Generalizing Individuating/Measure-Ambiguities
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Degrees As Kinds Vs. Degrees As Numbers: Evidence from Equatives1 Linmin ZHANG — NYU Shanghai
Degrees as kinds vs. degrees as numbers: Evidence from equatives1 Linmin ZHANG — NYU Shanghai Abstract. Within formal semantics, there are two views with regard to the ontological status of degrees: the ‘degree-as-number’ view (e.g., Seuren, 1973; Hellan, 1981; von Stechow, 1984) and the ‘degree-as-kind’ view (e.g., Anderson and Morzycki, 2015). Based on (i) empirical distinctions between comparatives and equatives and (ii) Stevens’s (1946) theory on the four levels of measurements, I argue that both views are motivated and needed in accounting for measurement- and comparison-related meanings in natural language. Specifically, I argue that since the semantics of comparatives potentially involves measurable differences, comparatives need to be analyzed based on scales with units, on which degrees are like (real) numbers. In contrast, since equatives are typically used to convey the non-existence of differences, equa- tives can be based on scales without units, on which degrees can be considered kinds. Keywords: (Gradable) adjectives, Comparatives, Equatives, Similatives, Levels of measure- ments, Measurements, Comparisons, Kinds, Degrees, Dimensions, Scales, Units, Differences. 1. Introduction The notion of degrees plays a fundamental conceptual role in understanding measurements and comparisons. Within the literature of formal semantics, there are two major competing views with regard to the ontological status of degrees. For simplicity, I refer to these two ontologies as the ‘degree-as-number’ view and the ‘degree-as-kind’ view in this paper. Under the more canonical ‘degree-as-number’ view, degrees are considered primitive objects (of type d). Degrees are points on abstract totally ordered scales (see Seuren, 1973; Hellan, 1981; von Stechow, 1984; Heim, 1985; Kennedy, 1999). -
RELATIONAL NOUNS, PRONOUNS, and Resumptionw Relational Nouns, Such As Neighbour, Mother, and Rumour, Present a Challenge to Synt
Linguistics and Philosophy (2005) 28:375–446 Ó Springer 2005 DOI 10.1007/s10988-005-2656-7 ASH ASUDEH RELATIONAL NOUNS, PRONOUNS, AND RESUMPTIONw ABSTRACT. This paper presents a variable-free analysis of relational nouns in Glue Semantics, within a Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) architecture. Rela- tional nouns and resumptive pronouns are bound using the usual binding mecha- nisms of LFG. Special attention is paid to the bound readings of relational nouns, how these interact with genitives and obliques, and their behaviour with respect to scope, crossover and reconstruction. I consider a puzzle that arises regarding rela- tional nouns and resumptive pronouns, given that relational nouns can have bound readings and resumptive pronouns are just a specific instance of bound pronouns. The puzzle is: why is it impossible for bound implicit arguments of relational nouns to be resumptive? The puzzle is highlighted by a well-known variety of variable-free semantics, where pronouns and relational noun phrases are identical both in category and (base) type. I show that the puzzle also arises for an established variable-based theory. I present an analysis of resumptive pronouns that crucially treats resumptives in terms of the resource logic linear logic that underlies Glue Semantics: a resumptive pronoun is a perfectly ordinary pronoun that constitutes a surplus resource; this surplus resource requires the presence of a resumptive-licensing resource consumer, a manager resource. Manager resources properly distinguish between resumptive pronouns and bound relational nouns based on differences between them at the level of semantic structure. The resumptive puzzle is thus solved. The paper closes by considering the solution in light of the hypothesis of direct compositionality. -
Evidence for Four Basic Noun Types from a Corpus-Linguistic and a Psycholinguistic Perspective
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Düsseldorf University Press (d|u|p) Evidence for four basic noun types from a corpus-linguistic and a psycholinguistic perspective Dorothea Brenner, Peter Indefrey, Christian Horn & Nicolas Kimm Introduction˚ Löbner (2011) proposes a distinction of four basic noun types corresponding to their respective concepts (sortal, relational, functional and individual concepts). A crucial claim of his theory of concept types and determination is that the dif- ferent noun types are inherently predisposed to certain modes of determination. This paper surveys and discusses the Vndings from current research on the topic from two research methods that complement each other. First, we report two corpus-linguistic studies on the four noun types that combines an analysis of the diUerent modes of determination with an analysis on associative anaphors in a German text collection. Second, we present a new psycholinguistic study testing reaction times to the noun types with diUerent modes of determination. In all studies evidence was obtained to support the hypothesis that nouns are lexically speciVed with respect to the conceptual features uniqueness and relationality but that a relatively high proportion of their actual uses is incongruent with their lexical speciVcation. The data are not yet conclusive as to whether or not incon- gruent uses aUect word recognition or involve a cognitive type shift operation as assumed by Löbner (2011). ˚ The research reported in this paper was funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft DFG, CRC 991, member projects C02 “Conceptual Shifts: Statistical Evidence” and C03 “Conceptual Shifts: Psycholinguistic Evidence” (www.sfb991.uni-duesseldorf.de). -
Complex Landscape Terms in Seri Carolyn O'meara
Complex Landscape Terms in Seri Carolyn O’Meara * and Jürgen Bohnemeyer Department of Linguistics, University at Buffalo Abstract: The nominal lexicon of Seri is characterized by a prevalence of analytical descriptive terms. We explore the consequences of this typological trait in the landscape domain. The complex landscape terms of Seri classify geographic entities in terms of their material consistency and spatial properties such as shape, orientation, and merological relations. This analytical system of linguistic categorization opens up an intriguing window into the conceptualization of the landscape domain. Keywords: [Lexical Semantics, Anthropological Linguistics, Descriptive Linguistics] 1. Introduction In this article, we investigate how the Seri people of Sonora, Mexico, categorize the landscape in which they live through their language. The study of landscape classification is the proper domain of ethnophysiography, a new subfield of cognitive anthropology or ethnosemantics . Ethnosemantics studies semantic domains, primarily in the natural world, and how they are reflected cross-linguistically. Examples of such studies include Berlin and Kay’s seminal work on basic color terms (1969), Lounsbury’s study of kinship terminology (1964), and research on ethnobiological classification like Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven (1974). The overarching question in this line of research is to what extent the linguistic organization of such domains reflects the culture-specific significance and utility of phenomena of the natural world * E-mail address: [email protected] and to what extent it reflects universal principles of categorization. Ethnophysiography extends this research to the domain of geographic entities, asking what native terminologies for entities such as hills, mountain ranges, plateaus, valleys, forests, and bodies of water reveal about culture-specific and universal aspects of the conceptualization of these objects. -
Introduction: Complex Adpositions and Complex Nominal Relators Benjamin Fagard, José Pinto De Lima, Elena Smirnova, Dejan Stosic
Introduction: Complex Adpositions and Complex Nominal Relators Benjamin Fagard, José Pinto de Lima, Elena Smirnova, Dejan Stosic To cite this version: Benjamin Fagard, José Pinto de Lima, Elena Smirnova, Dejan Stosic. Introduction: Complex Adpo- sitions and Complex Nominal Relators. Benjamin Fagard, José Pinto de Lima, Dejan Stosic, Elena Smirnova. Complex Adpositions in European Languages : A Micro-Typological Approach to Com- plex Nominal Relators, 65, De Gruyter Mouton, pp.1-30, 2020, Empirical Approaches to Language Typology, 978-3-11-068664-7. 10.1515/9783110686647-001. halshs-03087872 HAL Id: halshs-03087872 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03087872 Submitted on 24 Dec 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Public Domain Benjamin Fagard, José Pinto de Lima, Elena Smirnova & Dejan Stosic Introduction: Complex Adpositions and Complex Nominal Relators Benjamin Fagard CNRS, ENS & Paris Sorbonne Nouvelle; PSL Lattice laboratory, Ecole Normale Supérieure, 1 rue Maurice Arnoux, 92120 Montrouge, France [email protected] -
Formal Semantics
HG2002 Semantics and Pragmatics Formal Semantics Francis Bond Division of Linguistics and Multilingual Studies http://www3.ntu.edu.sg/home/fcbond/ [email protected] Lecture 10 Location: HSS Auditorium Creative Commons Attribution License: you are free to share and adapt as long as you give appropriate credit and add no additional restrictions: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. HG2002 (2018) Overview ã Revision: Components ã Quantifiers and Higher Order Logic ã Modality ã (Dynamic Approaches to Discourse) ã Next Lecture: Chapter 11 — Cognitive Semantics HG2002 (2018) 1 Revision: Componential Analysis HG2002 (2018) 2 Break word meaning into its components ã components allow a compact description ã interact with morphology/syntax ã form part of our cognitive architecture ã For example: woman [female] [adult] [human] spinster [female] [adult] [human] [unmarried] bachelor [male] [adult] [human] [unmarried] wife [female] [adult] [human] [married] ã We can make things more economical (fewer components): woman [+female] [+adult] [+human] spinster [+female] [+adult] [+human] [–married] bachelor [–female] [+adult] [+human] [–married] wife [+female] [+adult] [+human] [+married] HG2002 (2018) 3 Defining Relations using Components ã hyponymy: P is a hyponym of Q if all the components of Q are also in P. spinster ⊂ woman; wife ⊂ woman ã incompatibility: P is incompatible with Q if they share some components but differ in one or more contrasting components spinster ̸≈ wife ã Redundancy Rules [+human] ! [+animate] [+animate] ! [+concrete] [+married] -
A Theory of Names and True Intensionality*
A Theory of Names and True Intensionality? Reinhard Muskens Tilburg Center for Logic and Philosophy of Science [email protected] http://let.uvt.nl/general/people/rmuskens/ Abstract. Standard approaches to proper names, based on Kripke's views, hold that the semantic values of expressions are (set-theoretic) functions from possible worlds to extensions and that names are rigid designators, i.e. that their values are constant functions from worlds to entities. The difficulties with these approaches are well-known and in this paper we develop an alternative. Based on earlier work on a higher order logic that is truly intensional in the sense that it does not validate the axiom scheme of Extensionality, we develop a simple theory of names in which Kripke's intuitions concerning rigidity are accounted for, but the more unpalatable consequences of standard implementations of his theory are avoided. The logic uses Frege's distinction between sense and reference and while it accepts the rigidity of names it rejects the view that names have direct reference. Names have constant denotations across possible worlds, but the semantic value of a name is not determined by its denotation. Keywords: names, axiom of extensionality, true intensionality, rigid designation 1 Introduction Standard approaches to proper names, based on Kripke (1971, 1972), make the following three assumptions. (a) The semantic values of expressions are (possibly partial) functions from pos- sible worlds to extensions. (b) These functions are identified with their graphs, as in set theory. (c) Names are rigid designators, i.e. their extensions are world-independent. In particular, the semantic values of names are taken to be constant functions from worlds to entities, possibly undefined for some worlds. -
Predicative Possessives, Relational Nouns, and Floating Quantifiers
REMARKS AND REPLIES 825 Predicative Possessives, Relational Nouns, and Floating Quantifiers George Tsoulas Rebecca Woods Green (1971) notes the apparent unacceptability of certain quantifica- tional expressions as possessors of singular head nouns. We provide data from a range of English dialects to show that such constructions are not straightforwardly unacceptable, but there are a number of re- strictions on their use. We build on Kayne’s (1993, 1994) analysis of English possessives in conjunction with considerations on floating quantifiers to explain both the types of possessive that are permitted in the relevant dialects and their distribution, which is restricted to predicative position. Keywords: floating quantifiers, possessives, predication 1 Introduction Green (1971:601) makes the following observation (numbering adjusted): The noun phrases of (1): (1) a. One of my friends’ mother b. All of their scarf c. Both of our scarf d. One of our scarf e. Both of my sisters’ birthday [my sisters are twins] which should be well-formed paraphrases of (2): (2) a. The mother of one of my friends b. The scarf that belongs to all of them c. The scarf that belongs to both of us d. The scarf of one of us e. The birthday of both of my sisters are ungrammatical. Portions of earlier versions of this article have been presented at the EDiSyn European Dialect Syntax Workshop VII (Konstanz, 2013) and in research seminars in York and Berlin (ZAS). We are indebted to those audiences for their comments and suggestions. We would also like to thank the following colleagues for discussion, suggestions, and criticism that led to many improvements: Josef Bayer, Gennaro Chierchia, Patrick Elliott, Kyle Johnson, Kook-Hee Gil, Nino Grillo, Richard Kayne, Margarita Makri, David Pesetsky, Bernadette Plunkett, Uli Sauerland, Peter Sells, Sten Vikner, Norman Yeo, and Eytan Zweig. -
EISS 12 Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 12
EISS 12 Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 12 Edited by Christopher Pinon 2019 CSSP Paris http://www.cssp.cnrs.fr/eiss12/ ISSN 1769-7158 Contents Preface iv Anne Abeillé & Shrita Hassamal 1–30 Sluicing in Mauritian: A Fragment-Based Analysis Aixiu An & Anne Abeillé 31–60 Number Agreement in French Binomials Micky Daniels & Yael Greenberg 61–89 Extreme Adjectives in Comparative Structures and even Emilie Destruel & Joseph P. De Veaugh-Geiss 91–120 (Non-)Exhaustivity in French c’est-Clefts Regine Eckardt & Andrea Beltrama 121–155 Evidentials and Questions Yanwei Jin & Jean-Pierre Koenig 157–186 Expletive Negation in English, French, and Mandarin: A Semantic and Language Production Model Fabienne Martin & Zsófia Gyarmathy 187–216 A Finer-grained Typology of Perfective Operators Vítor Míguez 217–246 On (Un)certainty: The Semantic Evolution of Galician seguramente Emanuel Quadros 247–276 The Semantics of Possessive Noun Phrases and Temporal Modifiers EISS 12 iii Preface This is the twelfth volume of the series Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics (EISS), which, like the preceding eleven volumes of the series, is closely related to the conference series Colloque de Syntaxe et Sémantique à Paris (CSSP). The nine papers included in the present volume are based on presentations given at CSSP 2017, which took place on 23–25 November 2017 at École Normale Supérieure (http: //www.cssp.cnrs.fr/cssp2017/index_en.html). CSSP 2017 had a small thematic session entitled Discourse particles, but since the number of papers from the thematic session submitted to the volume was low, they are not grouped separately. I would like to take this opportunity to thank the reviewers, whose comments aided the authors in revising the first drafts of their pa- pers, sometimes substantially. -
Donkey Anaphora Is In-Scope Binding∗
Semantics & Pragmatics Volume 1, Article 1: 1–46, 2008 doi: 10.3765/sp.1.1 Donkey anaphora is in-scope binding∗ Chris Barker Chung-chieh Shan New York University Rutgers University Received 2008-01-06 = First Decision 2008-02-29 = Revised 2008-03-23 = Second Decision 2008-03-25 = Revised 2008-03-27 = Accepted 2008-03-27 = Published 2008- 06-09 Abstract We propose that the antecedent of a donkey pronoun takes scope over and binds the donkey pronoun, just like any other quantificational antecedent would bind a pronoun. We flesh out this idea in a grammar that compositionally derives the truth conditions of donkey sentences containing conditionals and relative clauses, including those involving modals and proportional quantifiers. For example, an indefinite in the antecedent of a conditional can bind a donkey pronoun in the consequent by taking scope over the entire conditional. Our grammar manages continuations using three independently motivated type-shifters, Lift, Lower, and Bind. Empirical support comes from donkey weak crossover (*He beats it if a farmer owns a donkey): in our system, a quantificational binder need not c-command a pronoun that it binds, but must be evaluated before it, so that donkey weak crossover is just a special case of weak crossover. We compare our approach to situation-based E-type pronoun analyses, as well as to dynamic accounts such as Dynamic Predicate Logic. A new ‘tower’ notation makes derivations considerably easier to follow and manipulate than some previous grammars based on continuations. Keywords: donkey anaphora, continuations, E-type pronoun, type-shifting, scope, quantification, binding, dynamic semantics, weak crossover, donkey pronoun, variable-free, direct compositionality, D-type pronoun, conditionals, situation se- mantics, c-command, dynamic predicate logic, donkey weak crossover ∗ Thanks to substantial input from Anna Chernilovskaya, Brady Clark, Paul Elbourne, Makoto Kanazawa, Chris Kennedy, Thomas Leu, Floris Roelofsen, Daniel Rothschild, Anna Szabolcsi, Eytan Zweig, and three anonymous referees. -
Nominal Anchoring
Nominal anchoring Specificity, definiteness and article systems across languages Edited by Kata Balogh Anja Latrouite Robert D. Van Valin‚ Jr. language Topics at the GrammarDiscourse science press Interface 5 Topics at the GrammarDiscourse Interface Editors: Philippa Cook (University of Göttingen), Anke Holler (University of Göttingen), Cathrine FabriciusHansen (University of Oslo) In this series: 1. Song, Sanghoun. Modeling information structure in a crosslinguistic perspective. 2. Müller, Sonja. Distribution und Interpretation von ModalpartikelKombinationen. 3. Bueno Holle, Juan José. Information structure in Isthmus Zapotec narrative and conversation. 4. Parikh, Prashant. Communication and content. 5. Balogh, Kata, Anja Latrouite & Robert D. Van Valin‚ Jr. (eds.) Nominal anchoring: Specificity, definiteness and article systems across languages. ISSN: 25673335 Nominal anchoring Specificity, definiteness and article systems across languages Edited by Kata Balogh Anja Latrouite Robert D. Van Valin‚ Jr. language science press Balogh, Kata, Anja Latrouite & Robert D. Van Valin‚ Jr. (eds.). 2020. Nominal anchoring: Specificity, definiteness and article systems across languages (Topics at the Grammar-Discourse Interface 5). Berlin: Language Science Press. This title can be downloaded at: http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/283 © 2020, the authors Published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Licence (CC BY 4.0): http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ISBN: 978-3-96110-284-6 (Digital) 978-3-96110-285-3 (Hardcover) ISSN: -
Individual/Degree Polysemy∗
individual/degree polysemy∗ The Emergence of Number Conference, OSU Jessica Rett June 29, 2018 1 introduction • historically, several different and distinct phenomena: { amount relatives (Carlson, 1980; Heim, 1987; Grosu and Landman, 1998) (1) a. Jane drank [DP the champagne [CP they bought that evening]] individual b. It will take us the rest of our lives to drink [DP the champagne [CP they spilled that evening]] amount { container/pseudopartitive polysemy (Chierchia, 1998) (2) a. Jane smashed [DP the bottle of wine] container b. Jane drank [DP the bottle of wine] content { measure phrase polysemy (Stavrou, 2003; Landman, 2004; Rothstein, 2009) (3) a. The [two cups of wine] on this tray are blue. substance b. The [two cups of wine] in this soup is overkill. measure noun { the `how many' ambiguity (Cresti, 1995; Romero, 1998) (4) How many books must Jane read? a. Jane was told to read specific books. How many of them? object b. Jane was told to read a specific number of books. What was it? amount • correspondingly, different and distinct formal accounts: { amount relatives (Grosu, 2009; Kotek, 2011) ∗ lots of options, all construction-specific: ∗ syntactic ambiguity from a covert maximality operator in the CP; or ∗ syntactically restricted deferred reference or polysemy { container/pseudopartitive polysemy ∗ from Chierchia 1998: a construction-specific type-shifter C from a container x to its contained substance y (5) a. John smoked two packs of cigarettes. b. rλxpsmoke(John, Cpxqqqs (2(pl(pack(ι cigarettes)))) ∗ informally: `John smoked the contents of two packs of cigarettes.' ∗ elsewhere (in line with what I will propose; Pustejovsky 1995; Pustejovsky and Bouillon 1995): this is a semantic polysemy with syntactic effects ∗The bulk of this talk is based on Rett 2014.