“Without Hope There Is No Life.” Class, Affect, and Meritocracy in Middle
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The London School of Economics and Political Science “Without hope there is no life.” Class, affect, and meritocracy in middle-class Cairo Harry Pettit A thesis submitted to the Department of Geography & Environment of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2017. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 91, 935 words. 2 Abstract: This thesis examines the lives of a group of young middle-class Egyptian men who experience a mismatch between their aspirations and their chances of realising them. It analyses the historical emergence of an under-recognised ‘falling’ middle-class in contemporary Egypt, by comparing their relative fall with another middle-class population which has experienced a dramatic rise in wealth and status in the aftermath of neoliberal economic change. I contribute to literature examining the rise of the middle-classes across the Global South in recent years. First, I reveal the importance of historically-owned rural land, cultural privilege, the legal and political remnants of state socialism, and international migration in the socio-economic rise of an Egyptian middle-class. Second, I move away from a predominant focus on consumption, and instead highlight how educational markers, and ‘character’ differences enable the exercise of a new form of ‘open-minded’ middle-class distinction. But finally, I challenge existing literature by uncovering the emergence of an alternative, less-celebratory middle-class in the late-20th and early-21st century, one which has experienced relative decline as the public sector jobs, education, and subsidies they relied on to forge their middle-class lives have been stripped away. The rest of the thesis uses eleven months of ethnographic fieldwork stretched over two years to delve into the lives of a group of young men in this falling middle-class category as they attempt to make the transition from education to ‘aspired to’ employment. It first establishes the existence of a rupture in the Bourdieu-like congruence between their aspirations for a globalised middle-class life, and their ability to reach it. The three main empirical chapters analyse the consequences of this ‘mismatch.’ By applying affect theory to the study of class immobility, I recast existing understandings of how people navigate conditions of ‘waithood,’ in particular through reintroducing a focus on stability and power. I argue that these young men survive their classed and aged immobility through forming a ‘cruel attachment’ to a discursive and material terrain of Egyptianised meritocracy that affects them with hope for the future. This terrain was continuously extended by certain labour market industries and institutions, such as training centres, recruitment agencies, and an entrepreneurship ‘scene,’ that constituted part of Cairo’s ‘hopeful city.’ The thesis therefore demonstrates how Egypt’s capitalist- authoritarian regime also survives, securing the compliance of young middle-class men, despite denying them access to respectable middle-class living, by continually regurgitating a hopeful promise of future fulfilment. 3 Acknowledgements This thesis was produced by so many people beyond myself. I cannot begin to thank them for all the support they have given me. Here is an insufficient attempt: The thesis would not have been possible without the participants, who contributed everything to it. This is your story, and I hope I did some justice to it. I wanted people to understand the pain that you, as well as countless others, go through daily as a result of a broken system. I only wish that portraying your story can put the spotlight on it. The thesis would also not have been possible without the continuous love, empathy, and endless patience of my partner, Cristina. Thank you for being all that you are, and for enabling me to become a better person every day. And finally, it would not have been possible without the never-ending care and support of my supervisors, Claire Mercer and Gareth Jones. Thank you for providing me with endless knowledge, understanding, advice, a push now and again, and sustained confidence in difficult times. I have shared this emotion-filled PhD journey with some truly wonderful people, both at the LSE, and beyond. Mara has been with me every step of the way (literally on the desk next- door), and that meant we shared all of the highs and lows together. Ganga, though not quite on the next-desk, has also been there every step of the way with us. Wiebe, was a wonderful companion during my fieldwork, and has continued to provide daily support and friendship since from the other side of the sea. There are many other close friends and colleagues I have gained at the LSE, and in London, in the eight years I have spent here. I know that you will be in my life for a long time to come. A special mention must also be made of Rutgers University, which provided a glorious temporary home for a short time. Both the visit to Rutgers, and the PhD itself was only made possible by the financial support of the Economic and Social Research Council. I am extremely privileged to have had this opportunity. I hope that many more are able to have the same. Finally, I would like to thank, and express my love for my family, Mum, Dad, Michaella, Tom, and Will. Thank you for providing meaning every day, and for being there, all the way from 4 little Retford to the big smoke. My adopted family of ‘in-laws’, Alison, Camelia, Cristian, and Andrew has only added joy and meaning. 5 Contents Abstract:................................................................................................................................................. 3 Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................ 4 List of Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................. 8 List of Figures ........................................................................................................................................ 9 Glossary of key Arabic terms ............................................................................................................. 10 Chapter 1 Introduction: Hope, meritocracy, and the middle-classes in contemporary Egypt ......... 11 March of the global middle class? ................................................................................................. 17 Middle-class outcasts of 21st century cities .................................................................................... 22 Egypt’s ‘middle-class poor’ ............................................................................................................ 32 ‘All that is solid melts into air’ (Berman, 1982) ............................................................................ 37 The departure of hope .................................................................................................................... 41 Hopeful Resistance .......................................................................................................................... 48 Mundane hope-making ................................................................................................................... 52 Meritocratic industries of hope ...................................................................................................... 55 Conclusions ...................................................................................................................................... 64 Chapter 2 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 68 The entry point ................................................................................................................................ 69 Specifying the field .......................................................................................................................... 71 Extending ..................................................................................................................................... 73 Narrowing .................................................................................................................................... 75 The Research Process...................................................................................................................... 78 Middle-class histories .................................................................................................................. 78 Following a tormented pursuit ................................................................................................... 80 Objects of hope ...........................................................................................................................