THE MAGAZINE OF THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS OF AMERICAAMERICA FALL 2019 • VOL. XLVII NO. 2 From the National Director Convention momentum BY MARIA SVART role in building the solidarity across dif- Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung global we- ferences and collective fearlessness it binar series with McAlevey starting in e are at a will take to win not just in the political October. turning realm, but outside of it as well, in the point. Poor W streets and in our workplaces. and working-class want to close by lifting up the paid I write this a week after our conven- people have always and unpaid labor of folks working tion. Being with comrades from all I known that the deck is together to make the convention a suc- corners of the country, sharing organiz- stacked against us, but cess. In no particular order: ing lessons and love was extraordinarily in recent years many of energizing and strengthened the bonds DSA staff There’s the largely unseen us have become even we will need in the coming period. labor of our operations and fi nancial more cynical about Upon hearing about the union-busting teams, internal and external com- the formal political system. On the one Mississippi ICE raids on the day Don- munications, and the constant travel hand, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and ald Trump visited El Paso and Dayton, and chapter support of our organizing Rashida Tlaib have been joined by a our national Immigrant Rights Working team. cohort of openly socialist local and state Group immediately organized with the UNITE HERE Local 23 workers at elected offi cials from across the country. national offi ce and southern members to the hotel who supported DSA staff in On the other, Republican voter suppres- make solidarity plans. Yet how we react numerous ways. sion efforts only exacerbate the fact that to what I call Trump’s shock and awe is many, many people have given up. Vot- Convention chairs Beth Huang, but one piece of our strategy. ers aren’t interested in Democrats who Natalie Midiri, and Chris Riddiough The proactive piece of our strategy vote like Republicans and capitulate for confi dently chairing our gathering is how we fi ght for our vision for an while Donald Trump calls open season of over 1,000 delegates. alternative to barbarism, and how we on our communities. Atlanta DSA for its “pub crawl organize, not just mobilize, to win. Yet between the teacher strikes and social” Friday night, “Welcome to Watching the fl oor debates and hearing the Puerto Rican general strike that Atlanta” guide, and for recruiting so the conversations during the convention, helped oust the island’s corrupt gov- many volunteers and solidarity hous- I see that using the intense democratic ernor, it’s clear that the working class ing hosts. process spanning months to come to is realizing that we still hold immense collective decisions helped build collec- Convention Committees at the na- power, should we choose to exercise tive ownership of our plans. tional level: Credentials, Election, it. Socialists will play an indispensable We also debuted an update to our Program, and especially Resolutions. core national training modules. Mobiliz- The outgoing and incoming Na- ing is something DSAers do well, but tional Political Committee members A New Look for it will take deeper organizing to ensure who give so much of themselves to that a higher percentage of members what is often thankless but critical Democratic Left are active in our chapters and that more work. If you’re a member of DSA, this is chapters are running strategic cam- Knoxville DSAers who fi lled the the print version of your nationwide paigns to take power from the capitalist beautiful swag bags for Allie Cohn to publication, written and produced class. Puya Gerami’s interview with drive to the convention. by volunteers. With this issue we Jane McAlevey in this issue elabo- Volunteers from Atlanta and else- debut what we hope is a more ef- rates on this concept, and our training where who did everything from fective and engaging design. updates draw from our series of mass schlepping supplies and tote bags Let us know what you think at organizing calls with McAlevey this around to staffi ng tables to providing [email protected]. summer. In addition to revamping our trainings, we’re also co-organizing a CONTINUED ON PAGE 16

Executive Editor: Maria Svart Democratic Socialists of America promotes Editor: Maxine Phillips a humane international social order based on equitable distribution of resources, meaningful Guest Editors: Laura Colaneri, Meagan work, a healthy environment, sustainable growth, Day, Stephen Magro, Don McIntosh gender and racial equality, and non-oppressive Editorial Team: Olivia Bauer, Laura relationships. Equality, solidarity, and democracy Democratic Left (ISSN 1643207) is published quarterly at P.O. Colaneri, Meagan Day, Christine Lombardi, can only be achieved through international political and social cooperation aimed at ensuring that Box 1038, New York NY 10272. Periodicals postage paid at New Stephen Magro, Don McIntosh York, NY (Publication No. 701-960). Subscriptions: $10 regular, economic institutions bene t people. We are $15 institutional. Postmaster: Send address changes to P.O. Founding Editor: Michael Harrington dedicated to building truly international social movements—of unions, environmentalists, feminists, Box 1038, New York NY 10272. (212) 726-8610. Signed articles (1928-1989) Cover: Alan Duda and people of color—which together can elevate express the opinions of the authors and not necessarily the global justice over brutalizing global competition. organization. Cover Photo: Steve Eberhardt

PAGE 2 DEMOCRATIC LEFT FALL 2019 Today, . Tomorrow, Your City. Six DSA members recently won city council seats in Chicago. Their wins show how socialists all over the country can ght and win.

BY MICAH UETRICHT ntil recently in U.S. politics, “socialists” and “winning” Uweren’t words you would utter in the same breath. That’s why, even months later, it’s impossible for me to write the following without a sense of incredulity: six members of the Chicago Democratic Socialists of America were elected to the in April. DSA members now make up DSA members elected to the Chicago city council(from left) Byron Sigcho-Lopez, 12% of the 50-member council. , , Rossana Rodriguez-Sanchez, and Carlos Ramirez- These are stunning victories, pro- Rosa celebrate Rodriguez-Sanchez’s election. Her race in the 33rd Ward was the last pelled by the candidates’ willingness one to be called, making six DSA member wins o cial.Photo by Nick Burt. to fi ght the wealthy and their political lackeys pushing gentrifi cation and aus- gentrifying working-class neighbor- and SEIU Health Care Illinois Indiana, terity, the strength of the city’s broader hoods and forcing working people out which a number of progressive unions working-class movement, and the au- of Chicago. and community groups have joined in dacity of Chicago DSA to put the chap- Ramirez-Rosa, for example, an recent years. They devoted signifi cant ter’s resources behind a large number of incumbent in the 35th ward, made his resources to many of the campaigns. candidates. Chicago’s unexpected vic- race a referendum on affordable hous- Most unions and progressive groups tories should inspire socialists around ing and gentrifi cation, painting real- avoid the “socialist” label. United the country to think big in their own cit- estate developers as the enemy and Working Families didn’t. ies—not just about candidates who can demanding rent control. Likewise, those Rossana Rodriguez-Sanchez had run for offi ce and win, but also about real-estate developers painted him as the backing of a neighborhood group, the kinds of working-class struggles the enemy. His ward’s largest landlord, 33rd Ward Working Families, that ran that can create the conditions for those Mark Fishman, spent at least $100,000 teacher and socialist Tim Meegan for candidates to win. on Ramirez-Rosa’s opponent in an ef- the offi ce in 2015. The group has orga- The six races spanned much of fort to unseat him. nized around affordable housing and Chicago and a wide range of neighbor- But Ramirez-Rosa’s campaign didn’t immigrants’ rights in a working-class hood-specifi c issues, but all of Chicago shy away from attacking the ward’s immigrant neighborhood, Albany Park, DSA’s endorsed candidates—Carlos most powerful capitalist. That class- since then—so effectively that the losing Ramirez-Rosa, Rossana Rodriguez- struggle approach paid off: Ramirez- incumbent, Deb Mell, complained that Sanchez, Jeanette Taylor, Andre Rosa won reelection by nearly 20% 33rd Ward Working Families “[n]ever Vasquez, and Byron Sigcho Lopez (a over his real estate–friendly opponent. stopped running over the last four years.” sixth candidate, , is a The victories didn’t come in a vacu- Mell, whose father literally gave her the DSA member whom the chapter did um. All six of the candidates are DSA city council seat in 2013 after holding it not endorse, though DSA members members, but they’re also aligned with himself for nearly four decades, appar- worked on his campaign)—signed onto unions, community groups, political ently thinks candidates who organize in a broad, left platform: housing for all, organizations, and other groups. Those their communities are cheating. sanctuary for all, education for all, and groups both paved the way for these And Chicago wouldn’t be willing to taxing the rich. These demands refl ect victories and played key roles during elect leftist candidates if the city hadn’t political issues and movement demands the campaign. And DSA showed them been such a hotbed of working-class in Chicago, but are also burning issues that socialists are key allies in these militancy in recent years. throughout the country. fi ghts. The Chicago Teachers Union’s 2012 And they were united in a political All of the candidates were endorsed strike brought a sea change to city poli- approach that wasn’t afraid to name the by (UWF), tics, popularizing opposition to austerity class enemy in the city, especially the the political organization formed by real-estate developers that are rapidly the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) CONTINUED ON PAGE 12

FALL 2019 DEMOCRATIC LEFT PAGE 3 Using power builds power

A report from the DSA sage of a resolution to support a cam- ing program. The delegates voted to paign for a Green New Deal. Delegates narrow the criteria for national endorse- convention then reaffi rmed the organization’s com- ments to those who openly identify as mitment to fi ghting for Medicare for All socialists, oppose oppression, and dem- BY MEAGAN DAY and voted to continue the work of the onstrate that they view their chief politi- n the fi rst weekend of August, National Electoral Committee and the cal role as organizers of the working 1,056 delegates from around the Democratic Socialist Labor Commis- class. Local chapters will establish their country attended DSA’s biennial sion (DSLC). own criteria for endorsements. O The convention then passed a pack- On labor, the convention passed national convention in Atlanta. It was the largest decision-making gathering of age of items that had been assigned to three resolutions that featured overlap- socialists in the United States since the the consent agenda — a category of ping elements. The fi rst provides for 1940s. proposals considered uncontroversial by hiring a full-time staffer for the DSLC Delegates debated and voted on reso- the delegates — including resolutions to and commits the body to developing lutions for three days, and at the end fi ght for abortion access, build the DSA programming for regional workplace elected a new National Political Com- international committee, defend im- organizing schools. The second af- mittee. The proceedings closed with the migrant and refugee rights, demand the fi rms that our orientation will be toward sound of a thousand socialists singing decriminalization of sex work, affi rm building power within the rank and fi le, “Solidarity Forever,” something that support for open borders, and “turn the not labor bureaucracies, and stipulates hasn’t happened in the United States for Rust Belt green.” that the DSLC will coordinate to assist decades. On electoral politics, it was decided DSA members in getting rank-and-fi le As one outside observer — Nathan after vigorous debate that DSA would union jobs in strategic sectors. The third J. Robinson of Current Affairs — put it, endorse no other Democratic Party commits DSA to develop a strategy to “My God, I thought, they are actually candidate for president besides Bernie organize workers outside of existing going to win.” Sanders, and that we would petition unions. The convention began with the pas- Sanders for a more robust foreign policy The convention passed a package of and issue recommendations on his hous- three resolutions pertaining to interna-

Democratic Party presidential can- sentatives from each local chapter Be it resolved … didate. that has a housing justice working Delegates approved dozens of reso- OPEN BORDERS DSA supports the group or campaign will coordinate lutions setting DSA priorities and uninhibited transnational free move- campaigns for tenants’ rights. policies. Here are a few highlights: ment of people, demilitarization of ANTI-FASCISM A National Anti- NATIONAL PRIORITIES Delegates the U.S.-Mexico border, abolition fascist Working Group will provide established the following as DSA’s of the agencies of Immigration information to help DSA members priorities for the next two years: and Customs Enforcement and disrupt fascist organizing and re- Ecosocialist Green New Deal, Customs and Border Protection, de- sources and training to help DSA Medicare For All, National Electoral criminalization of immigration, and chapters ensure security at meet- Strategy, Labor, Childcare, Housing, a pathway to citizenship for all non- ings and events. Decarceration, Political Education, citizen residents. NEW WORKING GROUPS National Grassroots Fundraising, and Nation- SEX WORK DSA supports the full working groups will be formed to al Growth and Development decriminalization of sex work. work on BDS (Boycott, Divestment BERNIE DSA will urge Bernie Sand- CLASS-STRUGGLE ELECTIONS Na- and Sanctions), ending cash bail, ers to support expanded public tional DSA will only endorse candi- police and prison abolition, and de- housing and renters’ rights, and will dates who identify as socialists and colonization (self-determination for create an online petition urging him use their public pro le to popularize indigenous nations and overseas to commit to a multi-point People’s a class-struggle perspective. territories). Foreign Policy Platform. If Sanders Find convention resolutions at doesn’t get the Democratic nomina- HOUSING JUSTICE A Housing Jus- dsausa.org/national-convention/. tion, DSA won’t endorse another tice Commission comprising repre-

PAGE 4 DEMOCRATIC LEFT FALL 2019 tional matters. The fi rst recommits us to solidar- ity with Palestine and support for the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement. The DSA’S NEW LEADERSHIP second commits us to the full decolonization of National Political Committee (NPC) United States territories. The third specifi cally Every two years, DSA National Convention delegates elect 16 expresses our solidarity with socialists in Cuba. DSA members to serve on the National Political Committee Two resolutions focused on the U.S. carceral (NPC), which functions as DSA’s highest decision-making body state also passed, the fi rst creating a national between conventions. The DSA Constitution requires that eight Police & Prison Abolition Working Group and NPC slots be reserved for women and at least ve for people the second creating a national committee to of color. At its rst meeting in September, the new NPC will promote the abolition of cash bail. After a pas- elect a ve-member Steering Committee (SC), which must in- sionate discussion, the convention also voted to clude at least two women and at least one person of color. The create a national Anti-Fascist and Direct Action SC is responsible for decision-making between meetings of Working Group. the NPC and for planning NPC meetings. The convention then passed a package of three resolutions on housing. The fi rst encour- ages chapters to adopt eight strategies for hous- ing organizing, including launching campaigns for just-cause eviction and universal rent con- trol and incorporating housing demands into our Green New Deal work. The second creates a Housing Justice Commission that will develop Hannah Allison Jennifer Bolen Marianela D’Aprile Sean Estelle a toolkit for chapters to start tenant organizing Lawrence, KS San Francisco, CA Chicago, IL Chicago, IL work. And the third affi rms that DSA believes that fair, safe, stable, accessible, and affordable housing is a human right. Delegates deliberated over a number of resolutions pertaining to internal matters, a subject that drew heated debate. In the end they voted to invest in a national political education program, develop a plan to intensify grassroots Blanca Estevez Austin Gonzalez Kristian Hernandez Maikiko James fundraising efforts for small chapters, expand NW Arkansas Richmond, VA North Texas Los Angeles, CA childcare in DSA, improve our national griev- ance procedure, and develop a two-tiered socialist-organizer training program for all members and for chapter leaders. One of the highlights of the convention was a speech given by Sara Nelson, the Interna- tional President of the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA, AFL-CIO. It was Nelson’s Jen McKinney Natalie Midiri Erika Paschold Dave Pinkham union that stopped Donald Trump’s government Eugene, OR Philadelphia, PA Lincoln, NE Austin, TX shutdown by threatening to go on strike. “People think power is a limited resource, but using power builds power,” Nelson told DSA. “Once workers get a taste of our power, we will not settle for a bad deal. And we won’t stand by while someone else gets screwed, either.” Using power builds power. In that spirit, we Megan Svoboda Sauce Tawny Tidwell Abdullah Younus are ready to begin another two years of socialist East Bay, CA North Bay, CA New York, NY New York, NY organizing in DSA. We are witnessing now a rare window of opportunity for class politics in the United States. It’s clear that DSA is devoted YDSA co-chairs to seizing that opportunity and transforming DSA’s constitution reserves a this moment into a movement. 17th NPC seat for a represen- tative of DSA’s youth division, YDSA. YDSA held its convention Meagan Day is a member immediately prior to the DSA of East Bay DSA and a convention and elected two co- staff writer at Jacobin chairs who will share the YDSA Kristen Cervero Amelia Blair Smith Magazine. vote on the NPC. New York University Carleton College

FALL 2019 DEMOCRATIC LEFT PAGE 5 No shortcuts to organizing

a handful of people, like lawyers and media specialists. For those of us who We have to punch want to seriously challenge the status quo, an elite theory of power isn’t going way beyond the to work. It’s important that we understand the fraction of people difference between the limits of advo- cacy and the limits of mobilizing. who already agree In the advocacy approach, there’s really no pretense that people need to with us on most be involved at all. Members can write a check to an organization, which hires issues if we’re staff and take care of business. That’s not going to work if we want to change going to contend society in fundamental ways. How about the mobilizing approach? for real power. Some movement people invite folks to open meetings or direct actions and call

Alice Attie that organizing. But it’s not. It’s self- selecting work, because it involves mo- Jane McAlevey’s No Shortcuts has been read by hundreds of bilizing people who already agree with DSAers and discussed in online book discussion groups this us. We don’t have enough power in this country to rely just on those who show summer. She recently spoke with Puya Gerami to answer up at our events. frequently raised questions. The interview has been slightly The difference between mobilizing edited for space. and organizing becomes clear during workplace organizing—say, planning a U nion membership, strike frequency, tion, the trade union movement, as strike—because we’re trying to build to and working-class living standards well as the broader progressive move- 100% participation, which means total have plummeted over the last four ment, failed to understand that the unity. To achieve 95-100% participa- decades. How do you explain the ex- proper choice was not to retreat from tion requires us to talk to every single istential crisis facing the labor move- organizing, but to build an even more person. We spend most of our time ment today? robust organizing effort, similar to that talking with workers who absolutely First, there is the very real pressure of of the 1930s. We went backward in do not want to talk with us—that’s the sophisticated union-busting in the U.S. our understanding of power. Unions hard and important work of organiz- The union-avoidance industry here is shifted to a mobilizing approach: taking ing, engaging people who don’t want to unique and gets away with campaigns shortcuts from the hard work of build- be engaged. The organizing approach of intimidation and terror that don’t ex- ing supermajority participation, relying means we simply can’t be sloppy about ist elsewhere, outside of countries with instead on lawyers, research, and com- focusing on those who agree with us, dictatorships or seriously authoritarian munications to wage tactical warfare because the whole point is to expand the regimes. that only succeeds when it complements base so we can build greater absolute Union-busting drove globalization. the more fundamental work of deep power. In every campaign, a third of There was simply no reason for the organizing inside and outside of the the workers might be easy to mobilize global trade regime, which emerged in workplace. because they’re pissed off at the boss and want to do something about it—but the 1970s and then took off in the 1980s You distinguish between three ap- and 1990s, except to bust unions by the objective in organizing is to build a proaches to social change: advocacy, supermajority. shifting jobs to countries where workers mobilizing, and organizing. Why is it lack basic rights, let alone freedom in I think that’s a metaphor for how so crucial that leftists embrace orga- we need to organize a mass movement. the workplace. This was a clear strategy nizing? to get rid of unions by getting rid of the Organizing relies on the one strategic To understand the differences, we must advantage we have on the Left: large unionized segment of the private sector. begin with a key question: what is your That way capitalists wouldn’t have to numbers. Converting the rhetoric of theory of power? “We are the 99%” into a mass move- share the larger portion of the wealth Both advocacy and mobilizing that unionized workers forced them to ment takes skill, discipline, and inten- subscribe to an elite theory of power. tional strategy. We have to punch way starting in the 1930s. Because they seek merely to tinker on As the corporate elite doubled down beyond the fraction of people who the margins rather than make struc- already agree with us on most issues if on union-busting through globaliza- tural change, these approaches rely on

PAGE 6 DEMOCRATIC LEFT FALL 2019 we’re going to contend for real power. mobilizing. But we aspire to develop until we actually ask every single DSA The key to this vision of deep organiz- a mass movement that practices member—it is always surprising how ing is a very particular defi nition of structure-based organizing. How many connections ordinary people have leadership identifi cation—one that do we apply the effective organizing to existing groups. many on the Left don’t seem to share. methodology you describe to our goal Finally, chapters must prioritize a What are leaders? of building DSA? limited number of campaigns, match Leaders are those who have the capacity I believe there are endless opportunities up with existing organizations in the to bring large numbers of people with for DSA chapters as initially self-select- community, and make a strategic plan. them into the process of social change. ing formations to play a serious role in Campaigns offer the opportunity to Many don’t have formal titles or posi- building power in their communities. run structure tests—mini-campaigns tions. The fundamental defi nition of Chapters are structured on a geo- in which we move an issue within a their leadership is that other people fol- graphic basis. Their fi rst task is to bounded constituency in order to identi- low them. understand who’s around them by fy and confi rm organic leaders, facilitate The word follow makes some toes completing a power-structure analysis unity through political education, and curl, but we have to grapple with it. If of their area. This requires a collective ultimately advance our vision by build- our issues are urgent, and we’re seri- ing from minority support to superma- ous about building a supermajority, jority support. All groups serious about we don’t have time to prioritize every change have to use lots of campaigns person equally. Deep organizing implies with a clear yes/no, win/lose outcome, that there are always people who have The objective otherwise, we have no idea if the work the natural capacity to bring along much we are doing matters. larger numbers of people through fear- in organizing ful situations—that isn’t everybody. If we want to build power, we have is to build a Jane McAlevey is a Senior Policy to understand the difference between Fellow at the University of California leadership identifi cation and leadership supermajority. at Berkeley’s Labor Center, development. When most people talk part of the Institute for Labor & about leadership development, they’re Employment Relations. A longtime talking about measuring someone’s organizer in the environmental and commitment to the work. But true lead- research project to chart the universe of labor movements, she is the author ership identifi cation means identifying of No Shortcuts: Organizing for ordinary people with a high capacity to existing organizations—the infrastruc- potentially Power in the New Gilded Age. lead others. Leadership development ture of a left movement with is most effective when we practice ac- a structure-based, measurable, superma- Puya Gerami is the curate identifi cation, because then we’re jority reach. Who are the unions, the education director prioritizing the organic leaders who al- community organizations, the houses of at District 1199 New ready have a high capacity to move the faith? England, a doctoral people around them into action. DSA chapters must fi gure out how candidate at Yale, and The usual approach is to identify to create bounded constituencies where a member of Central people who have attended multiple they don’t seem obvious at fi rst glance. Connecticut DSA. events and encourage them to take on For example, let’s say there’s a big, ac- increasing leadership responsibilities tive union local or community organiza- in the organization. But that’s very dif- tion or synagogue in your community. ferent from identifying people in the Chapters have to identify the universe There’s more of DSA’s of total members in each institution and ranks who already demonstrate high Democratic Left capacity for leadership, but who may then practice leadership identifi cation. not be the least bit interested in getting Who are the informal leaders in each in- online involved at fi rst. We need to have hard stitution? How can we recruit them and conversations with these people to help the people they lead to join our cam- dsausa.org/democratic-left them come to understand that mass col- paigns and participate in DSA? Who lective action is the only solution to any from DSA already has a connection Anchor number of crises in their lives. We must to these groups and institutions, either Steamed: identify them and then test or assess directly or indirectly? We don’t know How DSA whether they are indeed organic leaders. helped These organic or natural leaders are a more diverse group, from a race/ethnic- Get involved in the workers ity and traditional gender view, which is Democratic Socialist unionize an another reason we have to prioritize real Labor Commission iconic craft leadership identifi cation. brewery in Right now, DSA is a self-selecting labor.dsausa.org/subcommittees/ San Francisco formation that primarily practices

FALL 2019 DEMOCRATIC LEFT PAGE 7 Carrying the torch for labor renewal

Founded by socialists, Labor Notes is at the heart of rank-and- le resurgence

BY DON MCINTOSH here’s the spark that spreads. There’s also the kindling that Twas laid for it. Probably no or- ganization has worked more patiently to kindle a rebirth of the power of organized workers than Labor Notes, which turned 40 this year. Based out of o ces in Detroit and Brooklyn, at Labor Notes a staff of nine works to

“put the movement back in the labor Jim West movement” by publishing books, a 6,000-circulation independent monthly Jane Slaughter, today a member of Detroit DSA, co-founded magazine, and a website with half Labor Notes in 1979. Via WhatsApp, Democratic Left asked a million yearly visitors. They also her what impact it’s had, and what DSA’s role could be in organize dozens of local and national rank-and- le-oriented events each building a powerful, class-conscious labor movement. year. Labor Notes has worked closely Why has the U.S. labor movement class—and they are located where it behind the scenes with the teacher- been so weak for so long? matters most, in the workplace, with union activists who’ve built strike A main reason is, of course, the impla- the potential power to disrupt busi- movements around the country and cable opposition of the employing class ness as usual. If American workers and helped set up and staff United Cau- to any form of worker organization DSAers aren’t successful in rebuilding cuses of Rank and File Educators. that threatens their profi ts and control. and revitalizing the labor movement, Labor activists in DSA look to La- Since the 1970s, employers have be- we lose out not just in the sense of los- bor Notes for training and inspiration, come more united and aggressive in ing an “ally.” The unions are where and they share tactics and swap notes their drive to prevent, smash, or hogtie leaders of a socialist movement are at Labor Notes events. Many Labor unions. Another reason is union lead- best born and trained. Socialists need Notes staff are also DSA members, ers’ acceptance of the permanence of to be working alongside our fellow including writer/organizer Bianca Cun- capitalism. For decades, most leaders’ union members and organizing more ningham, co-chair of NYC DSA. outlook has been to accede to the idea workers into unions, so that we can Jane Slaughter, Kim Moody, and that management has a right to be in recruit natural leaders to socialism. The Labor Notes’ other socialist founders charge and will always be in charge. fi ght to make our unions worthy of the picked a tough time to spark union For a long time, most union leaders name is the best training ground I can revitalization, and yet in the last few have not been interested in organizing think of for learning class struggle. years the organization has mush- members to resist the boss’s pressure roomed. The biennial Labor Notes What can the vast majority of DSA in the workplace, but have tried to mo- members who aren’t in unions do to Conference has grown steadily since bilize them only as voters. And then, 2000; with 3,100 attendees, the 2018 help revitalize the labor movement? of course, who do they get to vote for? There’s work to be done from outside: conference was the biggest ever. Generally candidates who are “friends Meanwhile, Secrets of a Successful strike support, for example, like the of labor” only in that they are less bad East Bay DSA chapter did for the Organizer— a how-to guide for rank- than the other guy. and- le worker power—has been a Oakland teachers’ strike in 2019. But runaway hit; it’s now in its sixth print- “Putting the movement back in the strikes are unfortunately rare. I’d sug- ing and is closing in on 25,000 copies labor movement” is the mission of gest doing some self-education, per- sold. This year Labor Notes is on Labor Notes. Why is it important that haps in a chapter study group, reading track to hold over a dozen local and it be a top priority for DSA as well? books like Secrets of a Successful Or- regional “troublemaker schools,” each DSA makes clear that there’s no social- ganizer and No Shortcuts and Red State training 50-400 rank-and- le union ist movement without a strong labor Revolt about the teachers’ strikes. We member activists. movement. Weak as they are today, can approach unions with our priority unions are still the largest and best campaigns, asking to speak to members organized institutions of the working about Medicare for All, a Green New

PAGE 8 DEMOCRATIC LEFT FALL 2019 Deal, and Bernie Sanders. We can work was much more of a thing then, and alongside unions in various local coali- 2020 Labor Notes often effective. Our idea was to focus tions, such as Jobs with Justice. on the labor politics that we had in But I would urge members to con- Conference common with militant workers, rather sider getting a union job themselves, APRIL 17-19, 2020 than those we didn’t. At the same time, so that they can participate from the CHICAGO, ILLINOIS it was 100% our goal to foment class inside. It can be the most important and labornotes.org/2020 struggle, because that is the best arena rewarding work socialists can do. It’s a to cultivate new socialists—if there is a long-haul perspective, at its best—but socialist organization there that can help frankly, even a short-term immersion the idea that, as our Wobbly siblings with that. Now we fi nally have such an in a workplace where you hone your would put it, the working class and the organization, DSA, if it can orient itself organizing skills can change your per- employing class have nothing in com- toward workers who are organizing in ceptions and your life. Some chapters mon, we were able to educate thou- their workplaces. are promoting this plan: In New York, sands of union members in why those “strategies” would not save jobs, as was For DSA members who get active in members voted on a half dozen strategi- labor, what’s the right attitude to take cally smart workplaces where members touted, and give them practical ideas for how to resist. Our goal as stated in Is- toward existing union leadership, and could look for work. They are mentor- the existing rank-and-fi le member- ing new union members and coordinat- sue #1 was to help develop “a network of activists in various unions … who ship for that matter? ing their work. It’s best to take such If leaders are good, back them up and jobs in groups instead of going it alone. consciously think of themselves as part of the same movement.” In other words, make sure their good ideas are being car- What can DSA do to help organize we wanted to help grow a current in the ried out in the workplace, not just at the more workers into unions? unions whose activists thought bigger union hall or the ballot box. Sometimes Unfortunately, DSA is generally not in a than just their own local and could turn outsiders become enamored of a union position to undertake organizing drives the unions around. With our conferences leader who is progressive on issues out- itself. In most chapters we don’t have now surpassing 3,000 people, we’ve side the union—while that same leader the resources to address a workplace come a lot closer to that goal. is doing nothing to help the rank and fi le of any size, and on a national level we gain power, or is even pushing conces- certainly couldn’t undertake the massive Has your thinking about labor sions. When you’re on the inside you campaigns, taking on big employers like changed since you started in 1979? will know the difference. If your leaders Amazon and FedEx, that are badly need- We’ve had to adapt to a much more ag- are bad, you’ll have to slowly organize ed. Although it will take time, a more gressive employer class and fi gure out to get rid of them and replace them with fruitful strategy for organizing the unor- how unions survive when employers no leaders who lead. That means more ganized is to change our existing unions longer think they have a right to exist. workplace organizing—not just forming so they will be able to do that work. That We were initially focused on the blue- a slate with good ideas. means being inside and working for a collar unions where rank-and-fi le move- As a rank-and-fi le member you can plan that uses existing rank-and-fi lers ments were active then, and now we fi nd organize to make your workplace a as the ambassadors of unionism. Some that it’s K-12 teachers who are leading stronghold where bosses fear to tread. unions already do this well. the charge. We’ve seen most of the na- That will make you and your team cred- That said, DSA members should tional reform movements that gave us so ible candidates. Also, remember that consider organizing their workplaces much hope in 1979 disappear and have it’s often quite possible to lead from right where they are now. I got my fi rst had to reorient to local ones. Labor Notes below—rank and fi lers have run their taste of unionism by trying to organize is less of a pariah in many corners of the own contract campaigns, turned down a union in a 43-worker shop, and what labor movement now, as more leaders bad contracts, fought school closings, I learned helped me when I went on to look around desperately for answers. all before they took over their locals. get a union job later. Labor Notes was founded by socialist As to attitude toward your fellow mem- It should be noted that just because labor activists, but Labor Notes itself bers, be prepared for most not to have you have a union, that doesn’t mean you has never been explicitly socialist. Why? DSA’s politics. There are many reasons are “organized.” There is plenty of work We were always focused on building a why workers of all races adopt bad at- to be done “organizing the organized”— movement much bigger than ourselves. titudes toward immigrants, for example, and it tends to be a bit easier. To have founded a socialist labor maga- or whose fi rst question about Medicare for All is, “Will this mean more money Labor Notes, the organization you zine would have been to capture a very out of my pocket?” As a newcomer to co-founded, turned 40 this year. What tiny group. We ignored those to our left the workplace, you have a great deal impact do you think it’s had? and constantly reached out to workers to learn from your co-workers despite Labor Notes has kept alive the labor who were still learning their labor poli- some unwoke attitudes. You will be politics that most of the established tics (and of course we learned hugely served by humility. labor leadership turned sharply away from them; it wasn’t a one-way street from beginning in the ’80s. Most went by any means). We strove to create a along with employers’ demands for con- space where you wouldn’t feel out of cessions and fell into the trap of labor- place if you weren’t a lefty—with the Don McIntosh is a labor journalist, management cooperation programs. idea that people could be brought along. OPEIU Local 11 o cer, and a Because Labor Notes was grounded in You should remember that red-baiting member of Portland DSA.

FALL 2019 DEMOCRATIC LEFT PAGE 9 Ten lessons from the teacher strikes

BY ERIC BLANC movement nationally, we need to re-root socialists in the working class and its undreds of thousands of educa- organizations. tors from across the country Hwalked out in 2018 and again in 8) Be strategic 2019—the fi rst U.S. strike wave in gen- Good strategy is about setting priorities. erations. Socialists should celebrate this Though tactical fl exibility is essential, long-overdue return of the strike. But recent experience clearly shows that radi- we also need to learn from these recent cal labor activists can generally make walkouts. What are the main lessons of their maximum impact by working with- this experience for DSA’s labor strat- in existing unions in strategic industries egy? Here are 10 key takeaways: like education and healthcare. As the “red state revolt” demonstrates, this is 1) Strikes work even true in Republican-dominated states Though electoral politics and commu- with low union density and no collective nity organizing are crucial avenues to bargaining for public sector workers. build working-class power, the strike re- mains our greatest weapon as workers. 9) It’s time to transform our By leaning on the structural leverage of workplace organizing, these walkouts unions won more in the span of a few weeks In “red states” like West Virginia and Striking teacher in Arizona, April 2018. Arizona, rank-and-fi le educators suc- than was won through years of lobbying Photo by Eric Blanc and rallying. cessfully organized from below to push strikers and their demands. their unions to take strike action. But 2) Fight for the common good building lasting power will require do- These strikes—led predominantly by 5) Deep organizing is key ing what educators did in Chicago and female workers—succeeded because The most successful strikes—particular- Los Angeles: organizing rank-and-fi le they proactively reached out to and won ly the January 2019 walkout in Los An- caucuses to win the leadership of the over parents, students, and the public geles—confi rm the “deep organizing” union and transform it into a fi ghting at large. It was essential that educa- methods promoted by strategists like body of and for an empowered rank and tors fought not only for better pay and Jane McAlevey. Systematically iden- fi le. By participating in caucuses and working conditions, but also for broader tifying and developing organic leaders networks like Labor Notes, DSAers can issues like more school funding, lower from the rank and fi le and building up to play a big role in rebuilding a powerful class sizes, more nurses and counselors, walkouts through a series of “structure labor movement. as well as anti-racist demands like an tests” gave unions and their workplace end to racial profi ling in their schools. shutdowns an unparalleled strength. 10) Make the rich pay Corporate politicians always tell us 3) Be prepared to break the law 6) Unions should organize the there’s not enough to go around. These Public-sector strikes are only legal in 13 unorganized strikes directly challenged this scarcity states. From West Virginia to Arizona, These strikes show that the best way to narrative by showing that if we can educators kept on organizing despite reverse the decline in union density is force the government to start mak- the threats coming from politicians that by transforming our existing unions. In ing the rich and corporations pay their they could be fi ned or lose their jobs. the process of these successful walk- fair share in taxes, there is more than At moments of mass struggle, legality outs, thousands of educators joined the enough funding to provide great public comes down to a relationship of forces. unions, and tens of thousands more got schools for every child in our districts actively involved for the fi rst time. To and states. Working people deserve so 4) The Democratic Party is organize the rest of our class, we need a much more—and we can turn the world not our friend transformed union movement. upside down if we get organized. The mainstream media initially at- tempted to portray the educator upsurge 7) Socialists and labor must as limited to “red states” run by Repub- reconnect Eric Blanc writes on licans. But the spread of the strikes to After decades of divorce from the labor labor movements past “blue states” like California has made it movement, socialists played a key lead- and present. Formerly clear that Democratic politicians are no ership role in many of these 2018-19 a high school teacher less responsible for policies of austerity, walkouts. DSA members and rank-and- in the Bay Area, he is privatization, and corporate education fi le socialist teachers inspired by Ber- the author of Red State “reform.” Only socialist insurgents like nie’s 2015-16 campaign were the key Revolt: The Teachers’ Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio- initiators of the strikes in West Virginia Strike Wave and Working-Class Cortez have consistently sided with and Arizona. To deepen and expand this Politics.

PAGE 10 DEMOCRATIC LEFT FALL 2019 East Bay DSA shows up for Oakland teachers BY NICK FRENCH Oakland for the strike. Several DSA er and student militancy. Majority ran teachers, in close communication with stories almost every day of the strike, hen thousands of Oakland one another, planned and helped execute while East Bay DSA also pumped out teachers voted in February the strike through the union’s organizing uplifting videos and photos from the 2019 to strike after nearly W committee, while two of the DSA teach- picket lines through its social media ac- two years without a contract, they faced ers served as school site representatives counts. down a school board that refused to and picket captains. Through Majority and other inter- grant pay raises big enough to even One of the chapter’s fi rst strike sup- ventions, East Bay DSA helped shape keep up with the city’s skyrocketing port activities was sign-canvassing. In teacher consciousness and union mes- cost of living. The school board — October, East Bay DSA members paired saging. A critical turning point was a dominated by billionaire-funded sup- up with OEA teachers to canvass Oak- DSA- and OEA-sponsored discussion porters of charters and school privatiza- land businesses, asking them to put “We panel held days before the strike fea- tion — also planned to cut already over- Stand with Oakland Teachers” signs turing Marshall, OEA president Keith burdened support staff, increase class in their storefronts. This effort raised Brown, and Arlene Inouye of the United sizes, and close schools, teacher morale and helped Teachers of Los Angeles (UTLA). In- with the aim of shifting build a feeling of com- ouye made clear that LA’s teachers had more students to charter munity support. In Janu- been fi ghting against billionaire school schools. ary and early February, privatizers. Hearing Inouye convinced But the Oakland Edu- DSA members helped to the OEA leadership to adopt similar cation Association (OEA), further build community class-struggle messaging. the teachers’ union, was support by organizing DSA members also turned out to ready to fi ght back. This house parties with teachers picket lines on every day of the strike. was its fi rst strike in more and neighbors throughout Inspired by the 1934 Minneapolis than 20 years, and 95% of the city. At these parties, Teamsters strike, East Bay DSA orga- the teachers went out for teachers spoke about why nized “fl ying squadrons,” groups of mo- two weeks, as did 97% they were striking and bile picketers that would go to school of the students. Although what they were up against, sites where picket lines were thin or they did not win all of and neighbors signed up to where a signifi cant number of students their demands, the teach- volunteer during the strike. were crossing the picket line. Members ers forced the district to Another critical contri- of the chapter’s Racial Solidarity Com- make major concessions: bution was Bread for Ed, mittee translated information about an 11% percent raise, a a coalition effort to feed the strike for parents who didn’t speak slight reduction in class James Thacher out-of-school children and English. Some DSA members also vol- sizes, increased support teachers during the strike. unteered at “solidarity schools,” spaces staffi ng, and a fi ve-month moratorium In the Oakland Unifi ed School District, where parents who wanted to respect on school closures. And teachers built more than 70% of students rely on free the picket lines could leave their chil- confi dence, organization, and militancy or reduced-price school lunches. Mak- dren for supervision. for future battles. ing sure children were fed during the East Bay DSA’s support of the The East Bay Democratic Socialists strike was therefore crucial to maintain- Oakland teachers’ strike illustrates the of America played a critical role in the ing community support for teachers. At importance of merging the socialist and strike’s success. OEA teachers in East the union’s request, East Bay DSA led labor movements. When connected with Bay DSA began meeting as a group in Bread for Ed, raising over $170,000 and rank-and-fi le workers and union leader- August 2019, inspired by the historic coordinating the purchase, preparation, ship, socialists can bring political clar- West Virginia teachers’ strike and by and delivery of meals. ity, organizational capacity, and militant conversations with teachers in New East Bay DSA also launched Major- enthusiasm to workplace struggles. In York City DSA’s Labor Branch. At the ity, an online strike paper. One goal of doing so, socialists can contribute to the chapter’s October General Membership Majority was to keep up the morale of success of those struggles, learn from Meeting, the DSA teachers presented a striking teachers. Another goal was to them, and connect these fi ghts with resolution to support the Oakland teach- spread the message that teachers were broader struggles against capital. ers if and when they went on strike, and fi ghting for fully funded public educa- the chapter voted overwhelmingly in tion against rapacious billionaires and favor of the resolution. their lackeys who wanted to privatize it. Afterward, veteran Oakland teacher Nick French is a Starting at the beginning of 2019, and East Bay DSA member Tim Mar- member of the Majority ran a variety of stories: politi- shall, a respected OEA militant with East Bay chapter cal analysis of the situation in OUSD; decades of experience as a socialist of the Democratic interviews with teachers, parents, and organizer, connected DSA teachers with Socialists of students about why they supported a the OEA executive board, and the two America. strike; and coverage of grassroots teach- groups started collaborating to prepare

FALL 2019 DEMOCRATIC LEFT PAGE 11 Labor for Bernie BY JONAH FURMAN n 2016, seven national unions and more than 100 local affi liates broke Iwith the rest of the labor movement and endorsed Bernie Sanders for presi- dent. Key to that break was a grassroots the Democratic Party or in independent It is a grassroots network organizing network called Labor for Bernie, an political action, these activists believe support for a Bernie Sanders run from independent group of union members that unions must act politically in the the outside. You can learn more at www. calling for working-class politics. Ear- interests of the broader class rather than laborforbernie2020.org and get in touch lier this year, the network kicked back transactionally in the interest of main- at [email protected]. into action, regrouping for 2020. taining a minimum of pro-worker senti- With the assistance of many DSA ment in the anti-worker halls of power. members, Labor for Bernie 2020 has Labor for Bernie wants to bring the launched chapters across the country, political revolution to our workplaces Jonah Furman is a signed up hundreds on its pledge card, and unions, not just to win a Bernie union member and labor and is just getting started. It has active nomination and then the presidency, activist who just moved networks in the AFT, NEA and Machin- but to hold a Sanders administration ac- from New York City to ists, and is building in the Teamsters, countable and to be the mass movement Washington, DC. Get in IATSE, and more. It is fi ghting to show with the power to beat back Wall Street touch at jonahfurman (at) the Democratic Party and the labor and win demands such as Medicare for gmail.com. movement offi cialdom that there is an All and a Green New Deal. army of unionists and organized work- Like Democratic Socialists for Bernie, Paid for by Democratic Socialists of ing-class activists ready for Bernie’s Labor for Bernie is an Independent Ex- America (www.dsausa.org) and not brand of political revolution. penditure effort and doesn’t coordinate authorized by any candidate or candi- Whether they believe in realigning with the Bernie Sanders 2020 campaign. date’s committee.

movement that tied electoral campaigns class struggle. Chicago six to grassroots labor and community orga- The political conditions in Chicago nizing and militancy. Without the wider are unique, of course. So are every CONTINUED FROM PAGE 3 ferment in the city, it’s doubtful our six city’s. But there’s no reason other cit- members would have won their seats. ies can’t wage bold local electoral and making the CTU the city’s most The lesson from Chicago for social- campaigns that name our enemy, the important force fi ghting it. The union’s ists elsewhere, then, is not just that you capitalist class, and are tied to militant willingness to strike, in public schools can run socialist candidates who take working-class organizing. and charters, has reshaped the city’s on the ruling class and actually win. It’s Chicago’s socialist city council politics (and helped make all kinds of also that socialists must join (or start) wins surprised many. But maybe they workers, from the Chicago Symphony fi ghts at their workplaces and in their shouldn’t. Socialism is on the rise, in Orchestra to graduate teaching assis- communities that can create the condi- elected offi ce and in the streets, in Chi- tants, more willing to withhold their tions for electoral victories like the ones cago and around the country. We have a labor from the boss). we’ve seen in Chicago. lot more to win. Chicago shows that we That militancy is also seen in CTU- After their wins, our socialist city can do it. adjacent community groups such as the councilors have hit the streets. Rodri- Kenwood Oakland Community Orga- guez-Sanchez has used her megaphone nization, of which Jeanette Taylor has to support tenants organizing against an Micah Uetricht is a been an active member for many years. abusive landlord in the neighborhood; member of Chicago KOCO has long fought alongside the several have used their offi ce to orga- DSA, host of the teachers union against education aus- nize against Donald Trump’s threatened podcast The Vast terity on the city’s South Side, and the Immigration and Customs Enforcement Majority, author of group led a month-long hunger strike (ICE) raids in Chicago; they even joined Strike for America: in 2015 demanding the reopening of a in blocking traffi c outside City Hall to Chicago Teachers neighborhood high school. Taylor was protest massive giveaways to real-estate Against Austerity, one of the hunger strikers. developers shortly after the elections. In and coauthor (with Meagan Day) of In other words, Chicago DSA didn’t all of these cases and more, Chicago’s a forthcoming book on the “political win these victories on its own. We were elected offi cials are using their offi ce to revolution” beyond the Bernie members of a broad working-class stoke more grassroots organizing, more Sanders campaign. bottom-up opposition to austerity, more

PAGE 12 DEMOCRATIC LEFT FALL 2019 For your organizing bookshelf Choosing strategies tion made up of local chapters. In Stir It conversation Up, Rinku Sen argues that community about movement B Y M I E I N O U Y E organizing needs to move away from culture. Drawing an exclusive focus on local issues and on his experi- SA is now the largest social- decision-makers toward building local ences in Oc- ist organization in the United organizations that can support social cupy Wall Street, DStates, but size doesn’t neces- movements when the time is right. This Smucker urges sarily translate into power. Much of our approach to community organizing can organizers to growth in recent years has been self- orient our chapter-level work toward avoid becoming selecting. The result is a membership building a mass socialist movement. overly focused that does not represent the multiracial Sen, who comes out of the Center for on “values” working-class base we need in order to Third World Organizing, also helpfully and to instead build a successful socialist movement. distills critiques of the community or- prioritize “poli- It’s clear that we need to go beyond ganizing approach developed by Saul tics”; that is, winning concrete changes mobilizing self-described socialists; we Alinsky and offers concrete suggestions to society. By contrast, Carruthers, need to organize. But what does good for developing antiracist, anticapitalist, co-founder of the Black Youth Project organizing look like in a mass, multi- feminist organizing methods. 100, argues that internal culture and tendency organization that transcends To build power over the long term, social transformation are inextricable. the boundaries of a neighborhood or there’s no question that we need robust, She shows how organizing through a workplace? To work out our answer, enduring local organizations. But win- black, queer, feminist lens can effect we can draw insights from the labor, ning Medicare for All or a Green New both personal and social transformation. community, and Deal may require generating disruptive Read together, social move- action on a mass scale. Brothers Mark these books ment organizing and Paul En- raise important traditions, all gler’s This is and diffi cult of which are an Uprising of- questions about represented in fers an illumi- the relationship the best recent nating take on between our in- writing on orga- the longstand- ternal practices nizing. ing polemic and our politi- Jane McA- over structure cal effi cacy. levey’s No Short- vs. spontaneity Obviously, cuts is, by now, within leftist none of these essential reading social move- books offers for DSA organizers. This is because it ments. The a complete offers a systematic, strategic approach Englers argue blueprint for DSA organizing. Rather, to growing our organization, modeled compellingly these authors, all of whom blend mul- on the practices of the Congress of In- that this binary is false. Successful tiple strands of the organizing tradition, dustrial Organizations, before it merged social movements, from the U.S. civil suggest that good organizing is both with the American Federation of Labor rights movement to the Serbian Otpor, systematic and fl exible, focused and [see interview on p. 6]. This method is have blended long-term organization eclectic. Their insights give us a set of “structure-based”; it focuses on build- with mass mobilizations that respond to questions for developing and evaluat- ing capacity within clearly demarcated specifi c historical moments. Although ing our own approaches to organizing communities, such as workplaces and the book’s argument is rather diffuse, — the most urgent and necessary task churches. In a recent series of calls with the method, which the recent Sunrise before us. DSA members, McAlevey argued that Movement used to call national atten- we can adapt the CIO method to DSA by tion to the Green New Deal, is worth fi nding and cre- taking seriously. Mie Inouye is a ating structures Finally, as we continue to grow, we member of the where we might need to attend to the internal dynamics Central Connecticut not immediately of our organization without allowing DSA Steering see them. them to displace our focus on external Committee and One of campaigns. Two recent books — Jona- a PhD candidate DSA’s distinc- than Smucker’s Hegemony How-To: A at Yale University. tive features is Roadmap for Radicals and Charlene She is writing that we are a A. Carruthers’s Unapologetic: a black, her dissertation on theories of social-move- queer, and feminist mandate for radi- organizing in 20th-century U.S. ment organiza- cal movements — open up an important social movements.

FALL 2019 DEMOCRATIC LEFT PAGE 13 Labor Day Greetings to Democratic Left Thank you to all the supporters of Democratic Left and of DSA who either sent greetings this year or gave money to the Solidarity Fund for the DSA Convention. You’ll notice that we don’t have as many ad pages as in the past. This is because of the concurrent drive for the Solidarity Fund and the enormous support members gave to the largest convention ever for DSA. SUPPORTERS Mark Masaoka Selma E. Goode Theresa Alt & Wayles Browne Clark Springgate Frank Morrow Bill J. Battle Robert M. Roman Mark Finkel READERS Alexandra Sanchez Donald M. McPherson Mark S. Alper. Linda & Ken Smith

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FALL 2019 DEMOCRATIC LEFT PAGE 15 DSA BY THE NUMBERS

Chapters as of August 1 150 YDSA chapters Moving? Let us know: [email protected]. The Post O ce charges for every 80 returned copy of Democratic Left. We save money, and you don’t miss an issue. From the national director debate: Kim Varela-Broxson, Dustin for delegates. CONTINUED FROM PAGE 2 Guastella, Renee Paradis, Bianca Chapters that did tremendous work tech or comms support. Cunningham, Brandon Rey Ramirez, during the preconvention period and Volunteer marshals whose vigilance and Kate Sheets Hodge. delegation chairs who coordinated kept us safe all weekend and whose International guests who brought us with DSA staff. de-escalation skills helped us keep perspectives from Sudan, the Philip- Delegates organizing in good faith for things comradely. pines, Palestine, Germany, Venezuela, their chosen resolutions. Texas and Ohio delegations who Brussels, Peru, Quebec, and Japan and Members across the country who spoke out and produced political will return home with reports of the contributed amounts large and small statements through their grief after the rise of DSA so we can build concrete to our Solidarity Fund. mass murders in their states. international working class solidarity, and guests from U.S. organizations. All of this is what makes me hope- Keynote and plenary speakers Sara ful that we can take full advantage of Nelson, Cecily Myart-Cruz, Linda Workshop, panel and self-organized the opportunities before us. Sarsour, khalid kamau, Erika Alvarez time leaders who facilitated the ex- As new NPC member Maikiko and Thea Riofrancos, who electrifi ed change of ideas and transfer of skills James said during the short, inaugural us with their words and reminded us that make DSA strong. meeting of the newly elected NPC of our duty to win. DSAers in offi ce who attended our immediately after the close of the Members who prepared plenary fi rst ever gathering to discuss how to convention, “We have a world to win remarks but were cut from the pro- keep fl exing our electoral muscles. — and save.” gram so that delegates could continue Comrades who provided childcare Let’s do it!

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