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Alessandra Ricci

A RESILIENT LANDSCAPE: THE LAND WALLS OF AND THEIR SURROUNDINGS

Τα χερσαία τείχη της Κωνσταντινούπολης, που ανε- The land , built in the early γέρθηκαν στις αρχές του 5ου αιώνα, ενίσχυσαν ου- years of the 5th century, substantially reinforced the σιαστικά την άμυνα της πόλης, ενώ συνέβαλαν στη ’s defenses while contributing to the creation of δημιουργία της αστικής της ταυτότητας. Αυτό το άρ- the ’s urban identity. This considers a θρο εξετάζει ένα θέμα που θίγεται σπάνια, τη χρήση rarely touched-upon subject, that of the usage of agri- χώρων για αγροτικές καλλιέργειες εντός των τειχών cultural spaces within the land walls and their imme- και στα περίχωρά τους. Η παρουσία σήμερα κηπου- diate vicinity. The presence of horticultural activities ρικών δραστηριοτήτων σε ορισμένα τμήματα του τεί- noted along present-day sections of the land walls χους αντιπροσωπεύει την άυλη μνήμη προτύπων που represents the intangible memory of patterns of usage μπορούν να ανιχνευθούν στην περίοδο της ύστερης now traceable to the Late Antique period. αρχαιότητας.

Λέξεις κλειδιά Keywords Ύστερη αρχαιότητα, αγροτικές καλλιέργειες, οχυρωματική Late Antique period; Agriculture; defensive ; en­ αρχιτεκτονική, περιβαλλοντική αρχαιολογία, χερσαία τεί- vironmental archaeology; Land Walls; Gardens; Constan- χη, κήποι, Κωνσταντινούπολη. tinople.

Despite the multitude of surviving architectural arti and masons Economic History of facts1 ­ tifications spread across the diversified lands of the for

tance of donors2 names and those involved at other levels

s most ico­nic monu * Department of Archaeology and , Koç University (), [email protected] - . In his essay for the ** I would, the like vast to thankmajority Zeynep of Ahunbaywhich is for represented the information by forgen- , Charalambos Bouras interpreted the absen­ ce­ 3 erously shared about work conducted at tower 4 on the land walls;- of builders’ names and master craftsmen as a featu­ re­ of merJim Crow Byzantine for exchanges , on thelittle water is knownsupply system; about Varlik the “hand” İndere Byzantium, their contributions surpassed by the impor- for help on the drawings; the library staff of the British School 3. Uluslararası Ta­rihi of their architects, or the practices of the master builders ’ at for their support offered during preparation of this text Yarımada Sempozyumu. Tebliğler Kitabı and for having made accessible the work by J. B. Lechevalier for of the architectural project . This contribution touches publication. Lastly, my gratitude goes to the S. Onassis upon one ofMaster Byzantine Builders architecture of Byzantium’ - Foundation for the fellowship opportunity, which allowed me to ments, the land walls of Constantinople, whose architects, spend research in Athens (2016-2017). A. Ricci, “Istanbul’da Manevi Kültürel Miras: Kara Surlarının Bi­

zans2 Bahçeleri” (“Intangible Cultural Heritage in Istanbul: the Ca­ The Economic History se of the Land Walls’ Byzantine Orchards”), , Istanbul 2008, 66-67. ΔΧΑΕ R. Ousterhout, “The Mysterious Disappearing Architect and His3 Patron”, , Princeton University 1 Press, 1999, 39-57 where 34 individual names of architects only are attested from the 4th to the 15th centuries. Ch. Bouras, “Master Craftsmen, Craftsmen, and Ac- DChAE_39_5_Ricci.inddA preliminary 125 note on some aspects of this research appeared in, tivities in Byzantium”, A. E. Laiou (ed.), 30/4/2018 4:37:03 μμ

ΛΘ΄ (2018), 125-138 125 ALESSANDRA RICCI

antine and Ottoman s prevailing master builders and masons, as with other , are and symbolic landmark, it can be imagined that con- unknown to us. This paper seeks to represent a humble. Nes struction of the land walls in the 5th century must have to Charalambos Bouras’ contribution to our bet- not only changed the perception of the urban space now 4 ter understanding of . extended to the west by 1.5 km from the Constantinian The land walls of Constantinople displayed an ar- walls, but that it must have also contributed to a radical chitectural and functional resilience throughout Byz- alteration of the cityscape. 5 . With their monumentality, Following are some considerations on the interplay orsubstantially those of the they Sycae contributed to the city’ . between the land walls and their surrounding landscape, mode of representation as a suspended urban ‘contain- and on some of the contemporary communities’ modes of er’, both in the Byzantine and Ottoman periods - adaptation to their construction. The main focus will be tled in an ostensibly strategic position, surrounded by on the usage of space within and around the land walls an exceptional geographical setting, the city is typically since their construction, a subject rarely considered when 6 rendered as tightly enclosed to the West by its monu- examining the monument. Although the land walls stand mental land walls, the sea walls encircling its shores and as a key monument for the study of diachronic archi- with little consideration for anything outside its walls tecture, and represent a powerful historical palimpsest () district, across the city spanning across rivaling and preserving tangible of Byzantium. From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century Whether observed from the waters of the Sea, Landscapesigns of relations and ratherthe construction than disconnections, their con- from the , or from the Thracian country- ofstruction the land must walls have also been perceived as a large-scale 7 side,Bildlexikon until the zur more Topographie recent . unregulated Byzantion-Konstanti expansion of- manipulation of the environment. Hence, it appears rea- modernnopolis-Istanbul Istanbul bis the zum land Begin walls des of 17. Constantinople Jahrhunderts visual- sonable to focus on the temporal arc of the 5th century, ly and physically conveyed the limits of the urban space when the defensive system’s project and construction Buildings and4 its mighty defenses . As a powerful monumental took place and the monument was newly built.

(DOS XXXIX), Washington, D.C. 2002, 2, 539-554, in part. 539. A rare cross-historical survey of the monument in, W. Müller-Wie- ner,5 Istanbul Land Walls World Heritage Site. With a Special Focus on , Tübingen Two Romes. and Constantinople in the Historic Gardens (Yedikule Bostanları). Re- 1977, 286-300. portThe Presentedland walls to stretchedthe United forNations circa Educational, 6.5 km from Scientific the sea and of See, for example a passage in, , , H. B. Dewing 8 MarmaraCultural Organization to the Golden (UNESCO), Horn, forming one of the most trans. (The Loeb Classical Library, Procopius VIII), Harvard Uni- elaborate defensive systems of Antiquity while also defin- versity Press, 1954, iv, 2-3, 57. Other in Late Antiquity are

represented as encircled by strong walls in coinage issues see, L. ing the extension of the largest metropolis of Late Antiq-

Grig, “Competing Capitals, Competing Representations: Late An- uity . When observed from the countryside, the defensive RIA Die Landmau- tique6 Cityscapes in Words and Pictures”, L. Grig – G. Kelly (eds), er von Konstantinopel (Oxford Studies in Late Antiquity), Oxford 2012, 31-52. Die A remarkable example is represented by the early 15th-century 8 Istanbul, 2014, electronic docu- Landmauer von Konstantinopel-Istanbul: historisch- topographi­ ­ map of Constantinople by the Florentine cartographer Cristoforo ment, https://oxfordbyzantinesociety.files.wordpress.com/2014/02/ sche und baugeschichtliche Untersuschungen Buondelmonti7 and its reception, C. Barsanti, “Costantinopoli e report_land_walls_whs.pdf, accessed, 5.02.2018. l’Egeo nei primi decenni del XV secolo: la testimonianza di Cris- The monument was the object of a systematic architectural sur- A Report of Concern on the Conservation Issues of the toforo Buondelmonti,” , ser. 3, 24 (2001), 83-253. vey in the 1930s, B. Meyer-Plath – A. M. Schneider, For example, the vast repertoire of images by N. V. Artamonoff (Denkmäler Antiker Architektur VI, VIII), taken in the mid-1930s: http://images.doaks.org/artamonoff/collec- 2 vols, Berlin 1943, with no subsequentΔΧΑΕ comprehensive survey. tions/show/29 accessed, 5.02.2018. In 1985 the land walls were in- For a recent study of the monument, N. Asutay-Effenberger, scribed in the UNESCO world heritage list: http://whc.unesco.org/ en/list/356 (accessed, 5.02.2018). For a recent assessment of the land (Millennium- Studi- walls and it surrounding environment, F. Kıvılcım – A. Aksoy – en 18), Berlin 2007 with earlier bibliography. The Koç Universi- DChAE_39_5_Ricci.inddA. Ricci, 126 ty-Stavros Niarchos Foundation for Late Antique and Byzantine30/4/2018 4:37:05 μμ

ΛΘ΄ (2018), 125-138 126 THE LAND WALLS OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND THEIR SURROUNDINGS

Fig. 1. Constantinople. The land walls seen from south-west with the , outer wall and inner wall, tower 25 in the foreground.

earth terraces that are placed in front of the outer and in

10

system comprised, from west to east, three architec- likely that, in order to accommodate these architectural tural elements and two earth structures (Figs 1, 2). A and earth features on such a large scale, the general proj- wide ditch with internally buttressed walls was crossed ect was carefully planned and executed . More specifi- by stone bridges corresponding to most of the 12 doc- cally, the terrain had to be progressively. prepared, with umented gates that led to an outer earth .terrace, It is therefore whose earth removed from the ditch likely used to create the two exact inclination has not been determined. An outer wall - Tech- equipped with towers and gates was linked to the outer ner walls. Although this form of terrain preparation does nology in Transition. A.D. 360-650 terrace as well as to an inner, more compact earth terrace. not compare with the typology of land retention terraces 11 Lastly, an inner defensive line was marked by two-story built in the city, it provides a valuable parameter for the 9 towers and gates. This elaborate defensive system formed assessment and calculation of the scale at which a large- a barrier of at least 60 m in width, with an estimated scale construction project such as the land walls required difference in height of ca. 30 m between the bottom of the major landscape manipulation 9 10 ΔΧΑΕditch and the inner wall towers' parapets Late Antique Constantinople”, L. Luvan ‒ E. Zanini (eds), Studies has recently begun a photographic documentation of the (Late Antique Archaeology), city walls, including the land walls. Leiden11 ‒ Boston 2007, 262-267. For an up-to-date description of the land walls and a discussion Bouras, “Master Craftsmen, Craftsmen, and Building Activities about the modalities of the construction of its features, J. Crow, in Byzantium”, op.cit. (n. 3), 542. DChAE_39_5_Ricci.indd“The 127 Infrastructure of a Great City: Earth, Walls and Water in For a visual rendering of terraces in Constantinople, J. Crow ‒30/4/2018 J. 4:37:27 μμ

ΛΘ΄ (2018), 125-138 127 ALESSANDRA RICCI

Negotiating Space: Horticulture and the Land Walls

. Credit for the novi muri rian undertaking. J. Bardill recently addressed this issue and 14 through a revision of the documentary evidence, as well extructus est complete12 opere as with a newly discovered inscription, concluded that A law dating to 413 in the Theodosian Code (15.1.51) “work must have started in 404 or 405, hence towards the us to define a historical 13space for the completion of the represents the first written mention of the existence of end of the reign of ” . Anthemius was appoint- pling 15of in situ material appeared complex in terms of a new circuit of walls in Constantinople ed praetorian prefect in 405 and last documented in 414, construction of the “ ” is given to the praeto- therefore making it likely that the extensive. This is construc relevant- . The edict also makes tempo- tion site was active between 405 and 413, a span of eight The Water Supply of Byzantine Constantinople ral references to the status of the construction project years . Bardill’s discussion was part of a larger study on using The the termstext: Idem “ aa. anthemio” praefecto and “ praetorio. Turres”, the brickstamps from Byzantine Constantinople docu- novibuilt muri, and quicompleted, ad munitionem respectively. splendidissimae These urbisreferences extructus allow est, mented through archival research until 2001, with the 16 completo opere praecipimus eorum usui deputari, per quorum ter- land walls representing a site whose contemporary sam- work.ras idem However, murus studio opinions ac provisione have tuae differed magnitudinis with ex regardnostrae to the12serenitatis beginning arbitrio of celebratur, the construction eadem lege and in perpetuumthe length et ofcondi the- the task; the results it may yield are promising but study cione servanda, ut annis singulis hi vel ad quorum iura terrulae Bardill ‒ R. Bayliss, has not been systematically conducted demigraverint proprio sumptu earum instaurationem sibimet in- (Journal of Roman Studies Monograph 11), 2008, fig. 2.2. also given the building technique of the land walls which, tellegant procurandam, earumque usu publico beneficio potientes curam reparationis ac sollicitudinem ad se non ambigant pertine- in its early phases, consisted of bands of courses re. ita enim et splendor operis et civitatis munitio cum privatorum spanning across the entire section of the wall and alter- usu et utilitate servabitur. “The Theodosian nating regularly with bands of courses of ashlar. stones Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions,” C. Pharr with a rubble and mortar fill. Known sampling of brick- stamps for the land walls is still rather unreliable and not «We corroborating. The absence of systematic surveys of the land walls, the scarce information published, and decades 17 of debatable conservation interventions make it hard to define the contextualizationBrickstamps of Constantinople of brickstamps within tem- English , poral actions, quantitative assessments, construction phases, repairs and modalities of reemployment trans., Princeton 1952, 15.1.51, 429: The same Augustuses to Anthemius, Praetorian Prefect: The law in the Theodosian code provides other valu- Brickstamps of Constantinople command that the towers of the New Wall, which has been con- able14 information about usage of the land walls and its

structed for the of this most splendid City, shall, after surrounding space, information that has rarely been the completion of the work, be assigned to the use of those persons through whose lands this wall was duly erected by the zeal and J. Bardill, , Oxford University Brickstamps of Constantinople foresight of Your Magnitude, pursuant to the decision of Our Se- Press,15 2004, 122-125; the inscription in question was found in

renity. This regulation and condition shall be observed in perpetu- 199316 and “indicates that the original construction lasted for nine » Given ity, so that said landholders and those persons to whom the title to years”, 122. these lands may pass shall know that each year they must provide Bardill, , op.cit. (n. 14), 122. for the repair of the towers at their own expense, that they shall The bulk of Bardill’s material is represented by Ernst Mam- On Anthemius and his documented cursus publicus acquire the use of these towers as a special favor from the public, boury’s17 unpublished collection of brickstamps along with materi- The Prosopography of the Later Cam Annual of Istanbul Studies / Istanbul and they shall not doubt that the care of repair and the responsi- al from the Saraçhane, Kalenderhane and other excavations, Bar- Araștırmaları Yıllığı bility therefor belongs to them. Thus the splendor of the work and dill, , op.cit. (n. 14), vii-ix. the of the City shall be preserved, as well as the use The absence of data for the land walls is now juxtaposed by 13 of such fortifications to the advantage of private citizens. newly processed data on the constructionΔΧΑΕ resources and manpow- on the day before the nones of April in the year of the consulship er for the water supply system of Constantinople, largely using of the Most Noble Lucius. – April, 4, 413. mortar analysis and brick sampling, R. Snyder, “Building the , J. R. Mar- Longest Water Supply System: Large-scale Construction in Con- tindale, , - stantinople’s Hinterland”, DChAE_39_5_Ricci.inddbridge 128 University Press, 1980, II, 93-95. 5 (2016), 1-19. 30/4/2018 4:37:28 μμ

ΛΘ΄ (2018), 125-138 128 THE LAND WALLS OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND THEIR SURROUNDINGS

turres novi muri

object of discussion. In fact, the main regulatory order of the text focuses on the towers of “ ”, which are here assigned in perpetuity to those “through whose lands this wall was duly erected”. In return, the same individuals are asked to provide for repairs of the towers. The area of land used for the construction of the new walls was large, given the width and the length of the defensive system. Considering that the defensivedemi- system occupied a space whose width ‒that is, from the graverint 18 moat’s walls to the external access ramps to the inner wall’s towers‒ amounted to 60 m plus the inevitable buffer zone of at least 10 m on each side, the full width might be calculated at some 80 m (Fig. 2) . This would nitudehave amounted to a total of circa 0.52 square kilometers. It is not clear if and how modalities of land transfer took place, as the edict refers to the landholders as “ res publica”, removed or withdrawn. Is this an implicit acknowledgment of confiscation and/or displacement? 19 Practices of confiscation and transfer are scarcely docu- mented in Roman and Late Antique times, making it dif- ficult to grasp them both in terms of dynamics and mag- . However, lands affected by construction of the new fortification must have also fallen within the sphere Fig. 2. Constantinople. Section and elevation drawing of the of works related to public interest and public welfare, the land walls. “ ,” both during the planning process and for the later usage. The law of the Codex might be understood as a regulatory act within the context of widespread, large-scale and spatially extended infrastructural works undertaken for the city. In the 5th century Constantino- ple was the subject of large-scale public projects that sur- thepassed existence by far of all a liminalother urbanspace thatcenters enhances of the the period. function of a

18 A wealth of new Operationalinformation Guides on another for the Implementalarge-scale- infrastructuraltion of the World Heritage activity Convention carried out within Constanti- nople and its hinterland is emerging through a survey . The

I connect “buffer zone” to a space recognized in cultural heri- of the city’s water supply system. Data collected by J. The Economy of Ro- tage as a “zonal area that lies between two or more other areas” Crow and his team over the of extended field man The Water Supply of Byzantine which in antiquity as well as in contemporary times recognizes surveys have clarified that the main mechanism that The Social History of Byzantium Constantinople carried the water supply for the Late Antique city con- 19 20 monument, UNESCO, sisted of a three-element system. This comprised two (UNESCO World Heritage 20aqueducts, the second of which was organized in two ΔΧΑΕCentre), Paris 2008, 103-107. The term “expropriatio” is not used in the edict. Some unclear distinct chronological phases along with a widespread data is available for Palestine, Z. E. Safrai, “ network of open-air and underground ”, London 1994, 185. Also, B. Stolte, “The social J. Crow – J. Bardill – R. Bayliss, function of law”, , ed. J. Haldon (Journal of Roman Studies Monograph 11), Lon- DChAE_39_5_Ricci.inddMalden 129 2009, 76-91. don 2008, with the more recent, K. Ward – J. Crow – M. Crapper,30/4/2018 4:37:29 μμ

ΛΘ΄ (2018), 125-138 129 ALESSANDRA RICCI

23 free from trees

have still seen the active presence of their landholders. the two aqueduct lines were built . A law dated to 440, when construction of the second line was close to 24 completion, and only a few decades after completion of channelsthe land walls, mentions the landholders’ obligation to keep a distance of at least 10 feet from the aqueduct line . It is likely that some of the lands af- fected by the passage of the water supply system might

25 Earlier, in a mid- law for the city of Rome, landholders through whose properties aqueducts passed were deemed responsible for the maintenance of the . The practice of allowing users to retain a inphysical its southern presence segment on lands crossed by public infrastruc- ture, and in return to accept some form of participation in the maintenance works, appears therefore plausible. Satellite imaging, field surveying and other tech- niques were used to document the features of the agri- Fig. 3. Constantinople. Tower 4 in the inner circuit with pos- 26 tern opening to the south. cultural landscape affected by the presence of the Anas- tasian wall, built some 65 km west of the land walls and outsidein close thephysical defensive dialogue line with. the water supply system, . There, the characterization of the landscape allowed the identification of probable . medieval strip fields along with a Roman settlement and more modern traces of landscape usage. Two Byz- 27 antine-period boundary markers from the same area represent valuable testimony of the existence of extend- ed pastoral and agricultural landownership demigrareinside and 21

chronology of the aqueduct’s first line, also known as The law referring to Constantinople’s land walls im­ the Valens line, is now attested to the mid-4th century plicitly recognizes the fact that the monumental con­ The Water Supply of Byzantine Con- and extended over a linear distance of circa 65 km stantinoplestruction cutting through the peninsula must have cros­ By the early-mid 5th century the second Valens line sed Corpus a conspicuous Iuris Civilis, Codex amount Justinianus of privately owned lands, 22 was constructed over a 120 km linear distance, now whose value was also due to their location in the imme­

calculated in recent topographical surveys as a Journal chan- diate23 Codex outskirts Theodosianus of the Constantinian. walls. The same nelof Roman line running Archaeology over the remarkable distance of 426 to lands must have been removed, withdrawn ( ) Anatolian Studies 564 km . Laws from the 4th to the 6th centuries make from24 their legitimate users, who in return were given in reference to aspects of the administration of the water Crow – Bardill – Bayliss, 25 supply, to the regulation of water pipes and to the re- , op.cit. (n. 20), 211-213. 26 sponsibilities of the landholders through whose lands , S. P. Scott trans., Cin- 21 cinnati 1932, II.42.6, vol. 15, 195-196. “Water-supply infrastructure of Byzantine Constantinople”, , op.cit (n. 12) 15.2.1,ΔΧΑΕ 430. 22 30 (2017), 175-195 with earlier bibliography. 27 J. Crow – S. Turner, “ and the Thracian hinterland of Is- Ward – Crow – Crapper, “Water-supply infrastructure of Byzan- tanbul: an historic landscape”, 59 (2009), 167- tine Constantinople”, op.cit. (n. 20), 175. 181 with reference to the Anastasian wall. Ward – Crow – Crapper, “Water-supply infrastructure of Byzan- Crow ‒ Turner, “Silivri and the Thracian hinterland of Istanbul: DChAE_39_5_Ricci.inddtine Constantinople”, 130 op.cit. (n. 20), 176. an historic landscape”, op.cit. (n. 26), 171 with earlier references.30/4/2018 4:37:32 μμ

ΛΘ΄ (2018), 125-138 130 THE LAND WALLS OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND THEIR SURROUNDINGS

Fig. 4. Constantinople. Plan of the land walls and surroundings, towers 1-18 with indi- cation of towers 4 and 16.

perpetuity the right to utilize floors of the towers. This inner terrace-level chambers accessed from the city side 28 usage, which must have represented a valuable asset for by means of a single, large, brick-tiered archway. Overall the landholders and a partial form of compensation, was these chambers did not communicate with the chambers Byzantine Constantinople. The Walls of the City and countered with responsibility for maintenance of the above, and their lack of defensive qualities appears ev- Adjoin­ing Historical Sites towers . It is reasonable to assume that the towers of the ident. Open-access staircases built on the inner face of 28Bild­lexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls inner circuit wall were more suitable for private usage. the towers led to the towers’ upper chambers, the plat- In fact, some of the inner-circuit two-story towers show form level and to the wall walk, contributing to a further ΔΧΑΕ The extent of the involvement of landowners in repairs of the physical isolation of the lower-level chambers. land walls is not clear, for documentation of repairs, A. Van Mil­ Furthermore, most of the inner terrace-level cham- lingen, bers display brick vaulted systems substantially high- , London 1899, 95-108. Müller-Wiener, er than those of the upper chambers and several of DChAE_39_5_Ricci.indd 131 30/4/2018 4:37:38 μμ , op.cit. (n. 4), 286-300. them were not always accessible from the city side. Their access instead was through a relatively small side ΛΘ΄ (2018), 125-138 131 ALESSANDRA RICCI

. entrance, a sort of opening into the inner ter- presence of other ground-floor . This area has not race. A. Van Millingen was first to note and record this been the subject of the attentive work directed toward 29 detail, concluding that “the lower portion of the tower tower 4, and hence information is based on Meyer-Plath had evidently little to do directly with the defense of and Schneider’s architectural survey. As in the case of 30 the city, but served . mainlyClearance as aof store-roomearth around or the guard- pe tower 4, single openings from ground-floor chambers house” . Crow, too, suggested that these towers were into the inner terrace are present. These ground-floor meant to “remain in private usage as compensation for chambers display no other means of access, and do not the land expropriated for the Land Walls” communicate with the tower’s upper-story chamber. Conservation work carried out by the Istanbul Mu- The towers in question are all square in plan. Number 31 onnicipality an inscription over the placed last two on itsdecades upper oflevel the that past mentions century 16, between the Golden Gate and the Xylokerkos gate, is. focused on six different stretches of the land. On walls, the othwith pierced by a southern postern measuring circa 1.20 m, Metin and Zeynep Ahunbay responsible for work on with a triple brick relieving and marked by mar- towers 2 through 5 - ble lintels (Fig. 4, 5). Further north is tower 19, with a rimeter of tower 4 and from the inner wall allowed for northern entrance. Beyond the Xylokerkos gate to the . Excava . This arrangement35 a detailed architectural survey of the tower (Fig. 3, 4). north are tower 25 with a southern postern and tower 32 The octagonal in plan tower had been usually dated to 26 with a northern postern. Tower 33, before the Pege the reign of the Romanos III (1028-1034), based gate, is square in plan and also has a southern entrance leading into a circular in plan high-vaulted chamber 33 36 its reconstruction following an earthquake - Through the inner terrace into which these posterns er hand, Schneider already had noted that what emerged communicated, it was possible to gain access to the from the ground of tower 4 ‒that is, its lower level‒. was outer terrace, as some towers in the outer walls were earlier in dating and most likely 5th-century - also equipped with lateral posterns tion by Ahunbay exposed larger portions of the tower’s culturalallowed forinvestigations limited and representcontrolled rare movement occurrences of individ in ur- original building phase and brought to light in its entire- uals, and likely of goods and tools, factors that would ty the lower chamber’sByzantine rectangular Constantinople. opening The into Walls the ofinner the have made the spaces suitable for the storage of agricul- 34 Geoponika terrace.City and TheAdjoining postern, Historical located Sites to the south of the octagonal tural tools as well as for temporary stocking of produce. tower, measures 1.20 m in width, and is framed by mold- Little archaeological or textual information is known ed lintels leading into a circular in plan chamber about how the landscape was affected by construction

covered29 by a with concentric-brick courses of the land walls, and which types of cultivation pre- DOP mation The southern portion of the land walls reveals the sumably thrived in this area. Archaeobotany and horti- 30 Byzantine Constantinople. The Walls of the City and Adjoining Historical Sites - Van Millingen, ban archaeology, for the DieByzantine Landmauer period von Konstantinopel,in particular. 31 , op.cit. (n. 28), 52. However,op.cit. chapter 12.1 of the , a collection of J. Crow, “The Infrastructure of a Great City: Earth, Walls and 37 32 texts on agriculture amply used by elite proprietors and Water in Late Antique Constantinople”, op.cit. (n. 9), 264 (42). M. Ahunbay – Z. Ahunbay, “Recent Work on the Land Walls of dedicated to the emperor Constantine VII (913-949), Die Landmauer von Konstantinople Istanbul: Tower 2 to Tower 5”, 54 (2000), 227-239. was35 examined by J. Koder and provides valuable infor- Van Millingen, . The chapter in question was, like several other

, op.cit. (n. 28), 102-103. Ahunbay 36 – Ahunbay, “Recent Work on the Land Walls of Istanbul: Tower Meyer-Plath – Schneider, 233 to 5”, op.cit. (n. 31), 237, figs 25-28, 30-31 where it is possible 37 (n. 8), 74-74, plan 1. to observe that this is the best-preserved tower among those that Crow, “The Infrastructure of a Great City:ΔΧΑΕ Earth, Walls and Wa- were34 the subject of the conservation project. ter in Late Antique Constantinople”, op.cit. (n. 9), 265. Meyer-Plath – Schneider, , Recent and notable exceptions are represented by archaeobo- op.cit. (n. 8), vol. 1, 72. tanical studies carried out within the rescue excavation project Ahunbay, “Recent Work on the Land Walls of Istanbul: Tower 2 of the Theodosian harbor (Yenikapı), E. Oybak, “İstanbul Mar- DChAE_39_5_Ricci.inddto 5”, 132 op.cit. (n. 31), figs 28, 31. maray ve Metro kazılarında yapılan arkeobotanik çalışmaları”30/4/2018 4:37:39 μμ

ΛΘ΄ (2018), 125-138 132 THE LAND WALLS OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND THEIR SURROUNDINGS

parts of the Geoponika scholasticos Cassianos Bassos . It lists

38

. Some of these vegeta ,krambe largely based on the writings of the Late Antique which are to be sown and what is to be plant. In- ed on a month-by-month basis in the region of Constan- 39 tinople. The chapter consists of a rather schematic yet detailed list of fresh produce with mention, for example, of a variety of as well as , (white) cabbage, 40 turnip, onion and many more - İstanbul Arkeoloji Muzelerï : 1. -Metro Kur- tarmables, suchKazıları as Sempozyumucabbage ( Bildiriler), Kitabı,could 5-6 easily Mayıs be 2008 stored (Is- tanbulin cold, Archaeological dark basement Museums: spaces proceedings without of requiringthe 1st Symposium much onfurther Marmaray-Metro attention Salvagelike curing Excavations: or drying 5th-6th (Figs May 6, 2008) 7) his examination of the list, Koder questioned the ab- sence of what at this time would have been common (“Archaeobotanical studies at the Marmaray and Metro excavations Atti dell’Ottava edizione del Convegno “Contributo italiano in Istanbul”), a scavi, ricerche e studi nelle missioni archeologiche in Turchia”, A. Arkeoloji ve Sanat / Journal of Archaeology and Art

, eds Sourcebook for Garden Archaeology. Methods, U. Kocabaș – Z. S. Kızıltan, Istanbul 2010, 233-248. More recently, Techniques, Interpretation and Field Examples an archaeobotanical project within excavations of the Middle Byz- Geoponika, antine monastery of Satyros on the city's Asian side was initiated, Constantinople and its Hinterland. from the B. Ulaş, Twen­ty-seventh Spring Symposium of , Oxford, April 1993 Ricci (ed.), Gemüse 154 (2017), 192-195. For new approaches in garden archaeology, in Byzanz.­ Die Frischgemüseversorgung Konstantinopels im Lichte A. A. Malek (ed.), der Geoponika (Parcs et Jardins 1), Bern 2013. For the J. Koder, “Fresh vegetables for

the capital”, Tilling the Hateful Earth. Agricultural Production and Trade in the Late Antique East (Society for the Promotion of Byzantine Studies 3) eds C. Mango­ – G. Dagron, London 1995, 49-56 and J. Koder, 38

(Byzantinischer Geschichtsschreiber, Ergänzungs­- band 3), Vienna 1993, with earlier references and literature. Le dévelop- An up-to-date discussion on the authorship of the Geoponika pement urbain de Constantinople (IV-VII siècles) compilation39 in, M. Decker, (Oxford Studies in Byzantium), Oxford University Press, 2009, 263-271.

Koder, “Fresh vegetables for the capital”, op.cit. (n. 37), 50; the Flavors and Delights. Tastes and Pleasures of Fig. 5. Constantinople. Plan of the land walls and surround- chapter is titled: “Notice of what is sown and what is planted each Ancient and Byzantine ings, towers 22-40 with indication of towers 25, 26 and 33. month in the region of Constantinople”, Koder, “Fresh vegetables for the capital”, op.cit. (n. 37), 49. Also, C. Mango, 40 ΔΧΑΕ (Travaux et Mémoires du Centre de Recherche d’Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance, Monographies 2), Paris 1990, 49-50. J. Koder, “Everyday in the Middle Byzantine Period”, I. Anagnostakis (ed.), DChAE_39_5_Ricci.indd 133 , Athens 2013, 149. 30/4/2018 4:37:41 μμ

ΛΘ΄ (2018), 125-138 133 ALESSANDRA RICCI

Fig. 6. Constantinople. Towers 18-22 in the inner circuit, outer wall and ditch seen from south-west.

Geoponika

lishments . While gardens represented a metaphor as Mediterranean-climate vegetables such as olives, broad the southern section of the city walls, amply testifies to beans, millet, gourds and others. Rather than an omis- their usage through the Byzantine and Ottoman peri- sion, this absence confirms that the text was specifically ods. Their contemporary survival makes this practice a composed for the geo-climatic region of Constantino- resilient urban habit of the city. 42 ple, which does not afford a full-fledged Mediterranean In fact, for the Middle and Late Byzantine periods, 41 element climate. Furthermore, the chapter in the accounts of the city’s horticultural spaces abound and also focuses on a range of fresh vegetables, which do not are associated with the long history of monastic estab- travel well over long distances and are meant to be con- sumed relatively soon after their harvest . Koder right- well as the reality of a monastic setting, urban or oth- 43 ly hypothesized that lands used for agriculture and veg- erwise, descriptions and representations ofByzantine monasteries Gar- etable gardens to feed the inhabitants of the city were inden Constantinople Culture also include the presence of gardens’ spread throughout the little urbanized area between perimetral42 walls as an important symbolic and spatial

the Constantinian walls and the new land walls, and to . Beyond those walls, vegetable gardens, fruit the west of the new defensive system. This suggestion finds further corroboration in textual and architectural For an ample discussion of textual evidence,ΔΧΑΕ A. M. Talbot, “Byz- antine Monastic Horticulture: the Textual Evidence”, A. Little- evidence41 for the private usage of several chambers in 43 wood –H. Maguire – J. Wolschke-Bulmahan (eds), the land walls towers. The presence of widespread horti- (Dumbarton Oaks Research Library), Washington, cultural spaces inside the land walls, particularly along D.C. 2002, 37-67. DChAE_39_5_Ricci.indd Koder, 134 “Fresh vegetables for the capital”, op.cit. (n. 37), 51. Monastic gardens are also seen as sacred enclosures, V. Della30/4/2018 4:37:57 μμ

ΛΘ΄ (2018), 125-138 134 THE LAND WALLS OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND THEIR SURROUNDINGS

Fig. 7. Constantinople. Probable horticultural zones of the city in the .

healing and spiritual purposes. While this information is . Whereas monastic gardens prevail in the textual

might have existed in earlier periods along the land46 . This is also significant as it supports the sugges

trees and vineyards defined monastic. Not too life far for from dietary, the traveler, reported that vast cultivated lands by the land walls were producing for the inhabitants of the city largely attested in Byzantine sources from these periods, 47 travelers from the west also recognized the abundance evidence of the Late Byzantine periods, horticultural of walled monastic gardens inside Constantinople. The spaces not necessarily part of monastic establishments 44 Castilian Ruy González de Clavijo, in the early years of the , marveled at the mighty size of the city’s walls - land wallsLandscape, and notedNature the and presence the Sacred of in vastByzantium enclosures Cam tion that the cityDe profectione retained Ludoviciample unbuilt VII in orientem: areas between the Jour- 45 with fruit gardens and cornfields theney offormer Louis VIIConstantinian in the East, walls and the new land walls. land walls, Clavijo describedNarrative the of monasterythe Embassy ofto theSt. CourtJohn Together with the monastic gardens well documented of TimourStoudios, at Samarcand, whose still A.D. functioning 1403-1406 monastic commu- for the later periods, the city must have afforded,. par- nity had vast gardens, and more . Earlier, in ticularly46 in its early days and in its immediate vicinity, the mid-, Odo of Deuil, another western agricultural estates ‒a form of structured land-tenure 44

47 ΔΧΑΕDora, , - Odo of Deuil, bridge University Press, 2016, 110-117. V. G. Berry trans. (Colombia Univer- 45 R. Gonzalez de Clavijo, sity Press), New York 1948, 64. , K. H. Markham trans. Koder, “Fresh vegetables for the capital”, op.cit (n. 37), 53-54 (Hakluyt Society), London 1859, 46. with more textual evidence for horticulture in the area of Stou­ DChAE_39_5_Ricci.indd Ο p.cit. 135 (n. 44), 34. dios and the land walls in the Middle Byzantine period. 30/4/2018 4:37:59 μμ

ΛΘ΄ (2018), 125-138 135 ALESSANDRA RICCI

.

50 estates within and near urban centers during. Despite Late An the- tiquity is well attested and, for the city of Constantino- ple, the visibility of its elite landowners is documented for this period too in the region of One of the few names we may associate with areas 51 around the land walls for earlier periods is that of Stu­ dios, consul of the East in 454 and founder of the mo- nastic complex whose construction took place soon Russianbefore his Archaeological consular appointment Institute (Fig.of Constantinople 4) in remarkable architectural resilience of the basilical in plan monastic church, the central role the community played in subsequent centuries in Constantinopolitan portsreligious affairs, and the inevitable interest it exerted on travelers such as Clavijo, little is known about the archaeology of the monastery and the estate. Only lim- vealedited archaeological the presence soundingsof earlier architecturalwere carried remains.out by the A Fig. 8. Constantinople. Detail of the southern portion of the 52 land walls with surrounding gardens. 1907 and 1909, and by the German Archaeological In- stitute of Istanbul with the Ayasofya Museum in 1979, suggestall of which the wereexistence accompanied of a residential by limited complex published of there- . In both instances, archaeological soundings that no­mic management of the products took place underneath the church ‒south and northern

aisles, the former and south of the ‒ re- Journal of Late Antiquity

structure identified as a tower, spaces decoratedFraming the with Ear-

48 50frescoes,ly .and aEurope water and channel the Mediterranean, presumably 400-800 feeding into resenting a vital reference . The presence of agricultural the large-sized underground led U. Peschlow to The Prosopography of organization linked to urban social classes and to eco­ the Later Roman Empire , M. Moser “Landownership and Power in the Senate of Constan­ . Landholders were tinople”, 9/2 (2016), 436-461. On Con- Tilling the Heatful Earth Brickstamps of Byzantium also directly involved in selling the produce, which for stantinopolitan aristocracies and their monastic estates in the 9th op.cit. ( On the oversimplification49 of the concept of economic reasons they were interested in offering at century51 in the region of Bithynia, see Wickham, Bildlexikon der Topographie Istanbuls nearby markets, thereby cutting down on transporta- , op.cit. Elites in Late Antiquity 48 (n. 49), 232-240. [tionArethusa, costs, with urban centers like Constantinople rep- On Studios’ , Martindale, , op.cit. (n. 13) 1037. For a summary of Framing the . and the Bildlexikon der Topographie Istanbuls op.cit. Village wealth, owners, estate centers and their organization in debates about the date of construction of the Stoudios monastery, Mediterranean, 400-800 regions of the Mediterranean, Decker, , Bardill, , op.cit. (n. 14), 60-62. An up- Anatolian n. 38), 28-79. dated52 plan of the church and surrounding remains in, Müller-Wie- DOP Studies elites, J. Matthews, “The Roman Empire and the Proliferation of ner, , op.cit. (n. 4), 147-152, Elites”,49 M. R. Salzman – C. Rapp (eds), fig. 138. 33/3 (Fall 2000)], The Johns Hopkins University Press, The archaeological soundings conductedΔΧΑΕ by the Russian Archae- 2000, 429-446. ological Institute of Constantinople are discussed in, Müller-Wie- C. Wickham, ner, , (n. 4), 150. The , Oxford University Press, 2005, 271. For most extensive report on the 1979 archaeological soundings in, A. urban markets, M. Mundell Mango, “The Commercial Map of Peschlow, “Recent Archaeological Research in ,” DChAE_39_5_Ricci.inddConstantinople,” 136 54 (2000), 189-208. 30 (1980), 218-219. 30/4/2018 4:38:03 μμ

ΛΘ΄ (2018), 125-138 136 THE LAND WALLS OF CONSTANTINOPLE AND THEIR SURROUNDINGS

order to accommodate the monastic complex . As a de

53

Imperial/Late Roman periods that was demolished in shows the extension of gardens outside and inside the . - land walls between the Golden Gate and the Xylokerkos tailed publication of the soundings will certainly shed gate; within the walls are the vegetable gardens of “Is- more light on the archaeology of the site, a working hy- mail Pacha” and “Horos” while homes for the gardeners pothesis sees a well-structured suburban residential es- ofare the at mightiestthe end of architectural the land walls achievements by the sea ofof Late Marma An- tate with annexed lands, which in the middle of the 5th ra. Horticulture, cemeteries and small sized-clusters of 54 century was replaced by a monastic complex. This might homes as well as monuments mark the landscape in this represent a rare Constantinopolitan example, supported area of the land walls. by archaeological evidence, of the transformation of a These days, a walk along the southern section of the residential estate into a monastic community land walls will reveal the presence of horticultural activ- The area around the Stoudios monastery and the ities in the ditch, with landholders selling fresh produce southern section of the land walls continues to show the on the outer and inner terraces in the shadows of one presence of extended horticultural activities well into - Examples of aristocratic domus-oikoi55 transformed in monastic the Ottoman times. Of the numerousOikoi testimonies, in the Tenth work and tiquity. We find a historically resilient dialog, which the

53by Lechevalier is of particular relevance as it .is Byzanbased- rapidly shrinking orchards continue to maintain along ontine meticulousConstantinople: on-site Monuments, surveys Topography carried out and withEveryday techni Life- the land walls, Toplumsal in what Tarihi contributes to the survival and

cal54 instruments (Fig. 8) . The measured plan of the city conservation of both tangible and intangible heritage. Illustration credits Peschlow, “Recent Archaeological Research in Turkey”, op.cit. 1786. A general discussion of historical and visual evidence of Xρήµα και αγορά στην Bildlexikon zur Topo­ (n. 52), 218-219. horticulture in this area in Ottoman times from 1546 onwards, A. εποχή των Παλαιολόγων ed. Athens gra­­­phie Istanbuls Shopov – A. Han, “Osmanlı İstanbul’unda Kent İçi Tarımsal To- communities, P. Magdalino, “Aristocratic prak Kullanımı ve Dünüşümleri Yedikule Bostanları” (“Yedikule u Οι βυζαντινές πόλεις, 8ος-15ος αι. Bild­lexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls Eleventh Regions of Constantinople”, N. Necipoğlu (ed ), Orchards: Use and Transformation of Urban Agricultural Land Προοπτικές της έρευνας και νέες ερμηνευτικές προσεγγίσεις in Ottoman”), 23 6 (2013), 34-38. Bildlexikon zur Topographie­ Istanbuls (The Medieval Mediterranean 33), Leiden 2001, 53-69. Also, T. Voyage de la Propontide et du Pont-Euxin Gemüse in Byzanz Kioussopoulou, «H παρουσία των µοναστηριών µέσα στις πό- λεις κατά την ύστερη βυζαντινή εποχή», Figs 1, 6: Al. Ricci. Fig. 2: Müller-Wiener, Voyage de la Propontide , N. G. Moschonas, 2003, , op.cit. (n. 4), fig. 326 p. 287, redrawn by A. 273-282. For a wide range of perspectives on Middle Byzantine Ric­­ci. Fig. 3: Personal Pho­to­graphic Archive of Zeynep Ahun- cities,55 T. Kioussopo lou (ed.), . Fig. 4: Müller-Wiener, , , op.cit. (n. 4), fig. 333 p. 292; redrawn by V. İndere. Fig. 5: Müller- Rethymno 2012. AlessandraWie Ricci­ner, , op.cit. (n. 4), fig. J. B. Lechevalier, , 332 p. 291; redrawn by V. İndere.­ Fig. 7: Koder, , vol. 1, Paris 1800, ix-xii; 102-104; the plan of the city is in vol. op.cit. (n. 37), 52; revi­s­ed by author, redrawn by V. İndere. Fig. 8: 2, Paris 1802, 168, drawn by F. Kauffer and J.B. Lechevalier in Lechevalier, , op.cit. (n. 55), vol. 2, 168.

Τ

ΔΧΑΕ

ΕΝΑ ΑΝΘΕΚΤΙΚΟ ΤΟΠΙΟ: ΤΑ ΤΕΙΧΗ DChAE_39_5_Ricci.indd 137 30/4/2018 4:38:04 μμ α χερσαίαΤΗΣ τείχη ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΥΠΟΛΗΣ της Κωνσταντινούπολης, που ανε- από ΚΑΙ τα πιο ΤΑ αντιπροσωπευτικά ΠΕΡΙΧΩΡΑ μ νηΤΟΥΣμεία της αρχιτε- γέρθηκαν στις αρχές του 5ου αιώνα, αποτελούν ένα κτονικής της ύστερης αρχαιότητας αλλά και της νέας ΛΘ΄ (2018), 125-138 137 ALESSANDRA RICCI

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πρωτεύουσας. Ευρισκόμενα σε απόσταση περίπου ενά- να καλλιεργείται στην περιοχή της Κωνσταντινούπο- μισι χιλιομέτρου από τα τείχη της εποχής του Κωνστα- λης, στις διάφορες εποχές του έτους. Πρόκειται για έναν ντίνου έκλειναν τη χερσόνησο της πόλης κατά μήκος συνοπτικό κατάλογο που ταιριάζει με τις κλιματικές μιας γραμμής εξίμισι περίπου χιλιομέτρων. Αποτελού- συνθήκες της βυζαντινής πρωτεύουσας, τον οποίο ο J μενα από ένα τριμερές σύστημα, δηλαδή μία τάφρο,Plath Koder συνέδεσε με τις αστικές καλλιέργειες που βρίσκο- ένανSchneider πρώτο εξωτερικό περίβολο ακολουθούμενο από νταν στα όρια της πόλης και σε περιοχές λίγο έξω από ένα δεύτερο περίβολο με αρκετά ψηλούς πύργους, και τα χερσαία τείχη (Εικ. 5-7). με τη χαρακτηριστική διχρωμία των εναλλασσόμενων Σε μια μελέτη για ορισμένους πύργους που βρίσκο- ζωνών λίθων και πλίνθων, τα χερσαία τείχη συνέχισαν νται στην εσωτερική οχύρωση, σημειώνεται η απουσία να αποτελούν το σύνορο της πόλης σε όλη τη βυζαντι- αμυντικού χαρακτήρα στους κάτω ορόφους, που χρη- νή αλλά και κατά την οθωμανική περίοδο (Εικ. 1-3). σίμευαν μάλλον ως αποθήκες ή για τη φρουρά. Στους Από την άποψη της αρχιτεκτονικής τεκμηρίωσης, η πύργους αυτούς ορισμένες ενδείξεις φανερώνουν ότι εργασία που πραγματοποιήθηκε από τους Meyer- δεν υπήρχε δομική επικοινωνία με τον επάνω όροφο. και στη δεκαετία του 1930 παραμένει ση- Στον κάτω όροφο διαπιστώνεται η ύπαρξη μικρής θύ- μείο αναφοράς για όσους ασχολήθηκαν στη συνέχεια ρας, διαμορφωμένης στη φάση της αρχικής κατασκευής με το μνημείο. Αυτό ισχύει ακόμη και μετά τις πιο πρό- του πύργου, που άνοιγε στον χώρο μεταξύ της εσωτε- σφατες μεταμορφώσεις που υπέστησαν τα τείχη, ως ρικής και της εξωτερικής περιφέρειας της οχύρωσης. συνέπεια των γρήγορων αλλαγών του αστικού τοπίου Συγκεκριμένα, στον πύργο 4 και στους πύργους 16, και των προγραμμάτων συντήρησης, αμφίβολης αξίας. 19, 25, 26 και 33 του νοτίου τμήματος των χερσαίων Οι αλλαγές αυτές επέφεραν σημαντικές τροποποιήσεις τειχών υπάρχουν ενδείξεις αυτών των θυρών. Είναι σε κάποια σημεία τους και σε ορισμένες από τις πύλες πιθανόν αυτές οι κρυφές θύρες που ανοίγονταν στο της πόλης, όπως για παράδειγμα στην πύλη του Ξυλο- εσωτερικό των κάτω ορόφων των πύργων, να αντι- κέρκου (Μπελγκράντ Καπί).Odo Η ακεραιότηταde Deuil των χερ- στοιχούσαν στους χώρους στους οποίους αναφέρεται σαίων τειχών de ως μνημείου συνδέεται βέβαια και με τη ο Θεοδοσιανός Κώδικας και η λειτουργία τους να συν- διατήρηση του τοπίου που τα προσδιόρισε επί αιώνες. δέεται με τις γεωργικές εργασίεςLechevalier που γίνονταν κοντά Πράγματι, όπως μαρτυρείται από πολλές πηγές της στα τείχη. μέσης και ύστερης βυζαντινής περιόδου, το τοπίο της Η επιτόπια έρευνα κατά μήκος των χερσαίων τει- πόλης που βρίσκεται κοντά στην εσωτερική πλευρά χών, ιδιαίτερα στον νότιο τομέα, φανερώνει ακόμη των χερσαίων τειχών, δεν ήταν πυκνά οικοδομημένο. και σήμερα την ύπαρξη λαχανόκηπων στα πλατώμα- Επιπλέον, μαρτυρίες δυτικών περιηγητών στην Κων- τα των τειχών, στην τάφρο και στην πλευρά προς την σταντινούπολη, όπως του και του Ruy πόλη. Η χαρτογραφία της ύστερης οθωμανικής περιό- Gonzalez Clavijo, κάνουν λόγο για μεγάλους καλ- δου καταγράφει επίσης την ύπαρξη κήπων και οπω- Μετάφραση από τα ιταλικά: Μαρία Καζανάκη-Λάππα λιεργηΓεωπονικάμένους χώρους, πολλοί από τους οποίους πε­ρι­ ρώνων, και ο χάρτης του αποτελεί το πιο κλείονται από περιμετρικά τείχη μοναστηριών, όπως αντιπροσωπευτικόΤμήμα Αρχαιολογίας παράδειγμα και(Εικ. Ιστορίας 8). της Τέχνης για παράδειγμα στην κοντινή στα τείχη μονή του Στου­ Η σχέση των μνημKoçειακών Üniversitesi χερσαίων, Κωνσταντινούπολη τειχών της Κων­ δίου (Εικ. 4). στα­ντινούπολης με τους χώρους της αγροτικήςaricci@ku παρα.edu.tr- Ένας νόμος που περιέχεται στον Θεοδοσιανό Κώ- γωγής αποτυπώνει μια ιστορική και τυπικά αστική δικα (15.1.51) και έχει χρονολογηθεί στο 413, κάνει συ­ ισορροπία ανάμεσα στην αρχιτεκτονική κληρονομιά γκεκριμένη αναφορά στους πύργους των «νέων τει­χών» και την άυλη κληρονομιά. και στον προορισμό τους για ιδιωτική χρήση. Επι­πλέον, ΔΧΑΕ στα , ένα εγχειρίδιο αγρονομίας που αποτε- λείται από συλλογή κειμένων, ορισμένα από τα οποία χρονολογούνται στον 6ο αιώνα, περιλαμβάνεται ένα κεφάλαιο που αναφέρεται στο τι συγκεκριμένα πρέπει DChAE_39_5_Ricci.indd 138 30/4/2018 4:38:04 μμ

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