'RECONCILING' Sri Lanka
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Northern Sri Lanka Jane Derges University College London Phd In
Northern Sri Lanka Jane Derges University College London PhD in Social Anthropology UMI Number: U591568 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U591568 Published by ProQuest LLC 2013. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Fig. 1. Aathumkkaavadi DECLARATION I, Jane Derges, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources I confirm that this has been indicated the thesis. ABSTRACT Following twenty-five years of civil war between the Sri Lankan government troops and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), a ceasefire was called in February 2002. This truce is now on the point of collapse, due to a break down in talks over the post-war administration of the northern and eastern provinces. These instabilities have lead to conflicts within the insurgent ranks as well as political and religious factions in the south. This thesis centres on how the anguish of war and its unresolved aftermath is being communicated among Tamils living in the northern reaches of Sri Lanka. -
Interim Report
INTERIM REPORT ON ELECTION-RELATED VIOLENCE: GENERAL ELECTION 2004 2ND APRIL 2004 Election Day Violations Figure 1 COMPARISON OF ELECTION DAY INCIDENTS: ELECTION DAY 2004 WITH A) POLLING DAY - PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 1999 B) POLLING DAY - GENERAL ELECTION 2001 General A Election B 2004 General Election 368 incidents 2004 (20%) 368 incidents (27%) Presidential Election 1999 General 973 incidents (73%) Election 2001 1473 (80%) Total number of incidents in both elections 1341 Total number of incidents in both elections 1841 2004 General Election Campaign Source: Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) Releases and Reports are signed by the three Co-Convenors, Ms. Sunila Abeysekera, Mr Sunanda Deshapriya and Dr Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu. CMEV Monitors sign a pledge affirming their commitment to independent, non partisan monitoring and are trained before deployment. In addition to local Monitors at all levels, CMEV also deploys International Observers to work with its local Monitors in the INTERIM REPORT field, two weeks to ten days before polling day and on polling day. International Observers are recruited from international civil society organizations and have worked in the human rights and nd ELECTION DAY 2 APRIL 2004 development fields as practitioners, activists and academics. The Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) was On Election Day, CMEV deployed 4347 Monitors including 25 formed in 1997 by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), the International Observers. CMEV monitored a total of 6,215 Free Media Movement (FMM) and the Coalition Against Political polling centres or 58.2% of the total of 10,670 polling centres. Violence as an independent non-partisan organization to monitor the incidence of election – related violence. -
Ruwanwella) Mrs
Lady Members First State Council (1931 - 1935) Mrs. Adline Molamure by-election (Ruwanwella) Mrs. Naysum Saravanamuttu by-election (Colombo North) (Mrs. Molamure was the first woman to be elected to the Legislature) Second State Council (1936 - 1947) Mrs. Naysum Saravanamuttu (Colombo North) First Parliament (House of Representatives) (1947 - 1952) Mrs. Florence Senanayake (Kiriella) Mrs. Kusumasiri Gunawardena by-election (Avissawella) Mrs. Tamara Kumari Illangaratne by-election (Kandy) Second Parliament (House of (1952 - 1956) Representatives) Mrs. Kusumasiri Gunawardena (Avissawella) Mrs. Doreen Wickremasinghe (Akuressa) Third Parliament (House of Representatives) (1956 - 1959) Mrs. Viviene Goonewardene (Colombo North) Mrs. Kusumasiri Gunawardena (Kiriella) Mrs. Vimala Wijewardene (Mirigama) Mrs. Kusuma Rajaratna by-election (Welimada) Lady Members Fourth Parliament (House of (March - April 1960) Representatives) Mrs. Wimala Kannangara (Galigomuwa) Mrs. Kusuma Rajaratna (Uva-Paranagama) Mrs. Soma Wickremanayake (Dehiowita) Fifth Parliament (House of Representatives) (July 1960 - 1964) Mrs. Kusuma Rajaratna (Uva-Paranagama) Mrs. Soma Wickremanayake (Dehiowita) Mrs. Viviene Goonewardene by-election (Borella) Sixth Parliament (House of Representatives) (1965 - 1970) Mrs. Sirima R. D. Bandaranaike (Attanagalla) Mrs. Sivagamie Obeyesekere (Mirigama) Mrs. Wimala Kannangara (Galigomuwa) Mrs. Kusuma Rajaratna (Uva-Paranagama) Mrs. Leticia Rajapakse by-election (Dodangaslanda) Mrs. Mallika Ratwatte by-election (Balangoda) Seventh Parliament (House of (1970 - 1972) / (1972 - 1977) Representatives) & First National State Assembly Mrs. Kusala Abhayavardhana (Borella) Mrs. Sirima R. D. Bandaranaike (Attanagalla) Mrs. Viviene Goonewardene (Dehiwala - Mt.Lavinia) Lady Members Mrs. Tamara Kumari Ilangaratne (Galagedera) Mrs. Sivagamie Obeyesekere (Mirigama) Mrs. Mallika Ratwatte (Balangoda) Second National State Assembly & First (1977 - 1978) / (1978 - 1989) Parliament of the D.S.R. of Sri Lanka Mrs. Sirima R. D. Bandaranaike (Attanagalla) Miss. -
The Case of Kataragama Pāda Yātrā in Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka Journal of Social Sciences 2017 40 (1): 41-52 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4038/sljss.v40i1.7500 RESEARCH ARTICLE Collective ritual as a way of transcending ethno-religious divide: the case of Kataragama Pāda Yātrā in Sri Lanka# Anton Piyarathne* Department of Social Studies, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, The Open University of Sri Lanka, Nawala, Sri Lanka. Abstract: Sri Lanka has been in the prime focus of national and who are Sinhala speakers, are predominantly Buddhist, international discussions due to the internal war between the whereas the ethnic Tamils, who communicate in the Tamil Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the Sri Lankan language, are primarily Hindu. These two ethnic groups government forces. The war has been an outcome of the are often recognised as rivals involved in an “ethnic competing ethno-religious-nationalisms that raised their heads; conflict” that culminated in war between the LTTE (the specially in post-colonial Sri Lanka. Though today’s Sinhala Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, a military movement and Tamil ethno-religious-nationalisms appear as eternal and genealogical divisions, they are more of constructions; that has battled for the liberation of Sri Lankan Tamils) colonial inventions and post-colonial politics. However, in this and the government. Sri Lanka suffered heavily as a context it is hard to imagine that conflicting ethno-religious result of a three-decade old internal war, which officially groups in Sri Lanka actually unite in everyday interactions. ended with the elimination of the leadership of the LTTE This article, explains why and how this happens in a context in May, 2009. -
Sri Lanka's Potemkin Peace: Democracy Under Fire
Sri Lanka’s Potemkin Peace: Democracy Under Fire Asia Report N°253 | 13 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Northern Province Elections and the Future of Devolution ............................................ 2 A. Implementing the Thirteenth Amendment? ............................................................. 3 B. Northern Militarisation and Pre-Election Violations ................................................ 4 C. The Challenges of Victory .......................................................................................... 6 1. Internal TNA discontent ...................................................................................... 6 2. Sinhalese fears and charges of separatism ........................................................... 8 3. The TNA’s Tamil nationalist critics ...................................................................... 9 D. The Legal and Constitutional Battleground .............................................................. 12 E. A Short- -
Sri Lanka Anketell Final
The Silence of Sri Lanka’s Tamil Leaders on Accountability for War Crimes: Self- Preservation or Indifference? Niran Anketell 11 May 2011 A ‘wikileaked’ cable of 15 January 2010 penned by Patricia Butenis, U.S Ambassador to Sri Lanka, entitled ‘SRI LANKA WAR-CRIMES ACCOUNTABILITY: THE TAMIL PERSPECTIVE’, suggested that Tamils within Sri Lanka are more concerned about economic and social issues and political reform than about pursuing accountability for war crimes. She also said that there was an ‘obvious split’ between diaspora Tamils and Tamils within Sri Lanka on how and when to address the issue of accountability. Tamil political leaders for their part, notably those from the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), had made no public remarks on the issue of accountability until 18 April 2011, when they welcomed the UN Secretary-General’s Expert Panel report on accountability in Sri Lanka. That silence was observed by some as an indication that Tamils in Sri Lanka have not prioritised the pursuit of accountability to the degree that their diaspora counterparts have. At a panel discussion on Sri Lanka held on 10 February 2011 in Washington D.C., former Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia, Donald Camp, cited the Butenis cable to argue that the United States should shift its focus from one of pursuing accountability for war abuses to ‘constructive engagement’ with the Rajapakse regime. Camp is not alone. There is significant support within the centres of power in the West that a policy of engagement with Colombo is a better option than threatening it with war crimes investigations and prosecutions. -
SRI LANKA: Land Ownership and the Journey to Self-Determination
Land Ownership and the Journey to Self-Determination SRI LANKA Country Paper Land Watch Asia SECURING THE RIGHT TO LAND 216 Acknowledgments Vavuniya), Mahaweli Authority of Sri Lanka, Hadabima Authority of Sri Lanka, National This paper is an abridged version of an earlier scoping Aquaculture Development Authority in Sri study entitled Sri Lanka Country Report: Land Watch Asia Lanka, Urban Development Authority, Coconut Study prepared in 2010 by the Sarvodaya Shramadana Development Authority, Agricultural and Agrarian Movement through the support of the International Land Insurance Board, Coconut Cultivation Board, Coalition (ILC). It is also written as a contribution to the Janatha Estate Dvt. Board, National Livestock Land Watch Asia (LWA) campaign to ensure that access Development Board, National Water Supply and to land, agrarian reform and sustainable development for Drainage Board, Palmyra Dvt. Board, Rubber the rural poor are addressed in development. The LWA Research Board of Sri Lanka, Sri Lanka Tea Board, campaign is facilitated by the Asian NGO Coalition for Land Reform Commission, Sri Lanka State Agrarian Reform and Rural Development (ANGOC) and Plantation Cooperation, State Timber Cooperation, involves civil society organizations in Bangladesh, Geological Survey and Mines Bureau, Lankem Cambodia, India, Indonesia, Nepal, Pakistan, the Tea and Rubber Plantation Limited, Mahaweli Philippines, and Sri Lanka. Livestock Enterprise Ltd, National Institute of Education, National Institute of Plantation Mgt., The main paper was written by Prof. CM Madduma Department of Wildlife Conservation Bandara as main author, with research partners Vindya • Non-Governmental Organizations Wickramaarachchi and Siripala Gamage. The authors Plan Sri Lanka, World Vision Lanka, CARE acknowledge the support of Dr. -
Jfcqjsptlpq Learning-Politics-From
LEARNING POLITICS FROM SIVARAM The Life and Death of a Revolutionary Tamil Journalist in Sri Lanka MARK P. WHITAKER Pluto P Press LONDON • ANN ARBOR, MI Whitaker 00 PLUTO pre iii 14/11/06 08:40:31 First published 2007 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA and 839 Greene Street, Ann Arbor, MI 48106 www.plutobooks.com Copyright © Mark P. Whitaker 2007 The right of Mark P. Whitaker to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Hardback ISBN-10 0 7453 2354 5 ISBN-13 978 0 7453 2354 1 Paperback ISBN-10 0 7453 2353 7 ISBN-13 978 0 7453 2353 4 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data applied for 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Designed and produced for Pluto Press by Chase Publishing Services Ltd, Fortescue, Sidmouth, EX10 9QG, England Typeset from disk by Stanford DTP Services, Northampton, England Printed and bound in the European Union by Antony Rowe Ltd, Chippenham and Eastbourne, England Whitaker 00 PLUTO pre iv 14/11/06 08:40:31 CONTENTS Acknowledgements vi Note on Transliteration, Translation, Names, and Neutrality ix Three Prologues xi 1. Introduction: Why an Intellectual Biography of Sivaram Dharmeratnam? 1 2. Learning Politics from Sivaram 18 3. The Family Elephant 32 4. Ananthan and the Readers’ Circle 52 5. From SR to Taraki – A ‘Serious Unserious’ Journey 79 6. -
Conjuring up Spirits of the Past" Identifications in Public Ritual of Living Persons with Persons from the Past
PETER SCHALK "Conjuring Up Spirits of the Past" Identifications in Public Ritual of Living Persons with Persons from the Past Introduction Karl Marx pointed out in the first chapter of Der achzehnte Brumaire des Louis Bonaparte ("The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon") from 1852 that just as people seem to be occupied with revolutionising themselves and things, creating something that did not exist before, it is precisely in such epochs of revolutionary crisis that they anxiously conjure up the spir- its of the past to their service, borrowing from them names, battle slogans, and costumes in order to present this new scene in world history in time- honoured disguise and borrowed language. Thus, Luther put on the mask of the Apostle Paul. (Marx 1972: 115.) Marx called this also Totenbeschwörung or Totenerweckung, "conjuring up spirits of the past", and he saw two pos- sible outcomes of it. It can serve the purpose of glorifying the new strug- gles, but it can also end up in just parodying the old. It can magnify the given task in the imagination, but it can also result in a recoil from its solu- tion in reality. It can result in finding once more the spirit of revolution, but may also make its ghost walk again. (Marx 1972: 116.) There is a risk in repeating the past. It may just end up in comedy or even ridicule. This putting on the mask of past generations or Totenbeschwörung, I re- fer to here as historical approximation/synchronisation. This historical ap- proximation to, and synchronisation of, living persons with persons of the past is done as a conscious intellectual effort by ideologues to identify per- sons and events separated in space and time because of a similarity. -
Nationalism, Caste-Blindness, and the Continuing Problems of War-Displaced Panchamars in Post-War Jaffna Society
Article CASTE: A Global Journal on Social Exclusion Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 51–70 February 2020 brandeis.edu/j-caste ISSN 2639-4928 DOI: 10.26812/caste.v1i1.145 Nationalism, Caste-Blindness, and the Continuing Problems of War-Displaced Panchamars in Post-War Jaffna Society Kalinga Tudor Silva1 Abstract More than a decade after the end of the 26-year old LTTE—led civil war in Sri Lanka, a particular section of the Jaffna society continues to stay as Internally Displaced People (IDP). This paper tries to unravel why some low caste groups have failed to end their displacement and move out of the camps while everybody else has moved on to become a settled population regardless of the limitations they experience in the post-war era. Using both quantitative and qualitative data from the affected communities the paper argues that ethnic-biases and ‘caste-blindness’ of state policies, as well as Sinhala and Tamil politicians largely informed by rival nationalist perspectives are among the underlying causes of the prolonged IDP problem in the Jaffna Peninsula. In search of an appropriate solution to the intractable IDP problem, the author calls for an increased participation of these subaltern caste groups in political decision making and policy dialogues, release of land in high security zones for the affected IDPs wherever possible, and provision of adequate incentives for remaining people to move to alternative locations arranged by the state in consultation with IDPs themselves and members of neighbouring communities where they cannot be relocated at their original sites. Keywords Caste, caste-blindness, ethnicity, nationalism, social class, IDPs, Panchamars, Sri Lanka 1Department of Sociology, University of Peradeniya, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka E-mail: [email protected] © 2020 Kalinga Tudor Silva. -
PDF995, Job 2
MONITORING FACTORS AFFECTING THE SRI LANKAN PEACE PROCESS CLUSTER REPORT FIRST QUARTERLY FEBRUARY 2006 œ APRIL 2006 CENTRE FOR POLICY ALTERNATIVES 0 TABLE OF CONTENTS CLUSTER Page Number PEACE TALKS AND NEGOTIATIONS CLUSTER.................................................... 2 POLITICAL ENVIRONM ENT CLUSTER.....................................................................13 SECURITY CLUSTER.............................................................................................................23 LEGAL & CONSTIIUTIONAL CLUSTER......................................................................46 ECONOM ICS CLUSTER.........................................................................................................51 RELIEF, REHABILITATION & RECONSTRUCTION CLUSTER......................61 PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS & SOCIAL ATTITUDES CLUSTER................................70 M EDIA CLUSTER.......................................................................................................................76. ENDNOTES.....… … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … ..84 M ETHODOLOGY The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has conducted the project “Monitoring the Factors Affecting the Peace Process” since 2005. The output of this project is a series of Quarterly Reports. This is the fifth of such reports. It should be noted that this Quarterly Report covers the months of February, March and April. Having identified a number of key factors that impact the peace process, they have been monitored observing change or stasis through -
Ancestral Groups in Sydney, 2011. Urban Geography, 37(7), 985-1008
Johnston, R., Forrest, J., Jones, K., & Manley, D. (2016). The scale of segregation: ancestral groups in Sydney, 2011. Urban Geography, 37(7), 985-1008. https://doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2016.1139867 Peer reviewed version Link to published version (if available): 10.1080/02723638.2016.1139867 Link to publication record in Explore Bristol Research PDF-document This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Urban Geography on [date of publication], available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/02723638.2016.1139867 University of Bristol - Explore Bristol Research General rights This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/red/research-policy/pure/user-guides/ebr-terms/ The scale of segregation: ancestral groups in Sydney, 2011 Most studies of urban residential segregation analyse it at a single-scale only, usually the smallest for which relevant census data are available. Following a recent argument that such segregation is multi-scalar, this paper reports on multi-level modelling of the segregation of 42 ancestral groups in Sydney, Australia, looking at its intensity at four separate scales in which segregation at each scale is presented nett of its intensity at all higher-level scales. Most groups are more segregated at the macro- and micro-scales than at two intermediate meso-scales, with variations across them reflecting their size, recency of arrival in Australia, and cultural differences from the host society. The findings are used as the basis for developing a multi-scale appreciation of residential patterning.