systems of domination, legitimating and publicizing political claims by the powerless and marginalized. Increasingly easy access to the e-mail and the web allows many politically disenfranchised groups to reach three important targets: (i) communicate with like- minded, or sympathetic, audiences, (ii) publicize causes often overlooked by the mainstream media, and (iii) offer perspectives frequently sti fl ed by the conservative corporate ownership of newspapers, television, and other media outlets (Warf and Grimes 1997 : 260). 6 An interesting introductory study regarding the use of mobile phones for the purpose of resistance in Belarus and Serbia was written, inter alia , by Miard ( 2009 ) . For a global overview see, also, the work by Heinzelman, Brown and Meier concerning the use of mobile technology in crowdsourcing and peace mapping contexts (Heinzelman et al. 2011 ) , Salazar and Soto on the Mexican experi- ence of monitoring elections and crowdsourcing (Salazar and Soto 2011 ) as well as the research by Korenblum and Andemariam related to cellular phones use in con fl ict zones (Korenblum and Andemariam 2011 ) . 7 See, inter alia , an essay by Whitty regarding soldier photography of detainee abuse in Iraq (Whitty 2010 ) . See Sect. 2.3.2.4 . 4 1 Opening Remarks: Hacking and Digital Dissidence reserved documents, and update blogs with the sole aim of making the world more transparent.
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