Dr. Olga Gritsai, ACRE project manager University of Amsterdam Amsterdam institute for Metropolitan and International Development Studies (AMIDSt) Department of Geography, Planning and International Development Studies Nieuwe Prinsengracht 130 NL-1018 VZ Amsterdam The Netherlands Tel. +31 20 525 4044 +31 23 528 2955 Fax +31 20 525 4051 E-mail [email protected]

Copyright © Amsterdam institute for Metropolitan and International Development Studies (AMIDSt), University of Amsterdam 2009. All rights reserved. No part of this publication can be reproduced in any form, by print or photo print, microfilm or any other means, without written permission from the publisher.

Attracting and accommodating creative knowledge workers in Toulouse

The view of transnational migrants

ACRE report 7.11

Hélène Martin-Brelot Christiane Thouzellier Michel Grossetti Denis Eckert

Other contributors

Samuel Balti, Adrien Defossez, Françoise Desbordes, Garance Thouzellier

Accommodating Creative Knowledge – Competitiveness of European Metropolitan Regions within the Enlarged Union

Amsterdam 2009 AMIDSt, University of Amsterdam

ACRE ACRE is an acronym of the international research project ‘Accommodating Creative Knowledge – Competitiveness of European Metropolitan Regions within the Enlarged Union’.

The project is funded under the Priority 7 ‘Citizens and Governance in a Knowledge-based Society’ within the Sixth Framework Programme of the European Union (contract no 028270).

Coordination:

Prof. Sako Musterd University of Amsterdam Amsterdam institute for Metropolitan and International Development Studies (AMIDSt) Department of Geography, Planning and International Development Studies Nieuwe Prinsengracht 130 NL-1018 VZ Amsterdam The Netherlands

Participants: Amsterdam (Amsterdam institute for Metropolitan and International Development Studies, University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands) Marco Bontje ~ Olga Gritsai ~ Heike Pethe ~ Wim Ostendorf ~ Puikang Chan Barcelona (Centre de Recerca en Economia del Benestar – Centre for Research in Welfare Economics, University of Barcelona, Spain) Montserrat Pareja Eastaway ~ Joaquin Turmo Garuz ~ Montserrat Simó Solsona ~ Lidia Garcia Ferrando ~ Marc Pradel i Miquel Birmingham (Centre for Urban and Regional Studies, University of Birmingham, UK) Alan Murie ~ Caroline Chapain ~ John Gibney ~ Austin Barber ~ Jane Lutz ~ Julie Brown Budapest (Institute of Geography, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Hungary) Zoltán Kovács ~ Zoltán Dövényi ~ Tamas Egedy ~ Attila Csaba Kondor ~ Balázs Szabó Helsinki (Department of Geography, University of Helsinki, Finland) Mari Vaattovaara ~ Kaisa Kepsu ~ Venla Bernelius Leipzig (Leibniz Institute of Regional Geography, Germany) Joachim Burdack ~ Günter Herfert ~ Bastian Lange ~ Katja Manz ~ Robert Nadler ~ Kornelia Ehrlich ~ Juliane Schröder Munich (Department of Geography, Ludwig-Maximilian University, Germany) Günter Heinritz ~ Sabine Hafner ~ Manfred Miosga ~ Anne von Streit ~ Monika Popp Poznan (Institute of Socio-Economic Geography and Spatial Management, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poland) Tadeusz Stryjakiewicz ~ Jerzy J. Parysek ~ Tomasz Kaczmarek ~ Michal Meczynski

Riga (Stockholm School of Economics in Riga, Latvia) Anders Paalzow ~ Diana Pauna ~ Vjacheslav Dombrovsky ~ Roberts Kilis ~ Arnis Sauka Sofia (Centre for Social Practices, New Bulgarian University, Bulgaria) Evgenii Dainov ~ Vassil Garnizov ~ Maria Pancheva ~ Ivan Nachev ~ Lilia Kolova Toulouse (Interdisciplinary Centre for Urban and Sociological Studies, University of Toulouse-II Le Mirail, Toulouse, France) Denis Eckert ~ Christiane Thouzellier ~ Elisabeth Peyroux ~ Michel Grossetti ~ Mariette Sibertin-Blanc ~ Frédéric Leriche ~ Florence Laumière ~ Jean-Marc Zuliani ~ Corinne Siino ~ Martine Azam ~ Hélène Martin-Brelot Milan (Department of Sociology and Social research, University degli Studi di Milan Bicocca, Italy) Enzo Mingione ~ Francesca Zajczyk ~ Elena dell’Agnese ~ Silvia Mugnano ~ Marianna d’Ovidio ~ Carla Sedini Dublin (School of Geography, Planning and Environmental Policy, University College Dublin, Ireland) Declan Redmond ~ Brendan Williams ~ Niamh Moore ~ Veronica Crossa ~ Enda Murphy ~ Philip Lawton

Table of contents

Executive summary...... 1 1 Introduction...... 3 1.1 The metropolitan region of Toulouse: Main facts and figures...... 3 1.2 Structure of the report ...... 5 2 Theories of migration: The case of highly skilled migrants ...... 7 2.1 Classical theories of labour migration ...... 7 2.1.1 Push-pull-model ...... 8 2.1.2 Neoclassical theories ...... 8 2.1.3 New migration economy ...... 9 2.1.4 Dual labour market theory...... 9 2.1.5 World system theory ...... 9 2.2 New theories of labour migration ...... 10 2.2.1 Theory of migration systems...... 10 2.2.2 Theory of migrant networks...... 11 2.2.3 Theory of social capital ...... 11 2.2.4 Trans-national migration ...... 12 2.3 Theories of highly skilled migration...... 12 2.3.1 Brain drain...... 13 2.3.2 ‘Brain circulation’: circular migration...... 14 2.4 Florida’s conception of the international mobile creative class...... 16 2.5 The upcoming paradigm ...... 18 2.6 Settling and staying: highly skilled migrants in the host society...... 19 2.7 Conclusion ...... 21 3 Economic development in France and Toulouse...... 23 3.1 Internationalisation of the economy in France...... 23 3.2 Internationalisation of the economy in Toulouse...... 25 3.2.1 Importance of foreign companies as employers, investors and trade relations in Toulouse...... 25 3.2.2 Position of the metropolitan area in international networks...... 27 4 Migration to France...... 29 4.1 Migration policy in France...... 29 4.1.1 General frame...... 29 4.1.2 Working and studying in France: conditions for foreign nationals...... 30 4.2 Short history of labour migration in France...... 31 4.2.1 Migration flows and share of foreigners in France ...... 31 4.2.2 Geographic origin of the migrants...... 33 4.3 Brain gain and brain drain in France...... 34 4.3.1 Migration flow: Balance of migration and importance of different groups ...... 34 4.3.2 Highly skilled migration to France...... 35 4.3.3 Brain drain...... 36

5 Migration in Toulouse ...... 39 5.1 Migration flows and share of foreigners in Toulouse...... 39 5.1.1 Foreigners in the Urban Area of Toulouse: Nationalities and spatial distribution...... 39 5.1.2 Short history of migration and institutions for migrants in Toulouse ...... 42 5.2 Brain gain and brain drain in the Toulouse region...... 43 5.2.1 Characteristics of foreigners: places of work, level of qualification and sectors of activities ...... 43 5.2.2 A look at the foreign student population ...... 45 6 Research design and methodology ...... 47 6.1 Guided interviews, content of the guidelines...... 47 6.2 Structure of the sample and selection of interview partners ...... 49 6.3 Interview situation and analysis of the interviews...... 52 7 Results...... 53 7.1 A typology of motivations and means to come and stay in Toulouse ...... 53 7.1.1 Knowledge workers attracted by studies and job opportunities...... 54 7.1.2 Creative workers and the importance of social links...... 55 7.2 Accommodating in the Toulouse region...... 56 7.2.1 Migrants’ resources and expectations before coming in Toulouse ...... 56 7.2.2 Finding a dwelling, being helped: differences between the migrants ...... 59 7.2.3 A general dissatisfaction, or even anger towards the administrative services...... 64 7.2.4 Satisfaction towards studies and the current job’s situation...... 65 7.3 Living environment...... 68 7.3.1 Architecture: A contrast between the ‘old’ and the ‘new’...... 69 7.3.2 Size of the city: too small or too large?...... 71 7.3.3 Transports: the scale of the city and the metropolis’ level...... 73 7.3.4 Friendliness of Tolosans...... 74 7.3.5 Openness, diversity and tolerance ...... 76 7.3.6 Culture...... 78 7.3.7 Global satisfaction with the city: creative and knowledge workers ...... 81 7.4 Reasons to stay in or to leave Toulouse...... 83 7.4.1 Reasons to stay in Toulouse ...... 83 7.4.2 Reasons to leave Toulouse ...... 85 7.5 Suggestions ...... 87 8 Conclusions...... 89 References ...... 91 Appendices...... 95

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Highly skilled trans-national migrants constitute the third target group of a larger empirical survey conducted within the ACRE programme. This research investigates the conditions for creating or stimulating ‘creative knowledge regions’ in the context of the extended European Union. Recent theories dealing with the issue of cities’ attractiveness and competitiveness focus increasingly on the individuals’ choice rather than, more traditionally, on the firms’ location strategies. From a political point of view, this implies to improve the personality of cities (Florida, 2008), and not only to provide companies with facilities and financial advantages.

Toulouse is one of the 13 case study cities involved in this programme. Counting 1.1 million inhabitants in 2008, the Urban Area of Toulouse (UAT) enjoys the highest net migration in France, with 20,000 extra inhabitants per year since the 1990s. The new comers are rather young and educated and a majority of them (70 per cent) comes from outside the Midi- Pyrénées region. This confirms the position of Toulouse as a major pole in France (after Paris and Lyon) for research, education and employment opportunities. Strengths of the city rely on the development of a consistent local system of competences in aeronautics and space activities, as well as computer industry and electronics. The city’s dynamic is also supported by another competitive cluster, dedicated to the medical, pharmaceutical and biotechnology research.

Previous studies conducted within the ACRE programme have put forward the knowledge intensive profile of the city. Both employees and managers’ surveys have confirmed the overwhelming role of individual trajectories and classical hard factors and the marginal influence of soft factors for them to stay in Toulouse, that were often cited by interviewees but as secondary reasons after job, studies and the fact of being born and having family and friends in the region. We could achieve a very interesting and new approach with the third target group of foreign workers as they are not ‘local’ by definition, since they have lived and studied outside France in the first part of their life. They bring an outer point of view with their own cultural codes and experiences as highly skilled workers in a foreign city: Toulouse.

The report is structured into 8 parts, including a short introduction to the city region and its most recent evolutions regarding demography, economy and policy (part 1). Part 2 provides an overview of the theoretical background on migration, focusing more particularly on the case of highly skilled migrants. Part 3 deals with economic development in France and Toulouse. Like many other countries in the world, France experienced an increasing internationalisation of its economy over the past decades. In the Midi-Pyrénées region, foreign investments mainly from the United States, Germany and the United Kingdom are massively oriented towards aeronautics and space, electronics and computing. In part 4, we account for current evolutions the country is experiencing regarding the political and associative context related to migrations. In the Urban Area of Toulouse, the profile of foreigners is marked by old waves of migrations from Northern Africa, Spain and Portugal,

1 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS but also by more recent waves of engineers from Northern Europe, Germany and the UK mostly (part 5).

Part 6 presents the research design and methodology, as well as the sample composed of 21 persons having an occupation in a knowledge-intensive sector (aeronautics, health, ICT, research, education, consulting) and 8 people with creative occupations (design, audiovisual, music). This more or less matches the proportions of knowledge and creative workers and activities in the local economy. Beyond representativity, the main interest of this qualitative approach is to catch more details regarding the reasons of highly skilled persons to move and to live in a city.

Results presented in part 7 give higher education and studies as a major first motivation and mean to come and establish in Toulouse in the first years. Then a clear distinction can be drawn out between the knowledge and creative workers. Whereas the first ones rank systematically studies or jobs as a prior reason to migrate, the second sub-group puts the existence of social relations forward, placing studies as equivalent or less important reason to move to the city.

Differences can also be observed regarding the motivations to stay in the city, which most of the time rely on a combination of factors. Whereas knowledge workers rank often employment as an important reason not to leave the city, creative workers seem more dissatisfied towards their job’s situation in Toulouse. This might even be a reason to leave the city but creative workers have also developed more often personal relationships (married or stable couple) that make them stay longer. We also notice that soft factors are generally cited more often as a reason to stay than as a reason to come. Creative workers do not put them forward as much as the knowledge interviewees.

In part 8, we try to connect these results with political perspectives to improve the accommodation of trans-national creative and knowledge migrants in Toulouse. Conditions much differ between both sectors and this also relates to the differences that exist in France between students from universities and graduates from ‘Grandes Écoles’. In general, knowledge workers’ trajectories seem to be guided primarily by an individual’s career choice. Their mobilities reflect consistency from their first years of higher education to their insertion in leading sectors of the local job market. Toulouse looks quite well adapted to the needs of foreign engineers and researchers employed in high technology sectors. On the contrary, precarity in cultural or social activities entails worries and concerns about the future in the city. Further investigations about the size of the city, a recurrent theme in all the interviews, should help to better understand the opportunities that a city can provide to different types of highly skilled workers. It would also allow exploring further, from a theoretical point of view, the combination of hard, soft and personal trajectory factors, identified in each of the empirical ACRE surveys.

1 INTRODUCTION

This report constitutes the third part of a large empirical study that aims at understanding the location choices of different types of highly skilled individuals in specific sub sectors of the creative and knowledge economy. Whereas the first two surveys focused on employees (WP5) and managers (WP6), the present study (WP7) centres on trans-national migrants, who currently work and live in Toulouse, which is one of the 13 case study cities of the ACRE programme.

One main objective of this research is to evaluate the relative weight of the so called ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ location factors in the decision of people to settle at a certain place. According to some recent theories (Florida, 2001, 2005, 2008), conditions like a tolerant urban atmosphere, openness and diversity, would be of utmost importance to attract talented and creative people, considered as the drivers of the economic regional development. This puts into perspective the weight of classic location factors, such as infrastructures and tax incentives, that have been promoted in urban planning policies until now. One important result that has been reached within the ACRE programme through the last two surveys is the influence of a third type of reason that makes people decide to settle somewhere. We called it the ‘personal trajectory factor’, that can be measured by identifying the places where people are born and have studied before having their current job in the city. We have been able to show that the surveyed European workers and managers were not so mobile and tended to favour the city where they had developed anterior social links (family or friends met during the studies).

The target group of trans-national migrants makes the issue of a city’s attractiveness more relevant as they are both a highly skilled and mobile workforce. Before presenting the structure of the report, we first provide a short introduction to the metropolis.

1.1 The metropolitan region of Toulouse: Main facts and figures

Toulouse is the fourth largest city in France with 437,000 inhabitants in 2007. A significant net migration reflects the attractiveness of the Urban Area of Toulouse1 (UAT), comprising 342 communes and stretching over 4,015 km2, which currently counts around 1.1 million inhabitants according to the last figures. The UAT’s increasing annual growth rate in the 1999-2007 period (1.9 per cent compared to 1.6 per cent 1990-1999), represents the arrival of around 20,000 extra inhabitants each year. As the French census system has changed since 1999, all the data regarding the structure of the population at the scale of the whole UAT are

1 An ‘Urban Area’ is defined as a set of communes (municipalities) situated on an unbroken and enclave-free tract of land, comprising an ‘urban pole’ and rural or urban communes (periurban ring), in which at least 40 per cent of the resident working population works in the pole or in the communes linked to the pole.

3 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS not available yet, but 80 per cent of the communes have been censed and some first observations can be made on the profile of the new comers.

At the scale of the urban pole (Toulouse and 71 peripheral communes), 50,000 out of the 70,000 new households (120,000 extra inhabitants) registered between 2002 and 2006 come from outside Midi-Pyrénées. Considering the reference person, 65 per cent of these new households are under 30 years old and one third of them are students, living mostly alone. Apart from the students, one household out of two has moved for professional reasons. The Toulouse new comers have higher education levels than those settling in the rest of the region. Half of them have studied at least two years after the A-Level or are top executives. Regarding their location in the urban pole, the new Tolosans largely favour the centre to the periphery (INSEE, oct. 2008). Around 11 per cent of the population in the urban pole comes from a foreign country, mainly from Europe and Northern Africa.

The city benefits from a general migration trend to the south of France for several years, but other reasons explain its attractiveness, like the unbalanced structure of the regional urban settlement. The UAT concentrates now nearly one third of the population of Midi-Pyrénées (45,000 km2, 2,800,000 inhabitants in 2008), but it is also the only large university and higher education centre for the whole region, attracting residents mainly for studies and job opportunities. The city first developed two specialisations in electricity and chemical engineering from the late 19th century on. Not only the State but also local politics and researchers have influenced the decision to decentralise aeronautics and space activities from Paris to Toulouse in the 1960s. A large and consistent local system of innovation and competences emerged in the 1980s, with the shifting of the aircraft industry from electromechanical to digital technology (A320 programme), the settlement of major satellite companies and the transfer of the manufacturing of onboard electronics. Since then Toulouse has developed as a major labour pool for a local, national and international workforce in aeronautics, space, electronics and chemistry-pharmacy-biotechnology sectors.

Local economic strategies, implemented by different stakeholders at different scales, point towards the search for national and international competitiveness through promoting centres of excellence. This vision of excellence is driven by high technology, in which highly qualified human capital plays a key role (Peyroux et al., 2007). Recently, several national or international projects have contributed to increase the city’s renown, such as the European Cancéropôle and Galileo.

As a result of its economic specialisation the UAT displays specific features: the population is highly educated compared to other urban areas; the share of highly qualified occupations and intermediate occupations has been increasing (INSEE AUAT, 2002). Toulouse is one of the urban areas with the highest household incomes in France. Disparities between incomes are greater than elsewhere in the country, in particular within the city centre as opposed to the suburbs and periurban areas (AUAT INSEE, 2005).

4 INTRODUCTION

1.2 Structure of the report

The report starts with a literature review of classical and new theories of labour migration. It addresses more specifically the highly skilled movement which has emerged and increased since the 1980s (Part 2). France like many other countries has experienced an increasing internationalisation of its economy. Toulouse and the Midi-Pyrénées region benefit from this dynamic too, with a significant share of foreign companies, employers and investors, and good levels of trade relations. Cutting edge sectors of aeronautics, space and biotechnologies, play a major role in the attractiveness of the city for foreign investments (part 3).

Migration policies applied by national governments are influential in the evolution of the migrants’ profile in a country (part 4). France is currently experiencing evolutions regarding the political and associative context related to migrations, with a new Ministry competent for immigration, integration, national identity and solidarity issues. National rules for foreign labour migration are applied in Toulouse like in the rest of the country through the deconcentration of offices for foreign migrants. It is still too soon to assess the impacts of recent policies introduced to better organise the professional immigration and to make easier the access of foreign nationals to selected trades. In Toulouse, the geographic origin of the immigrants and foreigners has diversified over time due to economic and political migrations and to the development of business and scientific cooperation (part 5).

Parts 6 and 7 of this report present details of the empirical study conducted from September 2008 to January 2009. Trans-national migrants in Toulouse have been selected according to their foreign nationality and their highly skilled occupation in a knowledge intensive or creative sector. Semi-structured interviews have been prepared to answer two major questions: why did the migrants come to Toulouse? What is the weight of classical location factors (hard) and the role of soft factors, in their decision to move and to stay in the city? In part 8, we try to synthesize the main outcomes of this survey and put them into relation with migration theories and specific trajectory and context of Toulouse.

2 THEORIES OF MIGRATION: THE CASE OF 1 HIGHLY SKILLED MIGRANTS

For a better understanding of trans-national migration in creative and knowledge intensive industries in the city region of Toulouse, it is important to have a look on recent international migration research and its theories. Migration to Europe in the past 20 to 25 years differs in form and consequences from earlier population movements across national borders. New types of migration and new forms of trans-national migration can be observed in most countries in the EU, including Toulouse. Older approaches of migration research do not seem to describe current migration processes properly. Especially the migration of highly skilled workers shows specific characteristics which require new descriptions.

There is no consistent theory of migration; on the contrary, migration research is characterised by a wide range of theories. Classical approaches basically deal with economic factors to explain migration processes on the macro-level or decisions to migrate on the micro-level. But the changes of migration processes since the 1990s cannot be described appropriately by classical theories. Hence new approaches try to explain contemporary migration structures. They point out the embeddedness of migrants in social networks and try to focus on the meso- level of migration in form of exchange processes between social spaces. In this chapter classical approaches of migration research and new theories will be described which focus on labour migration in general. Afterwards there will be a description of approaches which deal with migration of highly skilled in particular. This also includes Florida’s account of the ‘creative class’. His perception of this ‘class’ as being ‘hyper-mobile’ is one of the most contested elements of his creative class thesis. Finally it will be discussed which approaches are appropriate to describe the movement of highly skilled migrants to Toulouse.

2.1 Classical theories of labour migration

Classical theories of migration interpret migration processes which are seen as unidirectional with definite countries of origin and destination areas. Migration processes are explained as a consequence of economic disparities and adverse conditions on which individuals react and decide to migrate.

1 This section has been written by the ACRE Leipzig team (Bastian Lange, Juliane Schröder and Kornelia Ehrlich, Leibniz Institute of Regional Geography) and Amsterdam team (Marco Bontje and Heike Pethe, University of Amsterdam). The section is common to all ACRE reports within Work Package 7.

7 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

2.1.1 Push-pull-model

The emergence of international migration can be explained by correlations between countries of origin and host societies. Everett (Lee, 1972), worked out a push-pull-model which states that there are push-factors in the regions of origin and pull-factors in the destination area, which encourage migration. There are also intervening factors like spatial distance or migration laws and personal facts which influence decisions to migrate. This approach considers not only economic factors like economic disparities but also social factors like conflicts or the attempt to escape from danger (Bürkner & Heller, 2008, 38; Haug, 2000, 8; Kneer, 1996).

2.1.2 Neoclassical theories

Neoclassical theories are based on the push-pull-model. Macro-economic approaches focus on economic factors like economic growth (Lewis, 1954, Todaro, 1976). It is assumed that disparities between places of production and labour markets – namely disparities of wage level as well as labour supply and demand for labour – lead to migration. Migration is seen as the attempt to reach a macro-economic equilibrium. Countries with work intensive sectors are characterised by low wages and countries with capital intensive sectors by high wages. These wage differentials cause migration to the areas where the income level is higher. Thus the labour supply lowers and wages increase in ‘poorer’ countries while labour supply increases and therefore wages lower in ‘richer’ countries. At the same time economic and human capital flows towards the ‘poorer’ regions, which are beginning to develop capital intensive sectors. Migration abates when economic disparities vanish. This disregards that there are other factors like the establishment of migrant communities in host societies which may encourage further migration (Haug, 2000, 2f, 11f; Bürkner & Heller, 2008, 38f).

Macro-economic theory has its counterpart in micro-economic approaches. Here the focus is on the individual migrant. As individuals they opt for migration by rational cost-benefit calculations. Migration is interpreted as investment in order to maximise economic utilities. Individual features, social conditions or technologies which lower the costs of migration enhance the probability of migration. The amount of the expected benefits determines the extent of migration flows. The higher the income level in the destination area in comparison to the earning in the home region, the lower the costs of migration, and/or the longer the remaining years in professional life, the higher the probability of migration. It is assumed that - in comparison to highly skilled - there is a higher incentive to migrate for workers with less human capital even if the expected income level in the destination area is low irrespective to the human capital. With this strategy the non-highly skilled migrants hope to boost their human capital and therefore hope to improve their chances to find jobs in the future where the expected income level is higher. In contrast, highly skilled workers rather tend to stay in their home countries if the expected income level in the destination area is low. They can take advantage of their human capital in their home country. They are rather encouraged to migrate if the expected income is high (Massey et al., 1993: 456, Haug, 2000: 5, 13).

But neoclassical theory disregards international political and economic contexts and decisions as well as social boundaries. Furthermore the implicated assumption of homogeneous

8 THEORIES OF MIGRATION: THE CASE OF HIGHLY-SKILLED MIGRANTS professional abilities in countries of origin and destination areas as well as the assumed trend to global macro-economic equation are controversial.

2.1.3 New migration economy

The new migration economy approach also focuses on an economic factor: the income. But it also considers the social embeddedness of individuals in households. Individuals are interpreted as acting collectively. Hence the approach focuses on families and households. According to this approach households try to maximise the expected income and to minimise risks for their economic wealth. The job migration of a household member is a form of reassurance because the migrant is independent of local economic conditions of the household. Furthermore international migration and the associated money transfer from abroad can be used as capital for an increase in productivity of the household. Usually it is a matter of temporary migration. It is claimed that adjustment of wages does not stop international migration. Even if there is no strong incentive, households try to diversify their economic risk by migration of family members. Migration is seen as a risk lowering strategy (Haug, 2000, 7f).

2.1.4 Dual labour market theory

Neoclassical migration theory as well as new migration economy assume that migration is a result of rational decisions of individuals or families. In contrast the Dual labour market theory suggests that migration is an effect of political and socioeconomic constellations. The reasons for labour migration are not seen in a trend to a labour market equation but in the segmentation of the labour market. Advanced industrial societies develop a dual economy with a capital-intensive primary segment and a labour-intensive secondary segment. The latter is characterised by insecurity and low wages. Native workers usually do not have any motivation to accept these jobs, which also mean less prestige and low promotion prospects (Lebhart, 2002, 13 f). Hence advanced economies demand foreign workers for the secondary segment. This causes migration (Haug, 2000, 3f; Lebhart, 2002, 13ff).

2.1.5 World system theory

This migration approach deals with the idea of the clash between capitalistic industrial- and developing nations. It is assumed that the origin of migration lies in institutional and sectoral disparities which are evoked by the integration of nations into the worldwide capitalist system. This approach divides the world into three zones: core, semi-periphery and periphery. To explain the patterns of migration the reciprocal dependency of these zones as well as direction and constitution of flows of capital and goods are analysed. It is presumed that international labour migration follows the international flows of capital and goods in the opposite direction. This intends that first of all migration is detectable in Global Cities, which attract migrants from the periphery and not industrialised societies.

9 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Therefore migration is seen as a logic consequence of the globalisation of the economy which causes the emergence of the capitalistic market in developing countries. This implicates that international migration primarily appears between former colonial powers and its colonies because of already existing relations in economy, transport, administration, culture and language (Lebhart, 2002, 16ff; Haug, 2000, 4f; Bürkner & Heller, 2008, 40f).

2.2 New theories of labour migration

The 1990s confronted the migration research with new migration forms which cannot be described as unidirectional processes with definite countries of origin and definite destination areas. The classical micro- and macro-analytic migration theories failed to apply to these forms. There was a missing link: the connection between individuals and society. New approaches in migration research pointing out the importance of social networks as the missing link were required.

2.2.1 Theory of migration systems

The theory of migration systems assumes that the intensive exchange of information, goods, services, capital, ideas and persons between specific countries causes a stable system. Migration is one of these exchange processes. Thereby several countries of emigration can be connected with one region of immigration, just like one emigration country can be characterised by migration flows to several destination areas (multi-polarity). Migration systems are variable social arrangements (formal and informal) including individuals and institutions of both countries. The participation of social ethnic networks, multinational firms, educational institutions or other corporations – as mediations between macrostructures and individuals as well as between the different countries – in shaping the migration system plays a crucial role. Therefore this approach concentrates on macro-, meso- and micro-structures. It considers the economic, political, social, demographical and historical context of migration systems and focuses on both ends of the migration flow, on disparities and interdependencies. But it does not say much about the genesis of migration systems.

In contrast to other theories the relevance of spatial proximity is denied. Instead it points out the influence of political and economic relations on migration systems. As political, economic and communication relations are adjusted by feedback and modulation mechanisms, migration systems, although stable, are not static but dynamic. The processes in and between countries change. New migration systems emerge, countries drop out or join a system, interdependencies transform and migration flows alter in shape (Haug, 2000, 17ff; Bürkner & Heller, 2008, 44f; Lebhart, 2002, 29 ff; Fawcett, 1989, 671ff).

10 THEORIES OF MIGRATION: THE CASE OF HIGHLY-SKILLED MIGRANTS

2.2.2 Theory of migrant networks

As seen the migration system approach points out the very relevance of ethnic networks built by migrants and their family and friends. In contrast to old micro- and macro-analytic approaches, new migration theories focus on the meso-level of migration. The social network approach also stresses the influence of social networks on migration. Migration networks shape social and spatial paths of migration provide new migrants with information and resources2 and therefore facilitate their migration. In short, they lower the costs and risks of migration. On the other hand they smooth the process of keeping in touch with the home region and influence the integration process of the new migrants into the host societies.

Therefore it is assumed that personal relationships which connect migrants, former migrants and non-migrants in the home countries and host societies increase the probability of international migration and can lead to chain migration and sustained migration flows. That means there is no strong correlation between migration flows and wage and employment disparities because of the positive effects of migrant networks. These networks develop an own dynamic which can hardly be regulated.

The effects of social networks on migration are not clear yet. Surely, social relationships influence the decision to migrate by providing information and support or the opposite. Strong social ties in the home countries can inhibit migration. Less social ties can promote the movement. Migrant networks can produce security but also dependency, liability, little integration in the host society and therefore less freedom. This could frighten people. Thus respective contexts have to be considered in order to correctly interpret the relationships between social networks and migration (Haug, 2000, 20ff; Lebhart, 2002, 20ff; Bürkner & Heller, 2008, 42ff).

2.2.3 Theory of social capital

The network perspective can be specified by the term social capital. As already mentioned, personal contacts to friends, relatives and compatriots facilitate migrants to find jobs and housing and can offer financial support. The motives for providing resources might vary. While some act simply by ethical reasons (value orientated) or feel a group identity and therefore act by solidarity (bounded solidarity); others act strategic (reciprocal transfer) or in awareness of their position in the group (status orientated) (Haug, 2000, 22ff; Bürkner & Heller, 2008, 45f).

That means that besides the benefits of social capital there are also restrictions like conformity pressure, obligation to share and limitation of contact with other persons which do not belong to the social network. Making contacts outside of the community could be seen as an assault to the group identity and cause punishment. So individual getting ahead could be inhibited.

In consequence it depends on the community in which the migrant is situated and its openness if social capital is next to economic capital a beneficial element in the migration process.

2 For example supporting finding a residence and a job or providing financial security.

11 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

2.2.4 Trans-national migration

Migration systems and processes have changed since the 1980s. They can be described as circular movements with specific social structures and mobile lifestyles. This new patterns are called trans-national migration as a special form of international migration. New forms of communities emerge, producing specific social spaces by the socio-cultural practice of transnational migrants. These spaces are neither bounded in the home country of the migrants nor in the host society but between and therefore are interpreted as being trans-national social spaces.

‘[…] trans-national social spaces are pluri-local frames of reference which structure everyday practices, social positions, employment trajectories and biographies, and human identities, and simultaneously exist above and beyond the social contexts of national societies’ (Pries, 2001, 65).

Trans-national migration is characterised by spatial movements that can be nomadic and pluri-local, but these movements are not de-territorialised. This leads to hybrid identities and practices. Trans-national migrants can benefit from opportunities of their home countries as well as of their current domicile. They are able to create flexible strategies of sojourn. The possibility of gaining power in their country of origin by i.e. transferring economic capital to their country of origin and simultaneously gaining more power in the host society as political actors, as ‘voices for the minorities’, is a specific feature of trans-national migrants (Bürkner, 2000, 302)3.

Trans-nationalism is explained by the process of globalisation and its linked modern communication, transport and labour forms. But as Bürkner points out, there were migration forms in history which showed trans-national characteristics before globalisation began.4 Furthermore economic and socio-cultural processes of globalisation as well as processes of transformation on a national level appear to be not more than framing conditions for a collectivisation around an individual or a little group. The relevance of economy for the emergence of trans-national spaces is disregarded (Bürkner & Heller, 2008, 46f; Bürkner, 2005, 113-122; Haug, 2000, 16ff; Pries, 2007, 20-22).

2.3 Theories of highly skilled migration

Besides old and new migration theories which try to explain labour migration in general (see 2.1. and 2.2.) there are new approaches which focus on migration of highly skilled workers in particular. Besides the concept of Brain Drain where movement of highly skilled is interpreted as unidirectional, other theories think this migration form as circular and oscillating and connect them with the new shaping of capitalism.

3 Glick Schiller et al. (1992) showed the phenomena of trans-nationalism in the case of the migration of workers from Central America to the US. 4 Bürkner refers to the early shaping of migration paths by ethnic communities in the USA at the beginning of the 20th century (Bürkner, 2000, p. 302).

12 THEORIES OF MIGRATION: THE CASE OF HIGHLY-SKILLED MIGRANTS

2.3.1 Brain drain

The brain drain approach normally is applied on migration of highly skilled workers between different countries. Country of origin and destination area are seen as clearly defined containers with separated social systems5. The embeddedness of migration processes into flows of capital, goods, communication and information is only of marginal interest.

The concept of brain drain assumes a unidirectional and permanent migration between ‘more’ and ‘less’ developed countries. Again economic factors like the higher income level in the destination area are claimed to be the main reason for migration. Seen from the perspective of dependency theory6 developing regions are characterised by a loss of human capital while highly industrialised societies benefit. In consequence it is said that the emigration of highly skilled obstructs the economic progress in developing regions and as a result keeps them in economic dependence (Meusburger, 2008, 31; Meusburger, 2008, 51f, Pethe, 2006, 5f). But this approach does not consider that emigrated highly skilled workers might return to their home countries. This would be brain gain since highly skilled workers improved their qualifications abroad and therefore could push the development in their home countries. Instead of speaking about brain drain, it is more likely that there is brain circulation (Pethe, 2006, 9). We will now discuss the gradual shift in migration literature from ‘brain drain’ to ‘brain circulation’ and the possible negative and positive impacts on the countries of origin in some more detail.

In the social science literature, three approaches are prominent which discuss the mobility of the highly skilled professionals. In the 1960s, the issue of brain drain discussed the negative outcomes of the emigration of talent of third world countries to industrialised countries. Often graduates originating from developing countries took advantage from the large income differences and better working conditions in Western states (Schipulle 1973; Adams 1968). Although many European countries refused to give labour permits to third world graduates, the US became the favourite destination for this group of mobile highly skilled migrants. As a result, more than 40 per cent of the highly skilled persons in all OECD countries who are resident outside their home country lives in the US. Although the brain drain perspective is still present in the political arena, it lost its prominence. Firstly, the geographical pattern of mobility changed in the 1980s due the increasing trans-nationalisation of the companies and the economy (Findlay, 1988; Salt, 1988; Findlay and Gould, 1989; Beaverstock, 1990; Findlay and Garrick, 1990). Secondly, researchers like Annalee Saxenian pointed out that the emigration of highly skilled can lead to a return migration of highly skilled after several decades, which has a positive impact on the economies of the developing countries. In her book Silicon Valley’s new immigrant entrepreneurs (1999), she explained how India, Taiwan and China profited from the economic activities of their ‘diaspora’. In her latest book The New Argonauts (2006), she describes also the positive effects of international mobility of

5 It is also possible to use this concept for different regions in one country. This is the case when migration processes between the old West German and the newly-formed German states are focused. There are not two separated social systems but yet the different history causes different economic and social conditions. 6 Dependency Theory assumes a stratification of countries in an international system and resulting power and dependency relations between dominant societies and countries in a lower position. Here migration is seen as a specific form of interaction between states, which is caused by structural disparities in dependent societies and provides a benefit to dominant countries (Bürkner & Heller, 2008, p. 39).

13 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS highly skilled migrants for the regional development. She has observed the impact of foreign talent and entrepreneurs in Silicon Valley in the last decades also points out the openness to foreign creative talent is also one of the key factors for the success of Silicon Valley and in the home countries of the migrants. Saxenian proposes that the successful development of the ICT industry in Israel, Taiwan and to a lesser extent in China and India is caused by the mobile talent who stimulates innovation, investment and trade between the countries. The exchange of knowledge, she concludes is that the foreign experts ‘welcome the openness, diversity and initiative that have built Silicon Valley’. The connection which is constructed by the mobile ICT engineers is the basis of the economic success of these industries in their home and host countries.

Thirdly, country and regions in industrialised countries have become aware that highly skilled home nationals are also increasingly mobile and migrate to foreign destinations. Some of the earlier mentioned studies, like the work of Beaverstock, address expatriate communities from advanced capitalist countries to other advanced capitalist countries or to rapidly developing countries, like the British communities in New York City and Singapore. In our own empirical analysis we will also demonstrate that a significant part of the highly skilled migrants coming to European city-regions are coming from other European city-regions, and that they are often either on the move to yet another European city-region or plan to return to their city-region of origin. This is again an example of ‘brain circulation’, a form of circular migration we will discuss in more detail now.

2.3.2 ‘Brain circulation’: circular migration

Since the 1980s labour migration changed. As empirical studies showed (Wolter, 1997) an increasing movement of highly skilled workers has emerged. Often this migration is temporary and can be described as circulation7 between industrialised societies as well as a migration from ‘more’ to ‘less’ developed countries. Circular migration implicates the return of the migrants to their home regions after one or more migration steps and is linked to trans- nationalism (Vertovec, 2007: 3f)8. Even though the region of origin firstly suffers a brain drain by losing highly skilled workers there is also a brain gain by foreign highly skilled or a brain re-gain by returning highly skilled, who might have improved their qualities. So it we could speak of brain exchange between the different regions (Schultz, 2008: 52f; Pethe, 2006: 7ff).

This new form of migration of highly skilled is attributed to internationalisation and economic interdependences. Therefore the perspective of research focuses primarily on the meso-level like firms and institutions. In the 1980s, the international financial market was deregulated and many industrial producers moved their production units outside their home markets. The world economy began to internationalise. Many trans-national production and service companies developed which lead to the ‘brain exchange’ of highly skilled professionals

7 It has to be pointed out that circular migration is not only a phenomenon which describes the movements of highly skilled. It also applies to less or unskilled workers (Smith & Guarnizo 1998: 18). 8 As Fassmann points out that the distinction between circular and trans-national migration is problematic, if migrants keep up their social and functional relations to their home society on a large scale (Fassmann 2008: 23).

14 THEORIES OF MIGRATION: THE CASE OF HIGHLY-SKILLED MIGRANTS within these large international organisations. The expertise of the highly skilled employees was needed to control and supervise the new sales offices, production units and bank branches abroad (Boyle et al., 1994; Findlay, 1995). These so called expats were typically seconded to a foreign branch for two to five years. Although they were privileged compared to those professionals who came from third world countries a decade earlier, and they were compensated for their international assignment with relocation service and a salary above the home level, the seconded professionals had little choice to select their country of destination. They were are part of the international stream of investments and trade which was allocated due to the outcomes of international investment opportunities. I.e. the expats accompanied the foreign international direct investments streams and, in the case of newly erected production units, the trade of foreign goods and services. Wolter (1997) showed the interrelation between investment and international migration for the case of the European Union in the 1980s.

Beaverstock, who investigated the mobility of these professionals in the financial service sectors over two decades, points out that the geography of their mobility is often related to the geography of the global cities (Beaverstock 1994, 1996, 2002). Global cities are metropolitan regions with a large concentration of high range services and international headquarters which command and control international investment streams (Friedman, 1986; Sassen, 1996). The Globalization and World Cities Research Network in Loughborough mapped out the position of cities in this international urban system by looking at the connectivity of the international organisation in the urban regions (www.lboro.ac.uk/gawc). In addition to the circular movement within the industrialised countries, Beaverstock and others also describe a movement from the North to the South. Compared to the previous mobility which was described as brain drain, the brain exchange connected industrialised countries more strongly or describes mobility from industrialised countries to less industrialised countries. Due to its strong economic embeddedness, the brain exchange is influenced by economic circles with a large increase of international mobility in the period of economic upturn and a decrease of international migration in the period of the economic downturn.

The brain exchange perspective was criticised recently for approaching the international migration of the highly skilled mainly from an economic perspective and neglecting the agency of the individuals (Scott, 2006). Before the role of the individual migrants will be discussed below, it should be mentioned that the economy has also changed in the last decade, and the organisation has also influence on intra-company mobility of employees. Large vertically integrated companies were typical for the Fordist age. These differentiated units did not only comprise various production and administrative units, they also began to allocate each function at the most suitable location. Due to the internationalisation of their organisations, highly skilled migrants were seconded between the different parts of the companies. Typically they were sent from the head quarter to peripheral locations. Due to the reorganisation of trans-national companies in post-fordism (Cormode, 1994; Koser and Salt, 1997; Wolter, 1999), hierarchies were reduced and activities were outsourced. Not only is the size of the companies reduced, but also the expensive international career opportunities for employees. The companies in the creative knowledge industries tend to be very small. A large share has less than 5 employees. On the one hand, this particular structure of the sector makes it less likely that intra-company mobility is a common feature in the creative knowledge sectors. On the other hand, the technological progress enabled small actors to be mobile

15 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS internationally, because the international communication and transport become cheaper and easily available. Instead of being seconded within a large company, it appears to be more likely that highly skilled individual change between small and medium companies now on their own steam.

2.4 Florida’s conception of the international mobile creative class

‘Regional economic growth is powered by creative people, who prefer places that are diverse, tolerant and open to new ideas’, writes Richard Florida in his book The rise of the creative class. The attractiveness of cities, its quality of life and its diversity of cities are pivotal for the future development of cities. A good people climate will draw new creative people to those places and will lever the economic success of regions. Using this imagination Florida describes conditions which are strongly related to the inward mobility of creative talent as a precondition and an effect for regional economic success of metropolitan regions. Diversity which is described as heterogeneity in terms of ethnicity, sexuality and lifestyles is seen as a precondition for the inflow of new talent. People from various backgrounds will be attracted to these spaces which will again lead to an even larger diversity of people. In the first texts, Florida does not distinguish between national or international migrants, but his later book The flight of the creative class uses examples which indicate that he does not only have national migration, but also international migration in mind.

Florida mainly focuses on the ability of places to attract foreign creative, when he writes: ‘Today, the terms of competition revolve around a central axis: a nation’s ability to mobilise, attract, and retain human creative talent’. The attractiveness of regions is important, because the economic success will increase with the inflow of talent. This is the most important formula which Florida uses. A detailed description in which ways foreign migrants contribute to the host economy is difficult to decipher in his work. Several hints can be found: foreign creatives ‘help build our scientific enterprises’ (p. 95), account for ‘a disproportionate share of most influential scientists’ (p. 101), relieve the ‘looming talent shortage’ (p. 103), ‘take American ideas and American relationships back home’ (p. 110) and contribute to the entertainment industry (p. 125).

Florida has a very broad conception of the creative class which comprises 30 per cent of the American work force. Again it is unclear in which aspects the mobility of the creative class is different from other highly skilled persons. But not only Florida lacks a clear definition of what is meant by the mobility of the highly skilled. Scholars who want to investigate the international mobility of the highly skilled see themselves facing a jungle of definitions. The definition of their qualification and their migrant status can vary enormously. For instance, the term ‘highly skilled’ can indicate a formal educational credential, but ‘skill’ can also be defined as the ability to solve certain task whether those ability was acquired with a ‘learning by doing’-approach or a formal education. The status as migrant can be related to certain forms of work permits for foreign employees, the status as a seconded employee within an international companies or simply mean non-national. In addition to that, Florida gives an account about the creative class which does not necessarily mean that other occupations such as doctors are not internationally mobile (OECD, 2002), whereas other creative knowledge

16 THEORIES OF MIGRATION: THE CASE OF HIGHLY-SKILLED MIGRANTS workers are certainly limited to perform their activity in different countries. One prominent example is lawyers whose main professional reference are national laws. International law firms have only developed recently and mostly they are limited to certain field like international mergers and acquisitions. Although differences between the creative knowledge occupations seem to exist, their scope is still unclear and also how do they contribute to the different national economies?

Florida’s ideas might be one of the most prominent accounts of social scientists which emphasise the importance of the international migration for regional economies. In the political arena, the issue has been more strongly articulated since the labour shortages in several sectors appeared in industrialised countries (OECD). Since the creation of a common market, the individual member of the countries of the European Union received the right to move freely within the common space even earlier. At the time, the creation of a common space was not so much motivated by the attraction of foreign talent, but by the reduction of economic disparities between the various regions of the member states. Although several limitations exist, for examples for citizens of the new European member states, the member states and the European commission try to reduce the barriers, introduce a common migration policy and even support the mobility of certain groups actively. The Lisbon agenda, the agreement of a common migration policy in Tampere and the establishment of the student exchange programmes such as Socrates and Erasmus are examples which aim to promote the international mobility within Europe. The goal is to increase the competitiveness of the member states of the European Union by stimulating their ability for innovation and knowledge transfer. In other political arenas, other motivations to support the international mobility of highly skilled professionals are articulated. For example, on a global level, governments find mechanism to deregulate short term international mobility which is related to the international trade of goods and services (OECD, WTO). Apart from the attraction of talent, the reduction of disparities, the decrease of labour shortage, the stimulation of innovativeness and the lubrication of economic globalisation, various national statistical offices in central and eastern Europe point at the continuous decrease of their work force in the coming five decades. The political initiatives in Europe and the US are increasingly perceived as an international ‘war for talent’. Florida addresses in his recent book the increasing danger that the US American cities loose this ability to attract and to retain foreign talent. European countries are becoming increasingly successful competitors for creative talent, in his view .

All accounts use imaginations of international migrations which expect positive outcomes. This is a recent development. Since the oil crisis in the early 1970s, immigration was stopped in most European states, because the incoming labour was seen as a competitor for the home nationals. In many countries only transferees of trans-national companies were successfully able to apply for a labour permit. Although those negative threats are less articulated in the public now, the mechanism of the international migration of highly skilled are not fully analysed. Who is internationally mobile? Why are trans-national migrations engaged in certain industries? How long do they typically stay? What effects does their presence have on the region, in particular on the economy and the housing market? Which cities and regions are attractive and what are the drivers behind their success?

17 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

2.5 The upcoming paradigm

The firm related perspective has been central in the study of international migration of the highly skilled, because many researchers assumed that this migration flow was largely demand driven. Apart from labour migration, other motives exist. Personal motives like family unification and marriage are the most prominent. Another important factor is education. But asylum seekers and refugees start a new life in other countries, too. In addition to that, an increasing number of cases are reported, when highly skilled migrants decide to live in a country because of the interesting cultural environment and the offered amenities as it was described by Florida too. Then, immigrants settle in the country first, and look for work later. In other words, the variety of reasons to settle in a certain country might be larger than the reasons which are found in the immigration legacy of the country in question.

In the Netherlands, for example, about one third of the immigrants entered the country due to employment related reasons, another third because of family related reasons and one sixth started with their studies in the Netherlands. Of course, these numbers needed to be treated with caution, because they are strongly related to the immigration categories which exist in the Dutch law. Firstly, immigrants use and tend to be classified in categories which gives them the best access to the host country. Research (Kanjanapan, 1995) shows that immigrants tend to switch between the categories to a large extent. Secondly, important motives such as large differences in the house prices in border regions which are not relevant in the legal framework are not mentioned in the legal framework.

The heterogeneity of expats increases. Apart from the seconded transferees who work in large companies, an increasing share comes on their own steam. Due to the removal of immigration barriers for labour migration within the EU and the stronger support of student mobility in the EU, but also internationally, the socio-economic background and the motives of trans-national migrants diversify (Conradson and Latham, 2005; Scott, 2006a; Scott, 2006b). According to Scott, the group of expats is diversified. Young professionals who come in their early career or stay on as graduates, international Bohemians who enjoy the cultural amenities and assimilation-settlers who marry a partner in the host country are new groups that have not gained enough attention. An overview of the nationality of foreign highly skilled immigrants in the Netherlands shows that the immigration of highly skilled persons cannot always be related to economic linkages between the countries. Nearly 50 per cent of the highly skilled foreign nationals who lived 2000 in the Netherlands come from countries which either had strong colonial ties to the Netherlands such as Indonesia or Suriname, or were the recruiting countries of the former guest workers such as Turkey and Morocco or where the home countries of a larger highly skilled refugee population such as Iraq, Iran or Afghanistan. Less than one third of the foreign highly skilled in the Netherlands, however, derive from Western OECD countries. Using the nationality as an indicator of the migration motivation is, of course, problematic too. Firstly, this approach assumes that persons with a similar nationality share the same motive. Secondly, these immigrants are formally highly educated, but it is unclear, if they can use their educational credentials in their job. In addition to that, many foreign nationals are born in the Netherlands, although they hold a foreign passport. They cannot be considered as migrants.

18 THEORIES OF MIGRATION: THE CASE OF HIGHLY-SKILLED MIGRANTS

The new heterogeneity of the skilled migrants leads also to a larger diversity of residential choice between the foreign highly skilled. The former orientation on the higher segments of the housing market in the suburban areas fades in favour of the increasingly popular and therewith more expensive inner city on the one hand, and lower priced flats on the other. Due to the strong urban orientation of creative workers, the overall preference for inner city location might also be emphasised by foreign creative workers. Furthermore, the duration of the stay appears to change to. Expats which typically live between two to five years abroad are accompanied by trans-national migrants who settle for a longer time frame or even permanent in the foreign country. In addition to that, the possibilities to access the labour market of creative knowledge workers might also vary with their demographic background. Kibbelaar (2007) points out that foreign migrants who are not part of the classic expat population in the Netherlands often struggle to find positions in the creative knowledge industries on the one hand. On the other hand, they are less likely to choose a creative knowledge profession, because they consider those occupations as less prestigious and economically less rewarding .

Therefore, an analysis which identifies how many persons work in the creative knowledge economy and are of foreign descent might give a more accurate number about the real inflow foreign creative knowledge workers than an approach which only identifies the formal education of immigrants. A comparison between the results of both approaches identifies the scope of the brain waste of immigrant human capital, because it will identify the scope of access of foreign highly qualified workers to these industries.

2.6 Settling and staying: highly skilled migrants in the host society

While the trans-national mobility of highly skilled migrants receives increasing interest and attention from academic researchers and policy-makers, much less attention has been given so far to their experiences after their move and their preferences in terms of residence, amenities and relations with the host society. Integration in the host society, for example, is generally hardly considered a problem since most highly skilled migrants are expected to stay a few years at most and since they are expected to have a well-paid job. Another generalising assumption often made is that highly skilled migrants most often come from societies that are very close to the host society in terms of norms, values and behaviour, so they would hardly have adaptation problems. These assumptions might apply to most expatriates, but as we have seen in the sections above and will see again in our empirical analysis, this group is actually only a small part of the highly skilled migrants coming to and travelling within Europe. Highly skilled migrants quite often stay for more than a few years, they do not always come with the guarantee of a job, their job is not always well-paid, and they also come from non- Western developing countries. While this heterogeneity in the broad category of highly skilled migrants is gradually acknowledged, we hardly find evidence of this in the international academic debate so far. As far as matters of settling and staying of highly skilled migrants are discussed, mostly the focus is strongly on the sub-category of expatriates, and most attention is given to the housing and real estate market.

19 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Expatriates are often merely seen as affluent corporate movers that can rely on relocation services. Because of this view, they are often discussed in terms of dualisation of world cities. Several studies (Freund, 1998; Glebe, 1986; White, 1998; White and Hurdley, 2003) show that immigrants from OECD countries differ in their housing preferences strongly from other, often lower skilled migrant population. The residential pattern is often very similar to home nationals with the same socio-economic status. The settlement of migrants from North America, Australasia and other parts of Europe has tended to occur most strongly in those parts of London with the highest occupational status, observes White. This pattern varies between different OECD nationals. Japanese corporate transferees and their families show the strongest segregation of all national groups in London, in Düsseldorf and Frankfurt/Main. They live more often in suburban locations, and share less often similar housing patterns with similar status groups. The high concentration is often ascribed to the activities of relocation services and Japanese real estate agencies, the important of public transport access to work, security of the residential environment, quality of the dwelling (cleanliness of kitchen) and proximity to school and other community institutions (Glebe, 1986; Glebe, 1997; White, 1998; White and Hurdley, 2003). In particular the proximity to schools is often stated as a pivotal point for all OECD nationals too, although this view is also contested. Generally, expatriates rent more often than home nationals due to their temporary status, although the rental sector is with some 10 per cent of the dwellings relatively small in some of the investigated cities such as London. Rarely the flats of the transferees are owned by their companies. Instead White and Hurdley observe that other ethnic entrepreneurs who hold these flats as property investment let these high-priced dwellings to Japanese in London. This untypical demand in the rented sector leads to a rise of rent prices in those residential neighbourhoods. A similar connection between the rise of housing prices and immigration is described for Vancouver. This is properly the most prominent and extreme example which illustrates how activities of affluent immigrants lead to a significant increase of housing prices (Brosseau et al., 1996; Hiebert, 2000: 31ff; Ley and Tutchener, 2001; Olds, 1998; Olds and Yeung, 1999). Because of the transfer of Hong Kong to the People’s Republic China, wealthy Chinese immigrants and entrepreneurs fled to Canada. They acquired the Canadian citizenship by doing large investments. Often they spent large amounts of money in the regional housing market and transformed the suburban residential landscape, because they constructed houses which were conceived as monster-houses by the older population of English descent. Due to their acquisition of large suburban properties the prices in the higher housing market segment rose. In addition, entrepreneurs built malls and developed larger inner city housing projects (Ley and Tutchener, 2001; Olds, 1998; Olds, 2001).

The examples from London and Vancouver, however, show how the effects are firstly related to global flows which are linked to each city. Secondly, they show that the aims of the incoming educated population from the industrialised countries and the effects of their inflow can vary considerably. Recently, Scott underlined that an increasing heterogeneity of highly skilled immigrants stream into European cities. Apart from the typical expatriate population, overstaying students, family migrants and international bohemians live in the metropolitan regions. Also Conradson and Latham point at the ‘middeling trans-nationalism’ in large European cities such as London which comprises an increasing number of mobile middle class individuals. Compared with the typical expat population, the residential preferences differ. They are more oriented towards inner city neighbourhoods. Due to their lower income,

20 THEORIES OF MIGRATION: THE CASE OF HIGHLY-SKILLED MIGRANTS they are not able to afford a rented dwelling in the upper housing segments. Since they travel more often individually, they can also not rely on relocation services to find accommodation. On contrary, they are more likely to compete with the local middle class. In other words, the chances of trans-national migrants and expats to access the labour market and the effects of their presence are as much related to their socio-demographic background as to the local and national regulations.

2.7 Conclusion

After this description of several theories of migration, it can be assumed that not all described migration approaches are adequate to deal with migration of highly skilled in Toulouse. New forms of movements require new approaches. It seems that a combination of several approaches could be a way to understand the situation of migrants in the UAT. The new approaches are appropriate to deal with oscillating migration, new forms of migrant communities, mobile migration patterns, knowledge transfer by migrants and its influence on innovation processes. Hence in recent migration research issues of education, language, biography and hybrid migrant identities are considered.

Different approaches are relevant in the Toulouse case, like the brain drain and the brain circulation theories. We particularly pay attention to the evolution of the expatriate’s characteristics and to the increasing share of transnationals coming on their own steam, contrary to transferees working in large companies. Education and personal motives are also prominent mobility factors, beside firm related strategies, in the study of international migration. Based on the theory of trans-nationalism, it can also be supposed that networks play a decisive role for trans-national migrants living in Toulouse.

3 ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN FRANCE AND TOULOUSE

3.1 Internationalisation of the economy in France

In this part, we provide some information that allows to evaluate the importance of foreign companies as employers, investors and trade relations in France.

FDI’s global flows in France have increased by half compared to 2006. This corresponds to a strong increase of the amount of international acquisitions in France as in the rest of the world. The country ranks 3rd worldwide in terms of FDIs. The European Union and the United States are the first foreign investors in France. Between 1993 and 2003, the presence of foreign companies has almost doubled in term of staff. At the end of 2003, their subsidiaries employed 1.9 million people in France, which is 1 out of 7 salarieds of the French economy, out of finance and administration sectors (INSEE, 2006).

Table 3.1 - The first 15 countries investing in France 2006-2007 (Number of created or maintained jobs) 2006 2007 2007-2006 2006 (per cent) 2007 (per cent) United States 9,511 5,768 - 3,743 23.8 16.7 Sweden 3,543 4,131 588 8.9 12.0 Germany 6,570 3,848 - 2,722 16.4 11.1 United Kingdom 4,225 3,699 -526 10.6 10.7 Netherlands 1,862 3,368 1,506 4.7 9.8 Italy 806 1,919 1,113 2 5.6 Japan 794 1,899 1,105 2 5.5 China 1,572 1,459 -113 3.9 4.2 Spain 1,495 1,336 -159 3.7 3.9 Belgium 1,263 1,223 - 40 3.2 3.5 Switzerland 2,021 934 - 1,087 5.1 2.7 Island 460 733 273 1.2 2.1 Canada 1,359 690 - 669 3.4 2.0 India 155 528 373 0.4 1.5 Austria 657 502 - 155 1.6 1.5 Others 3,705 2,469 - 1,236 9.3 7.2 Total 39,998 34,517 - 5,481 100.0 100.0 Source: French agency for international investment (AFII), 2007

Among job creations from foreign origin between 1993 and 2007, 62.3 per cent are due to European investors, 27.6 per cent to North American companies and 8.8 per cent come from Asia. The share of North American companies in the job creations has dropped compared to 2006, falling from 27.2 per cent to 18.8 per cent, whereas Asian companies’ share has risen to reach 13.5 per cent. Next table shows that more than 50 per cent of job creations in France

23 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS originate from only four countries (United States, Sweden, Germany, United Kingdom). Although the number of jobs created in 2007 (34,500) has decreased compared to the previous year, one should remind that 2006 is considered as outstanding, with 40,000 employments created. However this amount is in line with an upward trend observed for four years.

The decline of job creation in the manufacturing sector goes along with a growth of the share of service activities. The upward trend in the services sectors is mainly due to the transport and other commercial and financial services sectors, whereas the business services and software sectors showed a significant fall in the numbers of jobs being created (AFII, 2007).

The year 2007 was marked by an increase in the number of takeovers (Table 3.2).

Table 3.2 - Jobs created or maintained per mode of investment (2006-2007) 2006 2007 2007-2006 2006 (per cent) 2007 (per cent) Creation 14,433 12,177 - 2,256 36.1 35.3 Extension 16,074 10,681 - 5,393 40.2 30.9 Takeover 7,989 9,667 1,678 20.0 28.0 Takeover-extension 1,502 1,992 490 3.8 5.8 Total 39,998 34,517 - 5,481 100.0 100.0 Source: French agency for international investment (AFII), 2007

In 2007, five regions in France accounted for more than 60 per cent of total job creation.

Table 3.3 - Jobs created or maintained per region (2006-2007) 2006 2007 2007-2006 2006 (per cent) 2007 (per cent) Île-de-France 9 001 10 398 1 397 22.5 30.1 Rhône-Alpes 4 179 4 660 481 10.4 13.5 Nord-Pas-de-Calais 2 853 2 810 - 43 7.1 8.1 Midi-Pyrénées 2 759 2 054 - 705 6.9 6.0 Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur 3 742 1 604 - 2 138 9.4 4.6 Other Regions 17 464 12 991 - 4 473 43.7 37.7 Total 39 998 34 517 - 5 481 100.0 100.0 Source: French agency for international investment (AFII), 2007

24 ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN FRANCE AND TOULOUSE

Table 3.4 - Exports volume by product (Billion Euro 2000) 1980 1990 2000 2007 Agriculture, Forestry, Fishing 4,9 7,8 10,4 9,9 Industry products 102,7 157,2 317,1 397,2 Agricultural and food industry 8,9 19,1 28,4 32,8 Consumer goods 10,4 20,5 45,0 66,4 Automobile 16,0 22,3 43,3 53,5 Capital goods 24,9 38,7 85,4 108,5 Intermediate goods 37,7 49,7 103,4 121,9 Energy 5,4 8,1 11,6 14,8 Mainly trading services 20,4 25,2 50,6 52,7 Trade 2,8 2,6 5,0 3,4 Transports 8,3 11,2 16,4 15,1 Financial activities 2,8 4,1 5,2 5,8 Business services 6,6 7,3 21,7 26,7 Services to individuals 0,3 0,8 2,2 1,7 Education, health, social work 0,1 0,2 0,3 0,5 Territorial correction* 10,9 18,7 33,3 34,2 Total 139,6 209,4 411,7 493,2 Source: Comptes nationaux - Base 2000, Insee * In national counts, ‘territorial correction’ is the difference between the spendings of residents abroad and those of non-residents in France.

3.2 Internationalisation of the economy in Toulouse

3.2.1 Importance of foreign companies as employers, investors and trade relations in Toulouse

Some first observations can be drawn from studies and data available at the scale of the Midi- Pyrénées Region on the one hand, and at the level of the Haute-Garonne Département on the other hand.

In 2007, Midi-Pyrénées counts 357 foreign-owned companies, employing 56,930 persons. The region ranks four for international investments in 2007. In terms of share of jobs created per sector, foreign investments are mainly oriented towards aeronautics and space (20.6 per cent of the jobs created), electronics (20 per cent), computing (19.8 per cent), materials (7.5 per cent), automobile (6.4 per cent), electric and electronic device (5.7 per cent), work of metal, mechanics and machine tools (6.3 per cent) (MPE – AFII 2008). Main investing countries are the United States (811 jobs created), Germany (362), the United Kingdom (309), Belgium (125) and Spain (71). Companies owned by several European countries, such as Airbus and EADS, have created 165 jobs in 2007 (MPE – AFII, 2008).

Looking at trade relations, aeronautics and space products represent 76 per cent of the exportations in Midi-Pyrénées in 2005 (Table 3.5).

25 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

In 2007, space activities have benefited from the revival that started in 2006 in the business of telecommunications satellites. Both tolosan establishments EADS Astrium and Alcatel Alenia Space have achieved an exportation amount of about 950 million Euros (INSEE Midi- Pyrénées, 2008).

In 2007, the dynamism of exportations of agriculture and food products (+ 7 per cent), of professional capital goods outside aeronautics construction (+ 16 per cent) or of electric and electronic components (+ 31 per cent) compensates the drop of export sales of aeronautic and space construction products (- 5 per cent). However these activities still represent three fourth of the exported goods in Midi-Pyrénées.

The main exportation countries in 2005 are European countries, including Germany (11 per cent), Spain (9 per cent), United Kingdom (5 per cent), Italy (3 per cent). The main non- European countries are the United States (12 per cent) and the United Arab Emirates (3 per cent) (Source: Douanes, CRCI).

Table 3.5 - International trade in Midi-Pyrénées: the most exported goods Most exported products 2005 (million €) Per cent Aeronautics and space construction products 16,0 75.2 Others 2,8 13.3 Agriculture and forestry products 0,7 3.3 Measuring and control equipments 0,7 3.1 Electric and electronic components 0,5 2.4 Mill and weaving 0,3 1.4 Mechanical equipments 0,3 1.3 Total 21,3 100.0 Source: Chiffres-clés CRCI, 2005

The share of outputs of aeronautics and space construction remains dominant regarding importation (59 per cent).

Table 3.6 - International trade in Midi-Pyrénées: the most imported goods Most imported products 2005 (million €) Per cent Aeronautics and space construction products 7,40 58.8 Others 4,10 32.5 Electric material 0,30 2.6 Non-iron metals 0,25 2.1 Clothes and furs articles 0,25 2.0 Electronic components 0,25 2.0 Total 12,55 100.0 Source: Chiffres-clés CRCI, 2005

In 2007, the Haute-Garonne Département has contributed to 86.5 per cent of the regional exportation flows. It is followed by the Départements of Aveyron (3.2 per cent), Tarn (2.3 per cent), Tarn-et-Garonne (2 per cent), Hautes-Pyrénées (1.9 per cent), Ariège (1.8 per cent), Gers (1.4 per cent) and Lot (1 per cent).

26 ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN FRANCE AND TOULOUSE

Toulouse benefits from the growing share of foreign investments in the Midi-Pyrénées region. In 2007, jobs have been created by the Americans especially in the computing sector (+ 115 jobs) with Electronic Data Systems France (EDS) and Falconstor Software, but also in aeronautics (Goodrich Aerospace Europe, Colomiers) and cosmetology (Kobo Products, Labège). Germany has mostly invested in the fields of computing (3D Contech France, Colomiers), automotive security (Norisko, Toulouse) and consultancy for aeronautics (Ferchau Engineering, Ramonville and Elan France, Blagnac). The major investment of the UK concerns the extension of Unilog Sud-Ouest (Blagnac) in the business and management consultancy sector, with a doubling of the salaried staff foreseen by 2010. Other investments from the UK relates to the aeronautics with Vega Technologies (Toulouse), and Aerovac Systems France (Saint-Jean) (Pyrénéesinfo, 2008).

3.2.2 Position of the metropolitan area in international networks

Several indicators can be used to account for the metropolitan dynamic at the international level. With a core economic specialisation in aeronautics, space sector, electronics, and computer activities on the one hand, and the presence of global players such as Airbus1 and EADS (European Aeronautic Defence and Space Company) on the other hand, Toulouse has become known on as ‘Europe’s capital of aerospace industry’ over the past decades. The local labour force is highly educated and highly skilled, which gives the metropolis a competitive advantage.

The increase in international traffic of ‘Toulouse-Blagnac’, the fourth largest airport in France outside Paris, also helps to evaluate the position of the metropolitan area in international networks. Regular international traffic has progressed and represents 30 per cent of the passengers, with a large majority of flights from and for EU countries. Links with some European cities have increased strongly, like Madrid (178,000 passengers, + 60 per cent with the entry of Easy Jet), Munich (175,000 passengers, + 24 per cent), Amsterdam (162,000 passengers, + 10 per cent), Hamburg (139,000 passengers, + 9 per cent), Frankfurt (117,000 passengers, + 5 per cent), and London (381,000 passengers, + 2.6 per cent). Traffic with Northern Africa (210,000 passengers) has also registered strong progressions, especially with Casablanca, Algeria and Marrakech (INSEE Midi-Pyrénées, 2008).

Tourism might also be a good indicator to evaluate the international attractiveness of the region and the city for leisure and culture related activities. During the 1990s, tourist consumption in Midi-Pyrénées rose by 25 per cent and reached 1,9 billion Euros in 2000. Accommodation expenses accounts for 1 third of the total amount and expenses in shops and local services for the remaining (Peyroux et al., 2007). Midi-Pyrénées as a touristic destination ranks 3rd on the national market and 8th at the international level (Préfecture of Haute-Garonne, 2000). Foreign tourists, mainly Spanish and Italian, represent 15 per cent of the total number of visitors (AUAT, 2003). Lourdes and Toulouse constitute the two major

1 Aeronautics remains a significant sector in terms of employment: between 2002 and 2004 Airbus created almost 1,000 jobs per year in Toulouse. There are 12,000 jobs in total. This comes in addition to personnel from the international direction of Airbus society in Blagnac (AIC; Airbus Integrated Company), which amounts to 4,000 persons (Leriche, Zuliani, 2007).

27 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS touristic poles of the region, as they respectively gather 62 and 17 per cent of the extra- regional frequentation. The proportion of Irish people in Midi-Pyrénées hotels has increased in 2006 (+ 6.2 per cent), unlike the share of German (- 5.9 per cent), Belgian (- 8.5 per cent) and Dutch (- 26.6 per cent) tourists, which has significantly decreased compared to 2005 (Clermont et al., 2007). The frequentation of tourists from the United States remains stable in 2006 (- 0.3 per cent) whereas the Japanese number of visitors slightly progresses (+ 2.8 per cent).

In the Haute-Garonne Département, tourism activities occupy the 3rd position right after aeronautics and chemistry and pharmacy industries. Business tourism is well developed due to the wide range of organised congresses and companies’ visits: 74,000 visitors for the ‘Auto show’ in 1999; 200,000 visitors for the Toulouse fair in 2000; 50,000 visitors for the Tourism Fair and the International fair for technique and future energies (SITEF); 40,000 for the Art craft fair and autumns fair; 8,000 for the Wine Fair (Peyroux et al., 2007).

4 MIGRATION TO FRANCE

4.1 Migration policy in France

4.1.1 General frame

France is currently experiencing evolutions regarding the political and associative context related to migrations. First, a new Ministry competent for immigration, integration, national identity and solidarity issues has been created in 2007. Immigration topics were until then addressed by several ministries. Second, a general reform of public policies (RGPP) has also consequences on the migration policy in France. It particularly aims at better distinguishing questions related to the accommodation and integration policy of foreign people on the one hand, and issues that results from the cohesion, equality of chance and urban policy on the other hand.

In the period of reconstruction after WW2, a public establishment, the National Office for Immigration (ONI), is created in France (1946) to handle the arrival of numerous foreign workers at that time. The designation and acronym of the ONI change in 1988 to become the Office for International Migrations (OMI).

In 1952, the French Office for the Protection of Refugees and Stateless Persons (OFPRA) is in charge of the application of the Geneva Convention on the territory and of the management of the refugees’ demands, which were formerly addressed by other organisations. Initially under the supervision of the Ministry for foreign affairs, the OFPRA has been integrated in November 2007 to the new Ministry for Immigration, Integration, national Identity and Partnership Development. The public establishment had been reformed during the 1990s on, to match the new decisions adopted by the member States of the European Union regarding asylum and the refugees’ status. The Schengen and Dublin treaties foreshadow the creation of a common European asylum system by the end of 2010. Asylum is a protection that a State gives to foreign persons who are or risk to be persecuted in their home country. France proposes either the refugee status or the subsidiary protection, two types of protection with different rights.

The French Agency in charge of migration and welcoming foreign people (ANAEM) is created in 2005. It results from the merging of the OMI and the Social Service for Aid to Emigrants (SSAE), an association created in the 1920s, linked to different countries and providing immigrants with specialised social services upon their arrival in the country. Territorial directions of the ANAEM are progressively created at the scale of the regions. The public service takes part in the procedures of introducing legal aliens into France mainly when immigrating for employment or family reunification purposes. The immigrants coming for more than three months sign an Accommodation and Integration Contract (CAI). The

29 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

ANAEM should be transformed in 2009 to become the French Office for Immigration and Integration (OFII).

Beside this, other Government’s actions more directly concern the integration process and the fight against discrimination. In 2006, the National Agency for Social Cohesion and Equal Opportunities (ACSÉ) is created as a national public administrative establishment responsible for implementing government guidelines relating to the policy for cities, integration, the fight against discrimination and equal opportunities. ‘The Agency develops actions to support the integration of immigrants or people who come from immigrant families and live in France. It supports the fight against discrimination linked to origin and develops programmes in favour of equal opportunities and diversity. Acsé also implements voluntary civil service (SCV), which enables young people to become involved in missions that are of general interest. Finally, it runs social development programmes for the inhabitants of what the city policy deems to be priority districts and manages the inter-ministerial fund for the prevention of delinquency’ (ACSÉ, website, 2009).

4.1.2 Working and studying in France: conditions for foreign nationals

In order to respond to the needs regarding recruitment in some economic sectors, France tries to better organise the professional immigration and to make easier the access of foreign nationals to selected trades. Thus different statuses have been recently introduced, distinguishing seasonal workers, workers with temporary work permit, permanent workers and upper level management personnel. All the information following comes from the ANAEM website.

In 2004, 15,743 foreign seasonal workers were hired by French employers and routed in France by ANAEM, in almost all cases through Agency units in Morocco, in Tunisia and Poland, pursuant to foreign worker agreements signed with these three countries. A job is considered seasonal when it occurs at the same time every year, followed by an inactive phase, in the relevant professional sector (agriculture, hotel industry, summer or winter tourism, agro-food, etc.). Provided there are no qualified workers available within the national territory to fill their needs, French employers can use foreign workers from countries with which France has entered into a foreign worker agreement: Tunisia, Morocco and Poland.

In 2004, 9,950 foreign workers entered France on a Temporary Work Permit (APT). This permit can be issued to foreigners invited to work, for a period initially not to exceed one year, performing a job which is temporary in nature or by circumstance. Provided that the employment situation in the geographic area does not give rise to objection, this process allows foreigners who are not in a position to apply for permanent worker status to temporarily perform paid work within French territory (trainees, researchers and scientists, performers, workers assigned to a French subsidiary by a foreign ‘parent’ company, etc.).

In 2004, 6,740 permanent workers were hired by French employers. Workers are deemed permanent when they settle in France to work. Only those employers who cannot find available, qualified workers within France may petition to bring in a permanent worker who is

30 MIGRATION TO FRANCE not a European Union national. The local Labor Department (DDTEFP) will then study the applications on a case by case basis.

To make France more attractive to international executives, ANAEM established a simplified process in 2004 for bringing senior or upper level management personnel and their families into the country as permanent workers. For the targeted groups, it is a matter of simplifying the administrative process, speeding up issuance of their stay documents and work permits, and facilitating access to employment for their spouses. Conditions for benefiting from the process are the following:

- have been the salaried employee for at least a year of a French company belonging to an international group (the group must hold at least a 20 per cent interest in the company, have been in existence for 3 years and have a capital of at least 400,000 €), - have gross earnings of at least 5,000 € per month.

Since the end of the 1990s, the number of foreign students in French academic institutions has significantly increased. In 2005, they accounted for one student in ten. The reason for this success is that access to public or private higher education institutions open to foreign students is governed by the principle of equal rights: same credit and enrolment requirements as for French students. To gain access to higher education in France, foreign students who have not passed the French baccalauréat must meet two conditions:

- be authorised to access higher education in their home country, - have a sufficiently good understanding of French to do the desired course.

4.2 Short history of labour migration in France

4.2.1 Migration flows and share of foreigners in France

France has long been a favoured land for immigration. This started as soon as in the middle of the 18th century, due to a drop of fertility and to a slow demographic growth unlike other European country. The strongest migratory flows of the 20th century occur after World War One from 1920 to 1931. France becomes the second country for immigration after the United States and the first regarding the number of inhabitants. Although several acts tend to reduce migratory flows from 1932 on, the Spanish Civil War entails numerous arrivals from 1936 to the beginning of World War Two. Inward immigration for labour purposes is reintroduced from 1956 to 1973, in a period of strong economic development. Since 1975, France has lost its leading position as a massive immigration country (Héran, 2004). It has even become the European country where demographic growth is the less dependent on immigration.

Despite some recent improvements, it remains difficult to compare EU statistics to understand migratory flows and their motivations. Not only the observation tools but also the definition of an ‘international migrant’ differ from one country to another. An immigrant is a person born in a foreign country not having French citizenship at birth. An immigrant may have

31 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS acquired French citizenship since moving to France, but is still considered an immigrant in French statistics. On the other hand, persons born in France with foreign citizenship (the children of immigrants) are not listed as immigrants (Table 4.1).

Table 4.1 - Share of immigrants and foreigners in France, 2006 Immigrants: 4,930,000 French by acquisition Foreigners Foreigners born abroad: 1,970,000 born abroad: 2,960,000 born in France: 550,000 Foreigners: 3,510,000 Source: Statistical Directory of France, Insee, édition 2007.

In 1881, over 1 million of foreigners were living in France, representing 3 per cent of the total population. In the 1930s, they were 2.7 millions, which was 6.6 per cent of the total population (Table 4.2 and Table 4.3A). The last census 2004 estimates the number of foreign person to 3.5 million (5.7 per cent of the French population). Among foreign people born in France, 450,000 are under 18 years old.

Table 4.2 - Population according to nationality (France, INSEE) Part of the population Census year Population French by birth French by Foreigners (thousands) (per cent) acquisition (per cent) (per cent) 1921 38,798 95.4 0.7 3.9 1926 40,228 93.4 0.6 6.0 1931 41,228 92.5 0.9 6.6 1936 41,183 93.4 1.3 5.3 1946 39,848 93.5 2.1 4.4 1954 42,781 93.4 2.5 4.1 1962 46,459 92.6 2.8 4.7 1968 49,655 92.1 2.7 5.3 1975 52,599 90.8 2.6 6.5 1982 54,296 90.5 2.6 6.8 1990 56,652 90.5 3.1 6.3 1999 58,521 90.4 4.0 5.6 Per January 1, 2005 60,825 90.0 4.3 5.7 Source: Insee, National Census

32 MIGRATION TO FRANCE

4.2.2 Geographic origin of the migrants

The geographic origin of migrants has also dramatically changed over the last century. In 1931, 90 per cent of the foreigners came from Europe (Daguet, Thave, 2006). In 1954, this proportion has dropped to 80 per cent, in 1975 to 61 per cent and to 45 per cent in 1999. After WW2, labour immigration mainly concerned people from Portugal, Spain, Poland, Yugoslavia, Belgium, Turkey and then Maghreb countries. This trend has gone along with a great diversification in the populations’ nationalities, especially those coming from Africa and Asia.

Table 4.4 - Immigrants according to the origin country 1962 1968 1975 1982 1990 1999 per cent per cent per cent per cent per cent per cent Number Europe 78.7 76.4 67.2 57.3 50.4 44.9 1,934,144 Spain 18.0 21.0 15.2 11.7 9.5 7.3 316,232 Italy 31.8 23.9 17.2 14.1 11.6 8.8 378,649 Portugal 2.0 8.8 16.9 15.8 14.4 13.3 571,874 Poland 9.5 6.7 4.8 3.9 3.4 2.3 98,571 Other European 17.5 16.1 13.1 11.7 11.4 13.2 568,818 countries Africa 14.9 19.9 28.0 33.2 35.9 39.3 1,691,562 Algeria 11.6 11.7 14.3 14.8 13.3 13.3 574,208 Morocco 1.1 3.3 6.6 9.1 11.0 12.1 522,504 Tunisia 1.5 3.5 4.7 5.0 5.0 4.7 201,561 Other African 0.7 1.4 2.4 4.3 6.6 9.1 393,289 countries Asia 2.4 2.5 3.6 8.0 11.4 12.8 549,994 Turkey 1.4 1.3 1.9 3.0 4.0 4.0 174,160 Cambodia. Laos. 0.4 0.6 0.7 3.0 3.7 3.7 159,750 Vietnam Other Asian 0.6 0.6 1.0 1.9 3.6 5.0 216,084 countries America. Oceania 3.2 1.1 1.3 1.6 2.3 3.0 130,394 Non declared 0.8 0.1 /// /// /// /// /// Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Number 2 861 280 3 281 060 3 887 460 4 037 036 4 165 952 4 306 094 4 306 094 Source: Insee. Population censuses 1962-1999.

33 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

4.3 Brain gain and brain drain in France

4.3.1 Migration flow: Balance of migration and importance of different groups

In 2003, the migratory flow was due to migrant workers (4.8 per cent of the migratory flow), familial reunification (19.7 per cent), private life (45.9 per cent), refugees (7.2 per cent) and visitors (5.6 per cent).

Table 4.5 – Permanent immigration flows by motivation in 2005 Private Family Families and Nationality Permanent reunify of familial workers -cation French* life Refugees Visitors Others** Together Europe (outside EEA) and former 1,144 1,032 624 4,499 3,097 906 485 11,787 USSR Africa 2,097 19,014 13,122 43,938 4,314 3,259 4,318 90,062 Algeria 397 5,367 4,105 15,884 226 1,441 1,134 28,554 Morocco 707 7,775 2,366 10,789 0 448 254 22,339 Tunisia 194 3,068 3,610 2,265 16 163 109 9,425 Africa (outside 799 2,804 3,041 15,000 4,072 1,207 2,507 26,923 Maghreb) Asia 2,013 4,772 1,517 8,779 1,960 1,949 1,202 22,192 Turkey 339 2,768 372 3,882 857 112 283 8,613 Vietnam 84 58 80 582 16 46 43 909 China 222 339 149 1,132 39 381 149 2,411 Japan 386 450 81 192 0 250 46 1,405 Lebanon 364 157 64 246 5 156 12 1,004 America-Oceania 1,244 1,948 961 4,927 366 1,496 316 11,258 Others 2 2 4 28 53 6 1 96 Total 6,500 26,768 16,228 62,171 9,790 7,616 6,322 135,395

2002 7,469 27,267 21,020 43,681 8,495 9,985 5,560 123,477 2001 8,811 23,081 18,765 34,682 7,323 8,968 5,026 106,656 2000 5,990 21,404 15,992 31,140 5,185 8,424 3,596 97,083 Sources: OMI. OFPRA. Ministère de l'Intérieur. * Spouses. Children and ascendants of French. Parents of French children. ** Benefiting from a working accident pension. Benefiting from territorial asylum. Ill foreigner. Non salaried labour force. Refugees and stateless. Field: outside nationals from the European economic space (EEE).

In the EU, the tendency for workers and people in general to move to another EU country or to another region of the same country is much lower than in the US. In the EU-15, the residential movements of the working age population represented 1.12 per cent of the total working age population. In 2006, the regions which attracted the highest number of working age residents were located in France (2.14 per cent). Midi-Pyrénées (3.17 per cent) ranks third after Bretagne (4.97 per cent) and Basse Normandie (4.19 per cent) (Gáková et al., 2008).

34 MIGRATION TO FRANCE

4.3.2 Highly skilled migration to France

One immigrant out of four is graduated from a higher education structure. From 1982 to 1999. the education level of immigrants has risen significantly (Figure 4.1). The proportion of immigrants with a university of a higher education degree has quadrupled since 1982 (from 6 to 24 per cent). Whereas the share of graduated non-immigrants increased from 12 to 29 per cent. The arrival in France of new immigrants with higher degrees than the older residents increases the general level of education of the whole immigrants (INSEE, 2005).

Figure 4.1 - Evolution of the structure of education degrees of immigrants and non-immigrants

100%

80% Higher degree A-Level NVQ* level 1 / 2 60% No degree

40%

20%

9 5 9 0 9 0 1982 1 1999 -2 -2005 s ts 4 4 nts 1982 nts 0 a ant a an r 20 gr ts ts 200 n an Immigr Immigr igr igra on-immi m Non-immig N m mm I -i n No

* National Vocational Qualifications (French equivalent of BEPC, CAP, BEP) Source: Insee. 1982 and 1999 census. annual surveys 2004 and 2005. (Field: people aged 30 to 49 at the date of the census. residing in ordinary household and non students).

According to OECD, in 2000-01, 9.2 million out of the 40.5 million foreign-born individuals residing and employed in an OECD country were professionals or technicians. In most OECD countries for which data are available, the percentage of employed professionals was higher for the foreign-born than for the native-born. The percentage of those with tertiary education in science and engineering was also higher among the foreign-born. With Germany and the United Kingdom, France captured 20 per cent of this professional and technical migration, behind the United States (45 per cent) and before Canada (10 per cent). Like the United States, Canada, Portugal, Spain and the United Kingdom, France benefits from a strong colonial heritage or linguistic advantages and seems best able to attract highly skilled workers from non-OECD countries. In 2000-2001, France and the United States had in common high inflow rates (8.3 per cent and 12.0 per cent respectively) and low outflow rates (2.6 per cent and 0.5 per cent respectively), with a large contribution from persons born in non-OECD economies.

35 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

The 2005 updated OECD database on immigrants and expatriates is the first internationally comparable data set with detailed information’s on the foreign-born population for almost all member countries of the OECD. Five data files are provided, one on the total population, one on the population 15+ by educational attainment and three files giving ‘emigration rates’ to OECD countries by country of origin of i) total population; ii) population aged 15 and over; iii) highly educated persons, for approximately 100 countries.

The emigration rate of highly educated persons from country of origin i is calculated by dividing the highly educated expatriate population from that country by the total highly educated native-born population of the same country (Highly educated native-born (i) = Expatriates (i) + Resident native born (i)). Highly educated persons correspond to those with a tertiary level of education. According to the data base of Cohen and Soto1 (2001), France’s highly skilled expatriation rate reaches 4.5 per cent, which can be compared with some other cities (Table 4.6).

Table 4.6 - Expatriation rate of different countries Country Expatriation rate Country Expatriation rate Belgium 6.51 United Kingdom 12.23 Bulgaria 6.49 Hungary 9.60 Canada 3.88 Ireland 26.72 Germany 5.52 Italy 5.66 Denmark 6.81 Netherlands 7.64 Spain 2.48 Portugal 12.89 Finland 6.73 Sweden 4.67 France 4.50 Source: OECD, Database on immigrants and expatriates, 2005, Cohen and Soto, 2001

4.3.3 Brain drain

The importance of the French presence in the world is difficult to evaluate as no administrative procedure is required to leave the French territory. There is no statistical data neither on the outward migrations of French people to foreign countries, nor on their motivations. However recently a database from consulates covering 19 years of registrations could be explored. Although it does not reflect the exact reality, it constitutes an indicator of the French presence abroad and of its evolution over time (Gentil, 2003). According to this consulates source and to other estimates, the French population abroad should amount to 1.5 to 2 million.

After a period of relative stability from 1984 to 1990, the French population registered abroad strongly increased in the period 1991-2002. For these 11 years, the net outward migration is largely positive. Statistics of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs in France put forward the steady increasing growth of the French presence abroad (+ 9 per cent, 150,000 persons since 1995).

1 Two different results are presented, using two reference data bases for the distribution of education of the population 15+ in origin countries. The first makes use of an updated version of Barro and Lee (1993, see paper) for the year 2000 which covers 113 countries (Barro and Lee, 2000). The second database covers 95 countries (Cohen and Soto, 2001) (OECD, 2005).

36 MIGRATION TO FRANCE

These figures remain though significantly lower than those of other large countries (Table 4.7).

Table 4.7 - Proportion of nationals residing abroad per country Number of nationals Total population Nationals residing abroad abroad (per cent) France 1,784,000 60,900,000 2.9 Germany 4,000,000 80,000,000 5.0 Italy 6,500,000 57,400,000 11.3 Japan 10,000,000 126,100,000 7.9 Switzerland 800,000 6,800,000 12.0 Source: L'expatriation: Les Français établis hors de France. Acteurs du rayonnement international de notre pays, Rapport du Conseil économique et social, 1999.

The French turn more and more to Europe and Northern America, both accommodating nearly 2/3 of the French expatriate population in 2002. At the opposite the French presence decreases in French-speaking Africa, where it was formerly strong (from 23 per cent in 1984 to 14 per cent in 2002). Temporary expatriate working contracts are less and less numerous. French residing abroad have more and more a double nationality (about 50 per cent). They tend to become permanent citizens in the expatriation country and sometimes cut all links with the French administration, when they find favourable conditions to settle (Gentil, 2003).

Anglo-Saxon countries tend to be favoured by expatriates for about 10 years (Table 4.8) and this trend has been enhanced in the 5 past years. They welcome 24 per cent of the French abroad (13 per cent in the United Sates and 11 per cent in Great Britain), representing 440,000 people.

Table 4.8 - Geographic distribution of the French abroad (31/12/1998) Area Number of Estimate of the Total number Share of the registered and non registered estimated area (per licensed cent) Western Europe 500,472 409,200 909,672 51.3 United Kingdom 67,572 127,000 194,572 10.9 Northern America 125,615 235,300 360,915 20.3 United States 81,985 154,800 236,785 13.0 French-speaking Africa 102,219 23,690 125,909 7.1 Asia-Oceania 57,709 44,210 101,919 5.7 Near and Middle East 69,086 22,890 91,976 5.2 South-central America 63,856 26,060 89,916 5.1 Northern Africa 38,374 14,650 53,024 3.0 Eastern Europe 18,902 5,870 24,772 1.4 Non French-speaking Africa 12,014 4,090 16,104 0.9 Total 988,247 785,960 1,774,207 100.0 Source: Direction des Français de l'étranger. Ministère des Affaires étrangères

French communities abroad are heterogeneous. They include various professional categories with various level of qualification. Executive managers and intellectual activities are better represented among expatriates than among the labour force in France.

37 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Table 4.9 - Distribution per type of occupation Occupation Per cent Executive managers and intellectual professions 31.1 Employees 30.3 Intermediary professions 20.2 Craftsmen, traders and managers 10.7 Workmen 4.6 Owners 0.4 Unemployed labour force 2.5 Source: Poncet J.-F., L’expatriation des jeunes Français. Commission des Affaires économiques, juin 2000.

The choice to start one’s career outside France right after the studies has been more and more frequent among highly skilled graduates. A survey showed that a large majority of the 18-28 years old graduates interviewed (90 per cent) planned to expatriate during their career life time (CFME-ACTIM, may 1997).

According to a recent report (Jubin & Lignières, 2007), only four per cent of French graduates from higher education are expatriates. This represents the lowest rate in Europe and it remains stable since 1990. France would thus be in Europe the country the less hit by the ‘brain drain’ phenomena. It would rather be characterised as a ‘brain-gainer’, attracting more graduates than letting them escape. Only three per cent of the French researchers expatriate and 80 per cent would come back after a few years. One should however notice that the ones who left, mainly to the United States and Canada, publish more that researchers who remained in France, and their publications are also more visible (Kahn, 2007).

5 MIGRATION IN TOULOUSE

5.1 Migration flows and share of foreigners in Toulouse

5.1.1 Foreigners in the Urban Area of Toulouse: Nationalities and spatial distribution1

The source of data used for the detailed analysis of foreigners is the 1999 national census as this is the only one providing such data on an exhaustive base for the Urban Area of Toulouse (see comments on the evolution of the methodology of the French national census in section 2.1). Among the foreigners living in France at the date of the census only the permanent residents and those who work or study there are surveyed. This includes permanent workers, persons in training, students, and their families if relevant, with the exception of seasonal workers and border workers. Tourist and persons on a short-term stay in France (less than six months) are not registered. This definition of the national census does not include international migrants who come for a short period of time in France (on a short-term contract base for instance). Statistics about foreigners in Toulouse in 1999 might therefore be underestimated.

The share of foreign population in 1999 in Haute-Garonne (4.5 per cent), and in Midi- Pyrénées region (3.9 per cent), is lower than the national average (7.4 per cent) (Table 5.1). The fact that Midi-Pyrénees has both a low level of urbanisation and industrialisation (as the case for the western part of France) compared to other regions in France can explain such figures. There is a declining trend of foreigners in the region over the period 1968-1999 while the share of immigrants remains relatively stable or slightly decreased due to a restricted national policy towards immigration (Table 5.2).

Table 5.1 - Immigrants and foreigners in Haute-Garonne, Midi-Pyrénées Region and France in 1999 Immigrants % of which French % Foreigners % Total population by naturalisation Haute-Garonne 84,727 8.1 42,848 4.1 47,316 4.5 1,046,400 Department Midi-Pyrénées 173,606 6.8 85,756 3.4 99,894 3.9 2,552,125 Region France 4,306,094 7.4 1,556,043 2.7 3,258,539 5.6 58,513,700 Source: INSEE, 1999 national census, quartered sample

1 Text written by Elisabeth Peyroux (WP4, 2007)

39 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

The Haute-Garonne department has a higher share of foreigners compared to the other departments in the region (47.4 per cent). But in order to measure the attractivity of the department one should also look at the number of immigrants: they represent 8.1 per cent of the population of Haute-Garonne and 6.8 per cent of the Midi-Pyrénées region. Figures about immigrants include numerous Spanish, Italians and Portuguese coming from early waves of migration as well as people from Maghreb that have been living in the region since the mid- 1960’s and whose share started to rise significantly in the 1980’s. The geographic origin of the immigrants and foreigners has diversified over time due to economic and political migrations and to the development of business and scientific cooperation in Toulouse.

Table 5.2 - Evolution of immigrants and foreigners in Midi-Pyrénées Region (1968-1999) 1968 1975 1982 1990 1999 Total population 2,183,072 2,264,725 2,320,932 2,433,295 2,552,125 Immigrants 161,008 176,340 170,548 170,934 173,606 Share in total population (%) 7.4 7.8 7.3 7.0 6.8 Foreigners 112,288 123,750 114,408 105,326 99,894 Share in total population (%) 5.1 5.5 4.9 4.3 3.9 Source: INSEE, 1999 national census, quartered sample

In the Urban Area of Toulouse the share of foreigners in 1999 is below the regional average (4.6 per cent of the total population or 44,973 persons). This figure represents 36.1 per cent of the foreigners living in the region, which tends to demonstrate a spatial concentration of foreigners in the Urban Area of Toulouse. The concentration of foreigners is however slightly below the concentration of the population of Toulouse in the Midi-Pyrénees region (38.7 per cent). There is also a concentration of foreigners in the city of Toulouse within the Urban Area of Toulouse: whereas Toulouse represents 38.9 per cent of the total population of the Urban Area (375,687 inhabitants) 75.2 per cent of the foreign population live in Toulouse city. In 1999 the share of foreigners in Toulouse was nine per cent of the total population (33,855 persons). There has been a rise in the number of foreigners since the 1990 census (28,531 persons or eight per cent of the population). Outside Toulouse the remaining 341 communes of the Urban Area has a foreign population of 11,118 people, among which 7,201 live in the suburbs (64.8 per cent).

Old waves of migrations marked significantly the profile of foreigners in the city of Toulouse as showed by the high share of foreigners coming from Northern Africa (43.67 per cent) and to a lesser degree from Southern Europe with Spanish (8.4 per cent) and Portuguese (8.13 per cent) residents among the most frequent nationalities. British and German residents only represent respectively 1.88 per cent and 1.83 per cent of the population of the city of Toulouse. These figures however do not reflect the intensity of industrial and commercial relationships of Toulouse with Europe, in particular in the aerospace sector, as short-term migrants are not included in the statistics.

But the rise of German and British residents have been observed since the early 1980s: while the number of foreigners who settled in Haute-Garonne declined by 14.63 per cent between 1981 and 1991 the number of British and German people have raised by 129.63 per cent for the former and 114.12 per cent for the latter. These figures are higher than the ones at national level: between 1981 and 1991 the number of German residents only rose by 17.43 per cent in

40 MIGRATION IN TOULOUSE

France and the number of British by 46.6 per cent. At the same time the number of Spanish and Italian people in the Haute-Garonne department declined by 36.29 per cent and 35.71 per cent respectively due to the fact that many of them obtained the French nationality (they were no longer registered as foreigners but as immigrants). These figures show that the international opening of the city of Toulouse occurs in the 1980s, in particular with new residents coming from Northern Europe. Regarding the remaining share of nationality there is a wide range of geographic origins with a relative importance of migrations from Asia (9.3 per cent).

In the Urban Area of Toulouse (342 communes) figures about nationality are slightly different than in the city of Toulouse (Table 5.3): residents from the European Union (15 countries) represent 40 per cent of the total of the foreign population compared with 25.6 per cent in the city of Toulouse. The share of persons originating from Maghreb is lower (34.93 per cent compared to 43.67 per cent in the city of Toulouse). There are different patterns of residence according to nationality: German, British and other Europeans favour individual housing, and a close proximity with their place of work. They often live in the suburbs (Blagnac, Tournefeuille, Pibrac). A lot of foreigners originating from Maghreb, who have a lower level of income, live in collective housing and are more numerous in the city of Toulouse.

Table 5.3 - Distribution of foreigners according to nationality in the Urban Area of Toulouse (1999) Nationalities Number Nationality (%) Men Women Portuguese 5,068 11.26 2,682 2,386 Spaniards 4,659 10.35 2,213 2,446 Italians 3,253 7.23 1,777 1,476 Germans 1,964 4.36 986 978 British 1,867 4.14 968 899 Belgians 600 1.33 317 283 Dutch 344 0.76 190 154 Swedish 117 0.26 54 63 Irish 113 0.25 68 45 Austrians 68 0.15 24 44 Danish 58 0.12 20 38 Finnish 36 0.08 16 20 Greeks 29 0.06 14 15 Luxemburg 12 0.02 12 0 Total EU 15 18,188 40.42 9,341 8,847 Europe outside UE 15 1,644 3.65 747 897 Algerians 7,199 16.00 3,750 3,449 Moroccans 6,526 14.50 3,701 2,825 Tunisians 1,995 4.43 1,151 844 Total Maghreb 15,720 34.93 8,602 7,118 Africa outside Maghreb 4,442 9.87 2,327 2,115 Asia 3,538 7.86 1,824 1,714 United-States 407 0.90 181 226 Canada 209 0.46 100 109 Central and South America 780 1.73 318 462 Oceania 64 0.14 41 23 Total 44,992 100.00 23,481 21,511 Source: INSEE, 1999 national census, quartered sample

41 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

More recent figures show that Midi-Pyrénées has attracted more than 100,000 households coming from another region between 2002 and 2006 (INSEE, 2008). The share of new comers among residents (8.4 per cent of the households) overtakes the rates observed in dynamic regions like Bretagne or Provence-Alpes-Côte-d’Azur for instance. 195,000 immigrants are counted in the Midi-Pyrénées region at the beginning of 2005 (Table 5.4). This represents 7.1 per cent of the total population. More than half (55 per cent) of these immigrants are UE citizens, one third comes from the African continent. Asians and Americans account respectively for 7 and 3.5 per cent of the total number of immigrants.

Table 5.4 - Origin of immigrants in Midi-Pyrénées Origin Number Per cent Europe 108,000 55.4 Africa 66,000 33.8 America 7,000 10.6 Asia 14,000 7.2 Total 195,000 100.0 Sources: INSEE. Enquêtes annuelles de recensement 2004 à 2006 - Exploitation principale

Considering the foreigners (Table 5.5), they represent 4.2 per cent of the regional population.

Table 5.5 - Origin of foreigners in Midi-Pyrénées Origin Number Per cent Europe 62,000 53.4 Africa 42,000 36.2 Asia 8,000 6.9 America 4,000 3.4 Total 116,000 100.0 Sources: INSEE. Enquêtes annuelles de recensement 2004 à 2006 - Exploitation principale

5.1.2 Short history of migration and institutions for migrants in Toulouse

As we saw in part 4, there are various institutions dedicated to the accommodation of international migrants in France. Their headquarters are often located in Paris, but their work extends all over France, through regions (ANAEM, OFPRA...) or departements (DDETFP). Thus this sub-part only deals with some organisations or initiatives that have been specifically created in Toulouse.

The early 20th century was characterised by a huge population increase, caused by the arrival of immigrants from the North of France in 1914 and from Italy in the 1920s. Many Spanish exiles settled in Toulouse during the Spanish civil war (1936-1939). They have been fully integrated into the local society. The proximity of Spain and steady emigration over the years explain why Spanish culture is widespread in Toulouse and Spanish is a commonly spoken language in the city. The Cervantes Institute, created in 1991 under the tutelage of the Spanish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, aims at promoting Spanish teaching and culture. Various cultural events are organised and contribute to the diffusion of the culture of Spanish-speaking countries (The Cinespaña festival; the yearly meeting of Latin America Cinema; the ¡Mira!;

42 MIGRATION IN TOULOUSE the Rio Loco festival, the documentation centre on Latin America at the University of Toulouse-Le Mirail) (Peyroux et al., 2007).

With the structuration of Toulouse as a technopolis in the 1980s, a growing number of residents coming from Northern Europe, settled in the city. As a consequence, there is an international high school in Colomiers with two foreign sections (German and British) that can accommodate children from foreign salaried staff working on Airbus. This is the only town that has a German section in a primary school.

There are also various associations that have been created by expatriates or expatriates’ spouses to help them in meeting other people and developing activities. Thus for instance, the Toulouse Women’s International Group (TWIG) is a group of English speaking women of many different nationalities with over 200 members. The principal aim of the group created in 1985 is to help members make contact with each other and to offer initial support to new arrivals. We can also mention the Americans-in-Toulouse International Club inaugurated in 1987 and the English in Toulouse, an English Conversation Club created in 2005.

At the local level, the newly elected municipality has created in November 2008 a Tolosan Council for Foreign Residents (Conseil Toulousain des Résidents Étrangers). This initiative aims at improving and extending the participation of foreign residents to the debates regarding urban policies. The associative system plays an important role in this type of concertation process.

5.2 Brain gain and brain drain in the Toulouse region

5.2.1 Characteristics of foreigners: places of work, level of qualification and sectors of activities2

The majority of foreigners settled in the UAT work in Toulouse (59.46 per cent) and 40.54 per cent in the other communes. Here again patterns of work are different according to nationality: foreigners from Africa and Asia work in the city of Toulouse (71.25 per cent and 73.13 per cent respectively) whereas a majority of residents from Europe 15 work in the suburban communes (51.9 per cent). This relates to the geography of employment and sectors of activity in the UAT: the sectors that are the more open to international cooperation (high technology and industrial and scientific sectors) are located in the suburbs, often in business or industrial clusters. This explains the discrepancy between the place of residence and the place of work of the foreigners.

If we consider all foreigners in the UAT, the level of qualification is low (59.87 per cent have no degree or a degree below A-level) but there are great contrasts between nationalities. 50 per cent of foreigners from Europe, and Northern Europe in particular, and from the United- States and the Canada, hold a university degree whereas almost 75 per cent of foreigners

2 Text written by Elisabeth Peyroux (WP4, 2007)

43 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS originating from Maghreb have no degree or a degree below A-level (Table 5.6; Table 5.7A for the complete table). These different levels of education play a role in the access to work: a lot of northern European work in the aeronautics, space and research sectors. Other foreigners work in sectors that require a lower level of qualification.

Table 5.6 - Education level per nationality of foreign workers in the UAT in 1999 (University Degrees only) Nationality of University % University % foreign workers degree L3 degree M1, M2, PhD Germans 100 11.45 531 60.82 Belgians 54 18.82 97 33.80 Danish 0 0.00 12 50.00 Spaniards 70 6.27 172 15.41 Greeks 0 0.00 9 100.00 Irish 16 18.18 52 59.09 Italians 59 8.26 165 23.11 Luxemburg 0 0.00 0 0.00 Dutch 38 19.90 85 44.50 Portuguese 54 1.92 78 2.77 British 115 13.89 464 56.04 Austrians 4 25.00 8 50.00 Finnish 0 0.00 0 0.00 Swedish 4 9.52 22 52.38 Total UE 15 514 7.34 1,695 24.19 Europe outside UE 15 64 16.89 132 34.83 Algerians 71 4.11 186 10.78 Moroccans 102 5.91 159 9.22 Tunisians 16 3.33 56 11.67 Total Maghreb 189 4.81 401 10.20 Africa outside Maghreb 202 20.91 239 24.74 Asia 74 7.76 192 20.15 Americans (U.S.) 53 31.18 97 57.06 Canadians 12 16.67 36 50.00 Central and South America 22 10.95 66 32.84 Oceania 2 9.09 4 18.18 Total 1,137 8.26 2,890 21.01 Source: INSEE, RGP 1999

As a result of the importance of migrations from outside Europe, in particular Africa, and of the growing significance of European migrants, foreigners in the UAT mostly work in the construction industry (19 per cent), followed by real estate, renting and business activities (which include computer and related activities and R&D) (16 per cent) and manufacturing (15.5 per cent). In terms of occupations foreigners are more numerous in the sales and customer service occupations sector (level 7 of ISCO-88) (24 per cent), followed by elementary occupations (level 9) (17 per cent), professional occupations (15 per cent) (level 2) and associate professional and technical occupations (12 per cent).

44 MIGRATION IN TOULOUSE

In 2008, the number of salaried people with foreign nationality in the city is estimated to 28,838, which is 14.5 per cent of the total salaried population (La Dépêche du Midi, 17/11/2008).

5.2.2 A look at the foreign student population

One way to evaluate the future development of the international labour force in the local economy is to consider the attractiveness of the city for foreign students. Including 3,020 communes and 8 departements the Academy of Toulouse, larger than the UAT, counts around 114,000 registered students in 2005-2006 (5 per cent of the total number of French students). Most of education institutions are concentrated in the Toulouse agglomeration but there are delocalised universities in the secondary cities of the Midi-Pyrénées region (Albi, Tarbes, Montauban, Castres-Mazamet among others). Higher education is structured around three universities, 12 engineering schools, and various training and specialised institutions.

France welcomes 11.7 per cent of foreign students, which represents around 265,700 persons. In 2006, the Academy of Toulouse had around 11,600 foreign students, which is 10.2 per cent of the total Tolosan student population. In the next table, we notice the position of the Polytechnic national institute (INP), which gathers four engineer schools (ENSAT, ENSEEIHT, ENSIACET and ENIT in Tarbes).

Table 5.8 - Foreign population in the universities Universities Total number of students Number of foreign Per cent of foreign (French + foreigners) students students Université des Sciences Sociales 16,589 2,995 18.00 Institut National Polytechnique 4,041 644 16.00 Université Toulouse le Mirail 24,746 3,340 13.50 Université Paul Sabatier 28,056 2,839 10.11 Université Champollion (Albi) 2,506 84 3.40 Total 75,938 9,902 13.00 Source: Réseau universitaire Toulouse Midi-Pyrénées, 2007

Regarding the presence of foreign students in the universities (2006), the highest majority come from the African continent (54 per cent), 20 per cent from Europe, 18 per cent from Asia, 8 per cent from America and 0.15 per cent from Oceania (Table 5.9).

Table 5.9 - Share of foreign students per sub-continents Sub-continents Per cent Sub-continents Per cent European Union 13.0 Central and Southern America 5.5 Other European countries 7.2 Caribbean Islands 0.4 Central Africa 4.9 Western Asia 5.4 Eastern Africa 1.4 Central and Southern Asia 1.2 South Africa 4.5 South-eastern Asia 4.7 Western Africa 12.2 Eastern Asia 6.8 Northern Africa 30.6 Oceania 0.1 Northern America 2.1 Total 100,0 Source: Réseau universitaire Toulouse Midi-Pyrénées, 2007

45 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Regarding engineering and Elite schools (Table 5.10) The National Institute for Applied Sciences (INSA) attracts the highest number of foreign students (32 per cent), followed by the Toulouse business school (18 per cent) and the Institute of Politic Studies (IEP) (11.5 per cent). Almost 40 per cent of these students come from the European continent, 29 per cent from Africa, 18 per cent from Asia and 14 per cent from America, which is quite different from the universities’ case, where Africans are overrepresented.

Table 5.10 - Foreign population in Engineering schools, Elite schools in Toulouse (Grandes Ecoles) Engineering and Elite schools in Number of Per cent of Toulouse (Grandes Ecoles) foreign students foreign students INSA 539 32.0 ESC 303 18.0 IEP 194 11.5 ENSAT 126 7.5 SUPAERO 123 7.3 ENSICA 84 5.0 ESAP 79 4.7 ENAC 70 4.2 Ecole des Beaux Arts 40 2.4 IUFM 38 2.3 ENVT 24 1.4 EMAC 21 1.2 ENIT 15 0.9 ICAM 14 0.8 ENFA 6 0.4 ENM 6 0.4 Total 1 682 100.0 Source: Réseau universitaire Toulouse Midi-Pyrénées, 2007

6 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

6.1 Guided interviews, content of the guidelines

The selection and the topic guide for interviews (Appendix) with highly skilled migrants have been discussed in Riga among the ACRE teams in June 2008. In July, two interviews (one expert and one migrant) have been conducted as pre-tests before implementing the whole research process. This period has also been used to recruit two graduates (M2) in Social sciences who would be in charge of all the migrants’ interviews from September to November 2008. One temporary contract has also been employed to fully transcribe progressively all the recorded interviews. The transcription process of interviews achieved with non fluently French speaking people has proved difficult and time consuming.

The aim of this qualitative survey is to understand the drivers behind the decision of highly skilled knowledge and creative trans-national migrants to settle in Toulouse. It follows and completes a previous set of surveys among workers (WP5) and managers (WP6) in selected creative and knowledge sectors.

The interview guideline is structured in order to evaluate the weight of different types of factors in the location decision of these people. Hard factors directly relate to the presence of studies, employment, dwelling and business opportunities, as well as to the level of accessibility through developed means of transports. Soft factors are linked to the quality of the environment and to the atmosphere of the city, including tolerance and openness to a diversity of cultures and attitudes. The first two studies conducted within the ACRE programme have led us to put forward a third major type of reason explaining the location decision of an individual in a city. The personal trajectory factor can be measured by considering two simple indicators. The first one is the place of birth. indicating where the person has grown up and especially where he/she has family links. The second one relates to the place (or places) where higher education degrees have been obtained.

As in the previous qualitative survey among managers interviews start with a short biographical approach, allowing to collect the basic information on personal trajectory before coming to Toulouse. Attention is paid to the studies achieved in the native country and, if applicable, to the degrees obtained in France.

A chronological guideline then helps to address the satisfaction towards the job, the city and the residence neighbourhood. The target group of highly skilled trans-national migrants working and living in the UAT is interesting because they deliver a point of view, not only from outside the region, but also from outside France. The migrants’ discourses are also supposed to nourish the debates on the city’s environment and attractiveness through the existence of many references and comparative elements on the living conditions.

47 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Specific attention has thus been paid to the first days when the person arrived in Toulouse and settled in the city. This allows addressing the issues of dwelling, administrative constraints and supports, and the costs entailed by the choice for international mobility. It also helps identifying the distinct situation of immigrants according to their status of student or worker when they first arrived in the city.

The issue of social networks also appears crucial in the case of foreign people migrating in a new country, most of the time to study or to find a temporary or permanent job. Anterior acquaintances of French people might be helpful to succeed in integrating the social and economic fabric. The density of relations with people of the same foreign community, the French and other nationalities is also interesting to examine.

The information about the job conditions is collected through various questions regarding the period of the job research and the recruitment procedure in a Tolosan company. Migrants are asked about the satisfaction with their working environment, according to several criteria: incomes, working hours, type of contracts, executive level, routine –project activities, career opportunities.

This leads to address the crucial issue of the motivations to come and remain in Toulouse and to identify the importance of hard and soft factors, including personal social networks.

Hard factors

Opinions about the quality of education, the training offer should then be considered, as well as the opinion on transport infrastructure and public transport facilities, especially the good international accessibility of Toulouse. According to the duration of their stay in the city and their personal status (single, married, without or with children), interviewed are also asked about their satisfaction with technical and public social infrastructures (availability of kindergartens, international schools...), the price of housing and the price of living, the different support and tax issues.

Soft factors and personal networks

The decision to settle and to remain at a certain place might be largely influenced by the proximity of important persons. such as friends, family or living partner. Towards the end of the interview, a synthesis of the global satisfaction with the city allows addressing the issue of soft factors, such as tolerance. acceptance of diversity, equality, openness, strong or weak social cohesion, opinion on the civil society. The question of leisure times is also a mean to evaluate the quality of life and environment: landscape, culture and tourism sights, architecture, housing conditions etc.

The interview ends with questions about the future plans and suggestions to improve the situation of highly skilled migrants in the creative knowledge industry in Toulouse.

48 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

6.2 Structure of the sample and selection of interview partners

The two persons in charge of finding and interviewing trans-national migrants in the UAT have been selected for their previous experience either with the creative or the knowledge professional milieus. The associations of former students from engineers schools and universities in Toulouse have been solicited at the first stage of the process. This has been efficient especially to find workers in the knowledge intensive sectors of activities (aeronautics, ICTS, electronics). Some associations displaying specific actions for foreign people have also provided some contacts, but the major part of the interviewees has been found either directly in a company or mainly by word of mouth.

There were several possible criteria to select the interview partners, some compulsory like the foreign nationality and the high level of qualification and employment in a knowledge (K) or creative (C) sector. Other selection criteria had to be considered if possible, in order to obtain a balance between male and female workers, expatriates and volunteer migrants.

Many migrants of the sample are quite mobile, as they have already moved in different countries before coming to Toulouse (Table 6.1). This is to be taken into account to analyse their opinion about the city, as they often tend to compare urban contexts according to their previous experiences.

Table 6.1 – Presentation of the sample ID Gender Birth year Place of birth Nationality Marital status Children Number of moves K1 M 1968 Great Britain British Single 0 5 K2 M 1973 Norway Norwegian Married 0 6 K3 M 1984 Mali Malian Single 0 1 K4 M 1980 South Korea Korean Married 1 7 K5 F 1981 Chile Chilean/Spanish X 0 4 K6 F 1982 Bulgaria Bulgarian Cohabitation 0 1 K7 F 1974 Sweden Swedish Cohabitation 1 3 K8 M 1964 United States American/Irish Single 0 4 K9 F 1972 India Indian/British Married 2 3 K10 M 1984 Spain Spanish Single 0 4 K11 F 1968 Canada Canadian Married 3 5 K12 M 1968 Tunisia Tunisian Single 0 4 K13 M 1977 Colombia Colombian Single 0 1 K14 M X Senegal Senegalese Married 2 1 K15 M 1965 Germany German Married 0 1 K16 F 1976 Austria Austrian Single 0 5 K17 F 1974 Canada Canadian Single 0 4 K18 M 1974 Colombia Colombian Cohabitation 3 1 K19 M 1966 Great Britain British Married 2 3 K20 F 1971 Italy Italian Married 2 2 K21 F 1971 Germany German Married 1 4

49 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Table 6.1 continued ID Gender Birth year Place of birth Nationality Marital status Children Number of moves C1 M 1972 Germany German Single 0 3 C2 M 1961 Italy Italian Married 2 5 C3 F 1971 Colombia Colombian Married 1 4 C4 M 1960 Bielorussia Bielorussian Single 0 2 C5 F 1981 Romania Romanian Cohabitation 0 3 C6 M 1974 Italy Italian Cohabitation 0 4 C7 M 1974 Mexico Mexican Cohabitation 0 1 C8 F 1977 Colombia Colombian Single 0 1 Source: ACRE Survey, 2008

Regarding the nationalities, our sample is finally composed of 29 individuals, 15 Europeans and 14 non-Europeans, namely six South-Americans, three North-Americans, three Africans and two Asians. Three of them even have a dual nationality.

Concerning the gender, we have obtained a sample where men are over-represented (17 out of 29) compared to women (12 out of 29).

The situation of expatriation, where the migrant is sent by his company to work temporarily for a subsidiary, has not been applied finally. It seemed more interesting to interview migrants that came voluntarily in Toulouse, considering that the question of attractiveness of the city is at the heart of the whole ACRE study. We decided though to include two interviews of expatriates’ spouses.

We have tried to select as far as possible people that were living and working in the UAT for less than ten years, but this selection criteria has been difficult to satisfy. Our sample finally includes one fourth of migrants settled in Toulouse for 5 years or less, and one third of people living there for 6 to 10 years (Table 6.2).

Table 6.2 - Repartition of the sample according to the time spent in the UAT Length of stay in Toulouse Sample (29 migrants) Between 1 and 5 years 7 Between 6 and 10 years 10 Between 11 and 15 years 8 Between 15 and 20 years 4

The distribution between creative and knowledge workers is uneven, as only 8 out of the 29 interviewed migrants are occupied in cultural or artistic fields. At least 2 of the interviewees have an atypical profile, with a main profession in research (K18) or education (K1) and a parallel semi-professional activity in an artistic field.

All our interviewed, whatever their sector of activity, have reached high levels of education. The majority possess a Master 1 or 2 degree as shown in Tables 6.3 and 6.4. Most of them have achieved their latest qualification in Toulouse before being recruited in a company. This

50 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY suggests that education play a major role in the integration process of highly qualified transnational migrants.

Table 6.3 - Knowledge migrants: Sector of activity, Size of the company, Occupation and Studies ID Activity Company Occupation Highest degree Places of study 1/2 K4 Aeronautics Large Engineer Eng. SupAero Toulouse K7 Aeronautics Large Project manager M2 Economy Sweden/Toulouse K9 Aeronautics Large Project manager L3 Comp. Electronics England K10 Aeronautics SME Engineer Eng. ENSICA Spain (Barcelona)/Toulouse K17 Aeronautics SME Consultant M2 Psycho-sociology Canada (Toronto) Sweden/Paris K16 Aeronautics SME Researcher M2 Psychology Austria (Graz)/Toulouse K13 Electronics SME Engineer Eng. Electronics Colombia (Bogota)/Toulouse K14 Environment SME Urbanist PhD Town Planning Toulouse K15 Environment Self-empl. Consultant M2 Geography Germany (Mayence)/Toulouse K18 Health Large Researcher PhD Medical Imagery Colombia (Bogota)/Toulouse K20 Health Self-empl. Orthoptist Dipl. Health Italy (Roma) K21 Health Self-empl. Orthodontist Dipl. Health Germany K1 Higher Educ. Large English teacher M2 Foreign languages England (Liverpool) K8 Higher Educ. SME Project manager M1 French / English USA (Boston)/Bordeaux K19 Satellite SME Manager Eng. Computing Bradford (England) K5 Social sciences Large Engineer M2 Sociology Spain (Barcelona)/Toulouse K6 Social sciences Unempl. Unemployed M2 Sociology Bulgaria (Sofia)/Toulouse K12 Social sciences Large Assistant teacher PhD Management Tunisia (Tunis)/Toulouse K2 Space Large Project manager Eng. Telecom. / INSA Norway (Trondheim)/Toulouse K3 Telecomm. SME Engineer Eng. INSA Mali (Bamako)/Toulouse K11 Telecomm. Unempl. Unemployed Telecom/ PhD Sociology Canada (Montréal)/Toulouse

Table 6.4 - Creative migrants: Sector of activity, Size of the company, Occupation and Studies ID Activity Company Occupation Highest degree Places of study 1/2 C1 Music Self-empl. Musician L3 Audiovisual Germany (Hamburg)/Toulouse C2 Press SME Journalist PhD Law Italy (Bari)/Toulouse C3 Motion picture Large Lecturer PhD Communication Colombia (Cali)/Toulouse C4 Fashion Self-empl. Fashion designer Textile Industry Bielorussia (Minsk) C5 Design Self-empl. Graphic designer Graphic Design Romania (Bucarest)/Toulouse C6 Theatre Temp. Musician / Actor M2 Economy Italy (Rome)/Toulouse C7 Communication Unempl. Unemployed M2 Communication Mexico (Mexico)/Toulouse C8 Motion picture Temp. Film maker M2 Audiovisual Colombia (Cali)/Toulouse

51 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

6.3 Interview situation and analysis of the interviews

We have been able to get the whole raw transcribed material (25 hours recorded on the whole) at the beginning of January. At this stage we decided to test the possibilities of a text analysis software (Atlas Ti) which has been useful to think about the coding process and the mining of information in a document.

First tests have enabled to make some observations and propositions for a relevant and efficient coding process, considering the questions addressed within the ACRE programme.

Each interview represents a migrant’s situation. The coding process has consisted in selecting parts of the texts corresponding to the major thematic of location factors. Family of codes have been established, including arguments for choosing France on the one hand and Toulouse on the other hand. The image of the city also constitutes an important object of interest. We distinguish the representations the persons had at the very beginning of their migration process and now in 2008, when they are able to assess their experiences of living and working in Toulouse.

We can then get focuses on specific opinions about hard factors such as the transportation systems. International accessibility as well as intra-urban transport are much commented by migrants. Other subjects on which almost all interviewees have been talkative can be coded, which increases the complexity of the analysis but also enriches it. Thus a code ‘Administration marks’ all the passages talking of experiences with the French system for foreign migrants. Another code ‘Dwelling’ often overlaps the latter and considerations on the neighbourhoods, which relates to soft factors. A code ‘Atmosphere of the city’ can include various aspects and then entails the creation of sub-codes such as ‘cultural activities’, ‘sports’. ‘leisure’, ‘going out’.

The question of social networks comes up also quite spontaneously in migrants’ interviews and should receive a special attention. However this raises some difficulties with coding, as relationships are present at almost every moment of an individual’s life. It would be interesting in this case to distinguish between strong and weak ties, to analyse further their relative importance in an integration process. All the people interviewed have been chosen for their high level of qualification and because they occupy high positions in a knowledge or a creative sector. Codes created to account for these aspects of the research are ‘working conditions’ but also ‘future plans’.

7 RESULTS

With 21 people working in knowledge intensive sectors and 8 workers in the creative industries, our sample is quite representative of the economic profile of Toulouse. One can first of all notice that studies play an overwhelming role in this city, as it attracts and even organises the arrival of many international migrants (16 out of 29 interviewees). We first of all present an inductive approach consisting in coding the reasons to move for each mobility of each migrant (7.1).

The second part (7.2) explores more in depth the accommodation conditions described by the interviewees from their arrival in Toulouse until now. We can clearly draw out a distinction not only between creative and knowledge workers but differences between the types of studies and establishments chosen for higher education. This leads afterwards to very different situations regarding the local job market, which favours technical and knowledge intensive profiles, and much less the creative, cultural or social related activities. This relates to the issue of offer and demand and concerns French Tolosans as much as foreign workers. In the music and video sector for instance, same problems of High Speed Trains (TGV) connections to Paris, dependence to the capitale, and limited opportunities of the city regarding projects, supports and employment are addressed by migrants. Accommodation conditions are also influenced by social networks the foreign migrant builds in the city of Toulouse during his stay.

In part 7.3, we will pay attention to the current situation of the interviewees whose situation has evolved from their first arrival and who have become foreign workers settled in Toulouse, planning to settle longer or to leave the city. This entails suggestions, especially on the information processes that could be much improved in the case of an international metropolis.

7.1 A typology of motivations and means to come and stay in Toulouse

If we try to establish a typology of the trans-national migrants we find roughly five distinct types of reasons or means to move and to stay in the city (Table 7.1). In many cases, we also have to consider a combination of different factors. Migrants that are settled today in Toulouse did sometimes come a first time for one reason, then went back to their home country or moved to another place and at last decided to come back to the city for a different reason.

53 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Table 7.1 - Coding of reasons to come and stay in the city Reasons to move and Situation towards the city (hypotheses) stay in or leave the city STUDIES (1) (1A) Erasmus students, come to the city through an agreement between universities (need to learn a foreign language, to have an experience abroad) (1B) / Engineers and PhD, Internship (Their project relates to an interest for an industrial sector) JOB (2) (2A) Expatriates, sent by their company for a limited period (Do not necessarily speak the language; Develop few links with locals; Seldom plan to settle in the city) (2B) Found a job in the city as a personal career’s choice (2C) Followed the spouse having a job or family in the city SOCIAL NETWORKS (3) Knew someone (at least 1 useful link) before coming in the city (3) PERSONAL LIFE (4) (4A) Married or found a girl/boy friend in the city, with or without children (4B) Divorced with children (4C) Singles QUALITY OF (5A) Climate / Weather, proximity to nature LIFE (5) (5B) Size of the city (for dwelling, work, children, culture and leisure) (5C) Overall friendliness of the city, openness and tolerance of people Source: ACRE Survey, 2008

According to these criteria for reasons to move and to stay in the city, we have chosen to collect and code all the mobility experiences of each migrant from their origin country and city to their current situation in Toulouse. From this, we can first draw out a very clear distinction between the trajectories and profiles of knowledge workers on the one hand and creative workers on the other hand. The role of studies and jobs play an overwhelming role in the knowledge workers’ decision to move the first time, whereas social links are the most important reason to come to Toulouse for the creative workers (Tables 7.2 and 7.3).

7.1.1 Knowledge workers attracted by studies and job opportunities

If we exclude the two expatriates’ wives, 11 out of 19 interviewees in knowledge sectors have come through a partnership or international agreement between their home countries’ universities and higher education establishments in France. The second most important reason to move to Toulouse, that concerns 10 out of 21 interviewees relates to a job found in the city, either within a personal choice of career or within a couple’s constraint to have a job in Toulouse (which includes K18, coming after a divorce with ex-wife and children living in Toulouse). Soft factors (coded 5) are mentioned in 4 cases in secondary positions, which means that they have influenced the decision to settle in Toulouse rather than elsewhere in France (Table 7.2).

Each migrant who moved twice in Toulouse came back because they had found a job in the city. This hard factor of employment plays also an important role in their decision to stay in the city, as we will see in part 7.4.

54 RESULTS

Table 7.2 - Reasons to move in Toulouse for knowledge workers ID Country of origin First move to Toulouse Second move to Toulouse K1 Great Britain 1A/5 3 / 2 K2 Norway 1B 2C K3 Mali 1B - K4 South Korea 1B 2B K5 Chile 2C - K6 Bulgaria 1A/5 - K7 Sweden 1A - K8 United States 1A 2B K9 Great Britain 2B - K10 Spain 1B 2B K11 Canada 2C - K12 Tunisia 2B - K13 Colombia 1B/3 - K14 Senegal 1B/3 - K15 Germany 1B/5/3 - K16 Austria 2B - K17 Canada 2B/5 - K18 Colombia 4 - K19 Great Britain 2B 2C K20 Italy 2C - K21 Germany 2C - Source: ACRE Survey, 2008

7.1.2 Creative workers and the importance of social links

Studies are also often present in the motivation of creative trans-national migrants to come to Toulouse. Unlike the other part of the sample characterised by knowledge intensive occupations, creative workers’ choice is much more based upon a social networks strategy. Studies opportunities are however important but strongly related to the presence of one direct or indirect acquaintance in Toulouse (Table 7.3). Five of the eight interviewees come from countries with quite different and lower levels of development than France.

Table 7.3 - Reasons to move in Toulouse for creative workers ID Country of origin First move to Toulouse Second move to Toulouse C1 Germany 4 1B/3 C2 Italy 3 4/2 C3 Colombia 3/1B 4 C4 Bielorussia 3 C5 Romania 3/1B C6 Italy 3/1B C7 Mexico 3/1B C8 Colombia 3/1B Source: ACRE Survey, 2008

55 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

7.2 Accommodating in the Toulouse region

7.2.1 Migrants’ resources and expectations before coming in Toulouse

The interviewees in this sample are high skilled trans-national migrants. Their mobility is mainly driven by studies and jobs’ opportunities, but the will to move abroad, to learn a foreign language and experience a foreign culture, along with personal trajectory, has also to be taken into account. An international mobility entails many expectations, but also challenges in terms of administrative processes, accommodation and integration in the host country society.

The stories told by some migrants could let imagine that their coming in Toulouse results from chance. By paying attention though, one finds an element that has triggered or eased the decision to depart. Knowing someone who has lived in the city might be influential.

‘As the whole family knew that I was going to France, my parents organised a dinner with a very good friend of my aunt and uncle, who had been there (...) when I mentioned Toulouse, he told me he had already been there, that he fell in love with the city he found it was the most Spanish city in France, where everything is pink, with very friendly people and a very nice weather. (...) And when I was at the French cultural centre to fill in a form, I had first written Dijon as a first choice, and Toulouse as a second choice, and I just erased this and changed the rank of my preferences at the last minute, even I don’t know why. That’s chance.’ (K6, Bulgaria)

‘I had spent one year in Nantes and I had met a Danish girl there who had spent one year in Toulouse and told me it was nice, a city that was easy to live in; so this has also influenced my choice.’ (K7, Sweden)

Speaking or having learnt French language often explains the decision to choose France as a country to migrate in. Some interviewees in this case also mention the prestige associated to the study of French in their home country (United States, United Kingdom, Bulgaria...).

‘I was hesitating between Spain and France. I could have chosen Spain, but I spoke French better...’ (K1, United Kingdom)

One can also notice the role played by some institutions to make the French language and culture known abroad. Several interviewees have been attending French schools or establishments like the Alliance Française.

‘I’ve been working for a review project, which was an agreement between the Alliance Française in Cali and the University. I was not paid but in return, I could attend French lessons for free, so that’s the way I’ve been starting to learn French too.’ (C8, Colombia)

56 RESULTS

Having spent some time in Toulouse for holidays have helped some people to make their decision when a job opportunity came out.

‘I came once, it was in winter, January the 4th, and it was very cold. I had seen the Capitol and found it was beautiful.’ (K5, Chile/Spain)

‘My husband had targeted only Toulouse because he had friends, whom he had studied with in Bordeaux and Marseille, and who settled in Tournefeuille, in the Toulouse’s surburbs later. We came to visit them one day, they showed us La Ramée (a leisure and sports centre) and we found it fantastic and said: “well, we should come and live in France...” We would never have thought it would happen as it was some empty words...’ (K11, Canada)

‘Once in France, I was already working for aeronautics and I had known Toulouse through what people told about it. But I had never been there. However, some time before coming to Toulouse, we had had a week end there, just like that, to know the region, but it was not planned to come and work there.’ (K16, Austria)

The image of the city abroad is a subject that has been systematically addressed during the interviews. Before they came to Toulouse, very few migrants knew it or had heard about it, which raises the question of the external renown of the city.

‘What did you know of Toulouse before coming? Nothing at all! You didn’t have any image of the city? Absolutely nothing! I didn’t even know the name!’ (K9, United Kingdom)

‘In Austria, we didn’t know Toulouse at all, except because there had been this event with the explosion in a chemical factory. Then, even not really aeronautics, because in Austria, we don’t have aeronautics too much.’ (K16, Austria)

‘It is not very well known abroad. It’s not a city with an international influence. In Italy especially, it is not known at all. It’s so much unknown in Italy, that – it will make you laugh – but to let Italians locate Toulouse a little bit, you just have to tell that it’s not far from Lourdes. Obviously, this is easily located.’ (C2, Italy)

The presence of Airbus has however an impact on the image of the city abroad. This study confirms what we had already found out in other surveys, namely the role played by aeronautics and space industry in the city’s attractiveness.

‘I haven’t applied for any job in Spain, because I wanted to remain in the aeronautic sector and I think that France and Germany, after the United States, are countries that spend the most for this activity.’ (K10, Spain)

57 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

‘It is the space industry that made me decide to come to Toulouse 15 years ago.’ (K19, United Kingdom)

‘My husband knew Toulouse very well because his father already worked in the aeronautic sector in the 1970s. His family has not lived here, but they often spent time here and he also studied partly here, for his PhD.’ (K21, Germany)

However the city is also well known more generally as a centre for higher education and for the presence of numerous students. One of the interviewee sums up the city’s situation by saying: ‘Toulouse, it’s academic’ (K1, United Kingdom).

‘What did you know of Toulouse before coming? Well, that it was one of the biggest city in France, that it was a students’ city and that’s it... That it was located near to the South and that the weather was nice. It is a beautiful city, some people had talked to me about that, and it’s a very lively city. That’s all I knew actually.’ (C7, Mexico)

For migrants coming from countries with lower conditions of living, the choice of Toulouse can be done for economic reason, as Paris is considered as too expensive for students’ means. Then it might also been influenced by the location in the south of France, which tends to rise a positive opinion by the foreigners. Physical environment, especially warm weather and climate, have an importance for many migrants, whatever their origin. The Hispanic image of Toulouse probably also plays a role in the interest of South-Americans and Spanish speaking people to move there.

‘I had saved money and found half a grant with the Alliance. My friends said to me: “with this money, you won’t go to Paris, where you’ll have to work besides”. I did not want to have a hard time, so I searched in province [outside Paris]. I searched on Internet, visited all the universities and I found the ESAV [audiovisual school] in Toulouse where I wrote for a M2 (research in Communication, History and Esthetics). I had written to others; Metz etc. At the same time, my French friends and the Director of the Alliance told me: “you must choose Toulouse, it’s near Spain, very Hispanic, it’s a great city”.’ (C3, Colombia)

Economic difficulties in the home country can be decisive for some migrants to move, find job and may be settle elsewhere. The distance from the origin country has probably an effect on the migrant’s perception on the length of his/her stay abroad. Unlike South Americans or Asians, European workers can keep more easily regular links with their families, especially for transports costs reasons.

‘... in Colombia, economic crisis had always been there, but there has been a very strong slump that affected the middle class, it became a nightmare for people of the middle class. So those like us, who had studied at the university, who thought that we would find a job easily, it has been a catastrophy. As a consequence, it was a quite strong pressure on me, that prompted me to say: “ok I go, I’m not waiting until everything completely

58 RESULTS

collapses”; and at the same time, it was a difficult situation towards my parents, regarding the economic stuff and so on. So actually it was a bit like fleeing... I did understand it much later; because at the beginning I was always saying that I went away because my boy friend was French, but it’s true that I could have stayed, I would never have thought to leave my country, never. It happened quite suddenly.’ (C8, Colombia)

Limited economic resources of the migrant might influence his decision regarding the place of study.

‘I was also taken in Barcelona, but there I applied for a grant, and anyway, it is over expensive, so I finally chose Toulouse. I did not know Toulouse at all, nothing about the city.’ (C7, Mexico)

7.2.2 Finding a dwelling, being helped: differences between the migrants

Observing the whole sample, a first distinction can be made roughly between those who had more or less hard time at their arrival in Toulouse. Next tables show that creative people tend to talk more often about difficulties than knowledge workers in general (Tables 7.4). This result is confirmed by a count report on the word ‘complicated’, which appears much more frequently in the creative people’s discourse (Table 7.5). In general, women tend also to mention problems slightly more often than men (Tables 7.6).

Table 7.4 - Number and frequency of sentences coded ‘difficult’ per sector Number of sentences Frequency* coded ‘difficult’ Creative sector’s sample (n=8) 139 17 Knowledge sector’s sample (n=21) 185 9 Whole sample (n=29) 324 11 * Frequency = number of sentences coded, divided by number of people in the sample

Table 7.5 - Number and frequency of occurrences on the word ‘complicated’ per sector Number of occurrences of Frequency the word ‘complicated’ Creative sector’s sample (n=8) 40 5.0 Knowledge sector’s sample (n=21) 21 1.0 Whole sample (n=29) 61 2.1

Table 7.6 - Number and frequency of sentences coded ‘difficult’ per gender Number of sentences Frequency coded ‘difficult’ Women’s sample (n=12) 160 13 Men’s sample (n=17) 164 10 Whole sample (n=29) 324 11

59 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Difficulties mostly relate to the initial financial situation of the migrant before moving to France. A difference can be observed between creative and knowledge workers regarding the occurrence of sentences coded ‘difficult’ and the thematic of dwelling (Table 7.7).

Table 7.7 - Number of occurrences of sentences coded ‘difficult’ and ‘dwelling’ per sector Occurrence difficult/ Frequency dwelling Creative sector’s sample (n=8) 16 2.0 Knowledge sector’s sample (n=21) 15 0.7 Whole sample (n=29) 31 1.1

Three types of migrants and types of migration can be distinguished, considering the research of a first dwelling at the arrival in Toulouse.

- Studies related migration

The majority of people in the sample combined their first settlement in the city with a registration in a higher education establishment. Some migrants who arrived within an agreement with a university or a school have benefited from a dwelling in a residence (6 knowledge, 1 creative workers).

Students of engineers’ schools in Toulouse are clearly favoured regarding the accommodation conditions, benefiting from very well structured networks and accommodation systems that exist for French or foreign students. Some ‘Grandes Ecoles’ (ENSICA, ENSAE, INSA, etc.) even play an important role to attract students with efficient promotion policy abroad. Thus a Norwegian came to Toulouse through a tripartite agreement between the University for science and technology of Norway, the CNES and INSA. One Malian student applied to the National institute for applied sciences (INSA), thanks to a forum organised in his country to present the establishment.

‘I came to INSA and it was really a great environment (...) even if it is a bit remote from the centre, there were space, a very well developed associative framework. It allowed me meeting other people, it has really eased things for my integration; I also realise now that the quality of the courses is very high...’ (K3, Mali)

‘We are well-supervised in Supaero, we’re like in a cocoon. There is no problem, we are provided with dwellings, leisure etc.’ (K4, Korea)

‘When I arrived to ENSICA, the school services explained everything to us; it was just perfect, we’ve been helped for all the administrative processes. And then, - I was not informed of this – I learnt that I could benefit, even as a foreigner, from the CAF (family allowances). So out of 190 Euros for the rent, I received 100 Euros from the CAF, it was excellent. If we had any problem, we just had to go to the service for international relations of the school and they just solved all the problems. I never had any problem.’ (K10, Spain)

60 RESULTS

The opinions are much different for foreign students coming to universities to study social sciences, humanities or arts. The agreements between some schools or universities, through the Erasmus device for instance, favour trans-national migrations. However some came without any support.

‘I’ve never received any help, either for dwelling, for food or for transport.’ (K14, Senegal)

‘When you’re a foreigner and when you came on your own to study, you’re nobody. You are not considered as a French student, because if you were, you would benefit from the social benefits that French students have.’ (K6, Bulgaria)

Even within an Erasmus type of programme, accommodation conditions and grants are generally not sufficient to cover all the needs and expenses a migration abroad implies. That might also explain why social links are also put forwards in the decision to move to the city, besides studies. That means that higher education structures providing quality training in human sciences or arts exist in Toulouse, but unlike engineers schools, they do not present any specificities compared to other ‘province’ cities.

South Americans are particularly talkative about the differences between their home country and France, especially on the social benefits and the security that is to be found in the migration country.

‘Even if there are problems like in Le Mirail, where university becomes run-down, you can make good studies in 5 years with not much money, by working aside. You don’t need to have parents who are millionaire. The public university is really cheap, for the same quality of study in Colombia, you must pay much much more.’ (K18, Colombia)

- Job related migration

Migrants of the second group have searched a dwelling on their own, through advertisements or estate-agents. Some spent only a few days to find a flat or a house to rent. Few people (C1, K11, K20, K21) are concerned directly or indirectly by a financial help from the company, which is very influential to ease the migrants’ settlement in Toulouse.

‘My husband’s company paid the flight tickets for the whole family and the spendings entailed by the moving.’ (K11, Canada)

It took much longer time for other migrants, especially the creative workers’ group (6 out of 8 interviewees). The status of foreigner generally adds many problems to the research of a dwelling.

61 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

‘I found the CRIJ1, and I found 28 apartments that had been added the same day. I called them this day and left a message to all of them, but I’ve never had a call back. One told me that it was because I had an accent and they don’t want to risk to rent to a foreigner. (K17, Canada)

One important problem encountered by foreigners in France is first suspicion and second, the requirement of a warrantor by renters.

‘At the beginning, I started to search an apartment from owner to owner, but after 30 calls where people got suspicious because of my accent, I decided to use an estate agent. But then they said I would need a warrantor (...) I had to call my parents to put 6000 € on a bank account. It represents one year of rent, it’s very much.’ (K10, Spain)

Inefficiency and bad practices of some real estate agencies can also be put forward.

‘We started to go and see real estate agencies, knowing, that we do not know anything about it, we have always been living with our parents, so searching an apartment, and moreover not speaking the language, and not knowing what you have to do etc. (...) So we have paid an agent who told us that they would find a flat for us, well, it never happened.’ (K6, Bulgaria)

This weighs more than tensions on the dwelling market in Toulouse. Although some of the interviewees found it expensive to find accommodation, most of interviewees of this group have been able to settle in the core city.

- Social links related migration

This group did not have to search a dwelling at the beginning, since it came to join one friend, acquaintance or parent (5 out of 21 knowledge for 5 out of 8 creative workers). We have already noticed that creative workers pay an important attention to social links in their decision to settle in Toulouse in the first times (See 7.1.2). Next table show that women also globally associate more often than men a vocabulary linked to difficulties with the thematic of social networks (Table 7.8).

Table 7.8 - Number of occurrences of sentences coded ‘difficult’ and ‘social link’ per gender Occurrence Frequency ‘Difficult/Social links’ Women’s sample (n=12) 7 0.6 Men’s sample (n=17) 1 0.1 Whole sample (n=29) 8 0.3

1 CRIJ (Centre Régional Information Jeunesse) = Regional Youth Information Center.

62 RESULTS

- Location in the centre

Whatever the group they belong to, the first dwelling has been most of the time located in the core city. This could confirm that a central location is favoured by foreigners who come to the city for the first time. This would help them to learn to know the different places and to better integrate to the city’s life.

‘When you arrive in a city, it’s more pleasant to be in the core-city, to discover.’ (K19, United Kingdom)

Map 7.1 - Migrants’ places of residence in Toulouse

63 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

This location in the city centre remains important many years later, after the status has changed. Only 6 interviewees live outside the commune of Toulouse. Three of them have bought a house in peripheral cities of Blagnac and Tournefeuille, near the aeronautic area. Only two other people in the sample have bought their dwelling, one a house in the faubourgs and one a flat in the core city. It is interesting to notice that most of the interviewed migrants live in residential areas, either in the very centre of Toulouse (Les Carmes, St-Cyprien, Les Chalets, St-Aubin...), or in the eastern part of the city (Busca, Côte Pavée...). Buyers in these neighbourhoods, that are known to be quite expensive, are mainly knowledge workers, who confirm their higher standard of living.

7.2.3 A general dissatisfaction, or even anger towards the administrative services

One subject arouses a very high level of dissatisfaction by almost all the international migrants we have interviewed: the administrative processes. This is considered too much complicated and time consuming, but what is deplored above all is the behaviour of the workers in administrative services towards foreigners. All of them have to go to the Préfecture at least once a year to register and renew their permit to remain on the French territory.

‘Regarding administrations, I have had to do with the Préfecture, like almost all the foreigners. It’s awful. As a Swedish citizen, the way you are treated is rather good, but compared to people coming from Africa for instance; it’s awful to be treated so differently whereas you’re in the same queue at the Préfécture. I’ve lived this quite badly. (...) They could be nicer, and more understanding regarding the situation of people in front of them.’ (K7, Sweden)

‘I’ve never been in such a situation, where people are so impolite with the others.’ (K8, United States)

‘I’ve had problems with my carte de séjour (residence permit), and I found that Préfecture was particularly pitiful. The behaviour of people... I think it is the first time in my life where I’ve been faced, frankly, to racism. I remember it right, I’ve been there 4 or 5 times to get my permit and they never had it, they hadn’t even looked at it. One could think that I haven’t understood very well, but I brought some French people with me each time to be sure. So if themselves have difficulties to understand, there are some reasons to worry. And then it has been resolved finally as I called the British Consulate, that called the Préfet. So I really found it was pitiful. Actually, they had my permit for 6 months, they had it already at the Préfecture, they didn’t want to give it to me.’ (K9, India / United Kingdom)

Many interviewees have observed inequalities regarding the treatment of foreigners according to their nationalities. Some of them have also experienced or seen that favours that could be made to certain people, if they had been lucky to know the right person at the right place. This arouses a feeling of injustice and a very bad image of France.

64 RESULTS

As highly qualified workers, employed in France for several years, they also often do not understand this administrative harassment and underline the consequences it entails.

‘As a qualified migrant, I don’t see why I would have to face all these annoyances. I’ve spent a lot of time at the French school in Mali, I’ve got a French A-level. I’ve been here for 6 years, I’ve never had any problem. I don’t understand why every year, I’m compelled to do this, they never leave me alone (...). Especially because I know that in France some sectors need to recruit people (...) This renewable residence permit every year means that I can’t have a credit. I just bought a car, it was difficult. (...) My incomes were much higher than the ones of people that have benefited from a credit, but because of this one year residence permit, I’ve been told that I could not pay off over 3 years.’ (K3, Mali)

Another problem related to administrative processes and specific to highly skilled workers concerns the equivalence and translation of diplomas from one country to another (K18, K20, K21).

7.2.4 Satisfaction towards studies and the current job’s situation

We notice that all the knowledge workers who have been studying in engineers’ schools in Toulouse had neither hard time to find a dwelling nor to find a job matching their expectations in terms of occupation, industrial sector and company. Inside the creative sub- sample, if we exclude two migrants who have created their companies in Toulouse for quite a long time, we count only 1 person employed with a stable position in a company. Five out of eight are in a precarious situation regarding employment. Disappointment is visible for film makers coming from Colombia and who left top quality trainings to go on with ESAV, the only establishment providing higher education in the audiovisual sector in Toulouse.

We can distinguish the situation of M2 graduates and PhDs, for which the situation is even more complicated, since a thesis implies long efforts and times of job insecurity. The opinions regarding the working environment much depend on the origin of the migrants, who often tend to compare the situation they know in their home country and in France. Some interviewees mention better conditions.

‘What I like is to have working conditions that I cannot have in Tunisia. I came back to Tunisia during 2 or 3 years and I have not published anything because of bureaucratic, administrative and financial difficulties there.’ (K12, Tunisia)

65 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Some interviewed migrants went back to study once they arrived in Toulouse, even though it was not planned initially. This confirms that studies play a role of springboard towards professional life. Many find a job after an internship in a company or through the social networks they have constructed during their studies. Those who are not in this case encounter more difficulties.

‘It’s difficult to find a job in Toulouse when one has not studied there. There is no opportunities, companies do not like to hire foreigners, there are difficulties with administration, it’s not interesting for companies.’ (K4, Korea)

Generally speaking and unsurprisingly, precarity, which much depends on the job opportunities in some sectors, entails anxiousness and arouses some critics. Creative workers, but also some knowledge interviewees who studied human or social sciences, find it hard to find a job matching their competences and their aspirations in Toulouse. This also corresponds to the situation of the French young workforce. Before looking at the specific situation of people working in artistic or cultural sectors, we can draw out some general comments, that not only result from opinions regarding the French working system but also the working conditions in Toulouse.

Negative opinions often relate to the importance given to diplomas in France and the lack of flexibility regarding this issue. French are also considered as relatively reluctant to speak English or other foreign languages. The international aspect of the job is often underlined as crucial for knowledge workers who chose to work in cutting edge industries.

‘What I like is the international aspect, the different cultures. We see clients from everywhere in the world, that means different ways to work, behaviours, different ways to present things.’ (K7, Sweden)

‘The company is a European one, so there are many contacts, exchanges with other cultures, there are English, German, Spanish, and even Indian people, which allows seeing different ways of working’ (K4, Korea)

Another critic concerns the clique effect and the fact that one has to know the right person at the right place to succeed. This particular aspect had also been underlined in the previous qualitative survey with managers.

‘You always need to have connections in the right places in this country, which can really disable some people. (...) In England, it is a bit less like that, off course acquaintances can help but one much more look at the qualities of the person. Here, you must know the right person.’ (K19, United Kingdom)

66 RESULTS

This manager also underlines – paradoxically – that the small size of the city is an asset, compared to Madrid or Rome to get contacts for business, knowing that his field (satellite navigation) is a niche market.

Different perceptions of the work might also come from the fact that in France, project management is not taught as systematically as in other countries.

‘For instance in England, this vision of project management is already implemented right from the University. Here it is not exactly the case, it’s really the technical support that is the most important, which is very valuable, but one sees inside the company how people who arrive today must be trained.’ (K9, India/United Kingdom)

‘There were several things but that were rather at a structural, organisational level, that I would have liked to change or I’ve tried to improved, for instance, around mechanisms of project management, personal management, interactions for a better organisation; you can much better progress within a team with this aspect.’ (K16, Austria)

Observations much remind previous results found in the managers’ case study (Martin-Brelot et al., 2008). Unsurprinsingly, freedom to organise oneself is also something prized both by knowledge and creative workers.

‘If I was offered a job with a higher wage, but with less freedom and confidence, I would refuse it. Here I can organise my work, which is not easy and makes me anxious sometimes.’ (K18, Colombia)

‘I like this free aspect, the fact that I can create, that is to say make something without too many constraints’ (C5, Romania)

‘I am really lucky, - it’s terrible because I know that only a few people... – it’s terrible but great at the same time, I think I’ve never done something that I did not want to do; and this is enormous.’ (C8, Colombia)

For creative workers in the sample, the size of the city and supports from local authorities seem much influent to further develop an artistic or cultural activity. Unlike film makers, musicians seem quite satisfied with the social and professional networks they can construct in Toulouse.

‘I always found that Toulouse had a great potentiality because there is a real impact, I think, geographical and cultural; Spain is not far so etc. You can feel this proximity. And then, there is a big melting pot, a large Portuguese community, I have many Spanish and Portuguese friends... When you live in Toulouse, there are many different nationalities there. I’ve played music with two Algerians, that’s Toulouse.’ (C1, Germany)

67 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

‘If I could only make a good living with what I want to do, it would be great. It would be from a financial point of view first, and second, I would still and all find a group of people, with whom I could really work, a team, like I had in Colombia.’ (C8, Colombia)

The strong centralisation of cultural activities in Paris is mentioned as a serious impediment for creative workers. This goes along with the idea that outside Paris and especially in Toulouse, cultural activities are hardly recognised within a professional perspective. Artists and creative workers often complain about the fact that they have to work for free, because of a lack of money and the lack professionalisation in artistic and cultural fields. As a consequence of insufficient structures in Toulouse, film makers really depend on Paris, which entails several extra travel costs, and sometimes long stays in the capital.

‘This is a city that is relatively large compared to other French cities, but regarding culture, either you must do voluntary work all the time, - there is one moment in your life when you cannot be volunteer, for the movie sector, audiovisual in general and culture...- or you must go to Paris, because France is too centralised. All my friends who have been studying with me, they went away progressively.’ (C3, Colombia)

‘... From a professional point of view, I am not sure it is the city that is suitable for me...’ (C8, Colombia)

The lack of credibility is also felt by those who have still and all succeed in doing what they had planned initially. The small size of the business is also mentioned.

‘You should know that I have an occupation, that, even today, no one supports. So no bank helps you, and I’ve never been helped by the way. They do not accept loans, because they don’t know if you will sell or not your collection. This is something very particular. If you are not a large group (...) you can always sort yourself out as you can.’ (C4, Bielorussia)

7.3 Living environment

Interviewed migrants have globally a good opinion on the city’s environment, but this varies according to the nationality and the type of city people have been living in before. Many underline the proximity to mountains and sea as a very good asset of Toulouse (K2, K19, K15, K18, C1). Especially for Spanish people or those who have family or acquaintances there, the geographical situation is considered as very interesting (K5, K11, C7). Location in the South of France and sunny climate are also prized by most of the migrants. In this part, we will address the perception of interviewees regarding the living environment, which includes architecture, size of the city, transports, friendliness, openness as well as the cultural dynamic.

68 RESULTS

7.3.1 Architecture: A contrast between the ‘old’ and the ‘new’

Almost all the interviewees have a rather good opinion on the physical aspect of the city, especially on the historical centre. Words that often come up to describe it are ‘beautiful’, ‘charming’, ‘nice’, ‘bright’, which is closely related to other comments on the climate or the size of the city (see next section).

‘The best is certainly the climate, and the beauty of the centre, one should not forget this.’ (K15, Germany)

‘Architecture is beautiful. There is no one single person who came in Toulouse and didn’t say it’s charming, it’s wonderful, it’s coloured, it’s red, it’s bright, it’s green.... it’s beautiful.’ (K6, Bulgaria)

Another characteristic of Toulouse, which is really appreciated by some foreigners, especially from Latin America, is the quality of the public spaces.

‘Regarding places to live and places to circulate, I think that, compared to Colombian cities, here we have a quality. One has places to circulate, one has enormous parks. All the parks and gardens in Toulouse, the Japanes garden, Jardin des Plantes, Abattoirs, Prairie des Filtres, you know, one can really take advantage. From this point of view, Toulouse is great.’ (C3, Colombia)

‘I find it great for instance, that children can go to places where you don’t need to pay, or without very expensive merry-go-rounds, where they can play, have fun, meet other children. This kind of places like that, that allow you to meet others are always nice.’ (C8, Colombia)

Differences of points of view are more striking between the Europeans and the non- Europeans than between people coming from a Northern or a Southern continent. People coming from Southern America or Asia insist more on the low height of the buildings and the homogeneity of the city.

‘I love this city, I really like it. I think it is homogenous. I love the fact that there are no high buildings, it is rather flat actually. (...) If you compare with Paris and Barcelona, there are always buildings with at least 8 floors. Being able to see the sky, it’s something you don’t find everywhere. (...) I like the fact that there is a lot of individual houses. The architectural heritage is quite rich.’ (K5 Chile/Spain)

‘In the city, I find it’s too much homogenous. That’s why I appreciated Grenoble. This ugly aspect, I like it because it looks urban, it’s a little bit like that the landscapes where I grew up.’ (C3, Colombia)

69 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Migrants from Latin America, as well as people from Eastern Europe underline the old character of the building, which is something more unusual in their home country.

‘I think that the historical heritage of the city is rich, it is complete enough and interesting from my point of view. (...) I like this in Toulouse. Signs of the past are still and all preserved, and there is an interest for history, which is also interesting. (...) This was... yes, it was nice one could say. The old centre, I liked it. After, yes I was wondering, what happens on the experimental side, at the creative level. So I was starting to ask myself, because, the old city, it’s good, but what is there beyond this, where is the contemporary city?’ (C5, Romania)

‘I knew that (Toulouse) was not a very large city. I was born in a city with 2.5 million inhabitants. In the Soviet Union, capitals were always imposing, all was big, very different. (...) Avenues are large, houses are large, all is grand. So, it’s not the same. We don’t have small streets like we have in Toulouse for instance. For us it was almost a medieval city.’ (C4, Bielorussia)

The colours that are to be found in Toulouse, well known as the ‘Pink city’, arouse different types of comments by the interviewees. Generally they consider it contributes to the lively and charming side of the city (K6, K15). However, the historical character of the architecture does not always get every migrants’ support.

‘I don’t like the architecture too much here. In Alsace, it’s beautiful, you know that you are in Alsace; in Paris, the buildings are nice. Toulouse does not have an identity; even the pink colour is not so much present. And in the core city, there are many old buildings that are not maintained.’ (K4, Korea)

‘Regarding the buildings, I don’t think they are very beautiful. I find that this orange rose colour is not particularly nice looking. Above all, I think it’s a real shame that people are not allowed to paint their house as they want, in red if they like. That one tends to homogenise... I much prefer cities were people are allowed to do exactly what they want.’ (K2, Norway)

‘It is not innovating enough, as far as the city’s equipments, architecture and buildings are concerned, it’s not dynamic enough, artworks miss, one does not see them much, and even from an artistic point of view, there are not many representations.’ (K19, United Kingdom)

Compared to American architecture, Toulouse’s core city might even be considered as oppressive. Old character of the buildings can even be associated to poverty sometimes.

‘My first impression was that all was much too old! Yes, because in America, well, the architecture is different, so I was really impressed by this. It’s a stupid thing but I remember that I was looking at this and (...) I felt a little bit breathless, oppressed by time, something like that. (...) No, I found it really nice but at the same time, the first

70 RESULTS

feeling, - but it didn’t last, it hasn’t worried me further, - it was oppressive. (...) The apartment was in the very centre, with old but nice buildings (...) I remember when I was climbing up the stairs, and by settling, I told to myself: ‘Oh my God, if my mother comes here, she’s gonna cry, she’s gonna think I’m too poor, I’m destitute’; because we tend to associate old to poverty.’ (C8, Colombia)

7.3.2 Size of the city: too small or too large?

Many insist on the good size of the city, ‘not too small and not too big’ (K1, K3, K4, K5, K8, K19, C1, C6, C7). They are quite surprised to find a metropolis with a high level of industrial development and at the same time a city that remains like ‘a small village’. This relates to the general atmosphere of the city that is often described as ‘both calm and dynamic’ (K3).

‘What I like here is the fact – everybody says that – that it looks like a big city and a village at the same time. Each time I go out, I pass someone I know, I like this. This did not happen very often in Liverpool, not as often as here. Here it really looks like a small village, you meet a lot of people. And it’s also a large, dynamic city, with many variations, many things to do, especially on the collective level.’ (K1, United Kingdom)

Knowledge workers living in Toulouse for many years have an opinion not only on the centre’s physical aspect but on the general development of the city, linked to the huge demographic growth over the last decades (K8, K11, K15, K16, K20).

‘What I find a shame is that Toulouse, like Blagnac and the surroundings start being filled with concrete everywhere. There were many open spaces and some remain, but ten years ago, the general environment was much more pleasant.’ (K20, Italy)

‘The problem I have with Toulouse currently is that population growth has gone past the infrastructure. It has increased, it’s too crowded compared to the space available and regarding the existing system. You can see this on the peripheral road in the morning. Even in the core city, on a Saturday afternoon, it’s horrible... too much people in a too small space. That the big problem I have with Toulouse.’ (K8, United States, Ireland)

This also relates to the sociological transformations of the city.

‘It’s pretty enough. It’s a shame that they destroyed the neighbourhood around the Médiathèque, it would have been good to preserve it. The city is becoming more and more crowded with similar houses everywhere, like gated communities in the United States. I don’t think it’s nice.’ (K18, Colombia)

71 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Table 7.9 Number and frequency of sentences coded ‘Size’ per sector Number of sentences Frequency

coded ‘Size’ Creative sector’s sample (n=8) 35 4 Knowledge sector’s sample (n=21) 52 2 Whole sample (n=29) 87 3

If one looks separately at the creative workers’ opinion about the size of the city, one can notice that they do not insist on the same aspects. Depending on their satisfaction towards their job’s situation, some appreciate or not what they consider as a ‘small’ city.

‘I was living in Bucarest, which is the capital of Romania, so it’s much more dynamic if one can say, there are many things. If I could classify... yes, more international, so it was a more cosmopolitan city. And also many international cultures come to Bucarest too, because the world gets interested again to this new point on the map, so it becomes.... it’s more emergent. So when you arrived in Toulouse, you’ve finally been disappointed? Yes, I felt like a little regression regarding my professional life, compared to the other life. So it was a small gap. And then I said, I’m going to wait, it might only be a first impression. And since then, it has evolved? Since then, it hasn’t evolved much! Unfortunately.’ (C5, Romania)

Only one creative worker admits that the small size of the city might have been an advantage for him to develop his activity, which relates to music and gastronomy.

‘It has been done easily because it is a small town, I have always lived in a large city, there are more difficulties may be to construct an artistic project. (...) The advantage to be in a small city is that the network can be made quite easily, once you are inside, you are in the network and there is a popular, play, peaceful aspect that is to be felt.’ (C6)

A simple word count report show that the frequency of sentences including the words ‘Paris’, ‘capital(s)’ or ‘metropolis’ is quite higher by the creative interviewees (Table 7.10). This clearly relates to the more precarious job situation of people working in the audiovisual sector (See section 7.2.4). This is also to be linked with the practical every day experience of the city and to critics regarding the general atmosphere and dynamism of Toulouse. Next sections of the report dealing with transports, friendliness, openness and culture also refer to this crucial issue of the size of the city.

Table 7.10 - Number and frequency of sentences coded ‘Paris, capital, metropolis’ per sector Number of sentences coded Frequency ‘Paris’*, capital(s), metropole(s) Creative sector’s sample (n=8) 140 17,5 Knowledge sector’s sample (n=21) 224 10,7 Whole sample (n=29) 364 12,6 * ‘Paris’ appears in 336 out of 364 sentences

72 RESULTS

7.3.3 Transports: the scale of the city and the metropolis’ level

We have already mentioned the fact that the majority of the sample has a dwelling in the city of Toulouse (Map 7.1). Many migrants mention their habits to walk or ride bicycle in the city centre. They mostly appreciate the configuration of Toulouse, which allows ‘doing everything by foot’ (C1, C2, C4, C7, K3, K6, K8, K15, K21). Some do even not understand why the historic centre is not forbidden to cars, as it is the case in other cities.

Regarding public transport, the opinions differ regarding the initial references of migrants. In general two or three metro lines are considered as insufficient regarding the growing size of the city and most of the interviewees complain about inappropriate times for buses, especially the fact that service stops too early in the evening. Next table shows the frequency of the sentences coded ‘transports’, which come up more often in the knowledge workers’ discourse (Table 7.11).

Table 7.11 - Number and frequency of sentences coded ’Transport’ per sector Number of sentences Frequency coded ‘transports’ Creative sector’s sample (n=8) 32 4 Knowledge sector’s sample (n=21) 181 9 Whole sample (n=29) 213 7

People working in aeronautic, computer or telecommunications sectors generally have their workplace in peripheral areas, such as Labège, Blagnac, St Martin-du-Touch, as these activities are concentrated in technological parks. These employees are particularly dissatisfied with the fact that these zones are very badly served by public transport, either metro or bus.

‘Buses’ times schedules could be much improved. To go to Labège for instance. I have a friend who arrived from Paris to work to Toulouse this summer, and she had to go to Labège. To reach the commercial center there, it’s ok, but there the business park is huge, so when you arrive at the commercial center, you’ll have to walk half an hour to reach your destination. If you don’t, you’ll have to wait a bus that comes every 90 minutes...’ (K3, Mali)

‘You need to take the car all the time, especially to go to Airbus, which is very badly served, there are not many busses and it’s very long.’ (K4, Korea)

‘I find it’s a shame that metro does not connect to Blagnac yet.’ (K9, India / UK)

73 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

In general, connections between Toulouse and the rest of the world are considered as satisfying, although many flights are not direct to reach the migrants’ destinations. The short distance from Blagnac airport to the city centre is generally appreciated. On the contrary, the lack of TGV is deplored by many interviewees, as it was the case in the managers’ survey.

As a consequence, dissatisfactions and negative critics concern both automobile dependence and public transportation systems. Congestion problems on the peripheral road arouse issues of pollution, time consumption and (un)consistent city planning.

The issue of transport constitutes a transverse field. Only basic observations have been reported here. The question of transport is addressed by migrants according to their everyday experience as inhabitant and worker in the city.

In the first case, interviewees might refer to the scale of the neighbourhood where they live and adjacent ones, where they often go and spend some time (working, studying, meeting friends...). Attention then should be paid on the description of elements that relate to the intraurban atmosphere, including overall friendliness of Tolosans (7.3.4), as well as openness and tolerance of the city regarding diverse subjects (7.3.5).

In the second case, Toulouse is more seen as an agglomeration connected to national and international transportation networks. This relates to broader questions of economic efficiency, which are pregnant in the interviews of highly skilled trans-national migrants. This entails reflections about policies at the local, national and international scales, which are synthesised in the suggestions made by interviewees (7.4.3).

7.3.4 Friendliness of Tolosans

The association between the location in the South of France, near Spain, and the mentality that is to be found in Toulouse is quite pregnant in the foreigners’ interviews. Characteristics of a southerner city, like the rhythm of life compared to larger metropolises, are often mentioned in relation to specific consumption places. Thus when they are asked about the general atmosphere of the city, several interviewees often spontaneously evoke their relationships to shopkeepers. Markets are really appreciated by some of them.

‘I often do my shopping at the market, - I am more French than the French themselves! - I’m going to the Carmes, people are so nice! They know you, they do everything for you. You don’t have the money? Doesn’t matter, you take this and you will pay later, next time (...); yes they give you... they are extremely generous and kind. First time though, they might not appear so open. Who’s that new person? But I’ve been all around the world, regarding services, regarding politeness, it has nothing to do with the rest of the world.’ (K8, USA / Ireland)

‘I like to live in Toulouse, because what I really appreciated is the proximity, you can really go anywhere just by walking, and the markets, that is great. Markets are really a great, it’s enormous.’ (K21, Germany)

74 RESULTS

‘At the beginning when I arrived in Toulouse, I was living in Saint Cyprien, I thought the city was very welcoming, and I found that shopkeepers all around – knowing that I was a poor student not very well-off – have done everything they could to help me integrating here. I must say that at that time, I had like 7 € per week and I could come at the fishmonger and say: ‘ok, I have 1,5 €, what can I have?’ and they knew it. So they have helped me a lot in the neighbourhood (...)’ (K9, India / United Kingdom)

‘Yes, in everyday life, people are in general very nice, very kind. Well, they make you wait also sometimes!’ (K16, Austria)

‘People are rather welcoming, contacts are easy with people, this is important when one arrives in a city.’ (K19, United Kingdom)

Table 7.12 - Number and frequency of words related to friendliness per sector Number of words Frequency ‘friendly’ counted Creative sector’s sample (n=8) 17 2,1 Knowledge sector’s sample (n=21) 79 3,8 Whole sample (n=29) 96 3,3

The frequency of words related to friendliness is higher by knowledge than by creative workers (Table 7.12). These ones tend to put into perspective the cliché relative to the Tolosan human warmth.

‘Then I think it’s more in the imagination of people, anyway people say all the time that Toulouse is more cool, more friendly... then it’s true that many people speak Spanish or they like Spanish, this is great. Then frankly, I haven’t felt in Paris that I was treated worse than here, never. Actually, I don’t feel that people are warmer or that relationships are truer. It is sure that people has less ‘speed’; and this, obviously, create something that is may be lighter, you’re not nudged in the metro’s stairways, so this, obviously, it is more pleasant. But how people treat you, it’s the same.’ (C8, Colombia)

‘When you come in a country, help is both economic and material at the beginning, but it is also human, human warmth. There, maybe yes, Tolosans are not so warm than that. (C2, Italy)

75 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

7.3.5 Openness, diversity and tolerance

Opinions vary according to the interviewed migrants. At least 12 out of 21 knowledge workers assess that the city and inhabitants are generally tolerant and open. Here again, respondents tend to compare the situation in Toulouse with what they have experienced at other places.

‘In general, I think that people I associate with are tolerant, but never enough. Never enough tolerant yes. I think there is always a limit to people’s tolerance and people are not always very flexible. But I find they are very open compared to people in Liverpool for instance.’ (K1, United Kingdom)

‘(...) Rather good yes, because in Britain, I found that the environment was rather hostile. I think there were not used to see foreigners. It’s true that when you’re in the street, it’s a bit difficult. When one arrives in Toulouse, one realises very quickly that it’s very cosmopolitan. Furthermore, people were rather very open, so integration has been rather easy.’ (K9, India, United Kingdom)

The question of tolerance arouses almost spontaneously the issue of racism. Many consider that Tolosans are less racist than people in other regions.

‘Actually, yes, I think that Toulouse is an open city. Sincerely. I’ve been here for, let’s say, 15 years now. I’ve been entitled to 3 or 4 racist observations, in 15 years, it’s nothing. Now I go less often outside at night, but when I was a student, I went often out, and I’ve never had any problem to enter a nightclub for instance, the contrary actually.’ (K12, Tunisia)

‘In my circle of friends, there are many different nationalities. But this is what I like in Toulouse; it’s quite natural (...) I think that it is part of Toulouse. (...) So in Toulouse, there is still and all an openness. I do feel a “cool” mentality, to take advantage of life, etc. And then a little bit a spirit of solidarity, social and brotherly spirit, I know there is something, a mindset.’ (C1, Germany)

Spanish or Hispanic people find that their origin can be considered as an asset in Toulouse. Both creative south-Americans compare their favourable situation to discriminations they have observed towards Arabic people.

‘I haven’t felt any racism because I was from Latin America, on the contrary sometimes...’ (K18, Colombia)

‘Yes, I think that French people are very attracted by the Latin side. It is not as for Arabs who suffer from discrimination. My Colombian friends in Spain, they feel the every day discrimination. Here I think we are even favoured sometimes.’ (C3, Colombia)

76 RESULTS

‘Well anyway I do say to myself that as a Latin, I haven’t felt any problem of xenophobia. I haven’t felt the fact that to be from Latin America is something negative. Then I’m sure that for Arabs, it’s not the same, so it’s better that I’m not an Arab, you see. But for Latin Americans, there is a good consideration I think, that is obviously full of clichés like people who do party, who are not complicated etc.’ (C8, Colombia)

In general, the issue of tolerance is put into perspective with other experiences and is also related to the size of the city. Here again, migrants who know Paris tend to compare the Tolosan way of life with the capital’s one. Next quotations suggest that a larger city might be more tolerant, or at least more indifferent regarding ethnic differences (K3, K14). On the other hand, tolerance might also be associated to laxity (K8).

‘Until now, I’ve been associated only with young people and I would say that I found them really open. This is something I really appreciated. On the other hand, with older people, I think that it’s a bit more difficult. There are more suspicious toward the unknown actually (...) I think that in Paris, people are more used to have this mixity and here a little bit less. (K3, Mali)

‘Not really tolerant and diverse city, no. Frankly it is not a criteria I would retain. If I would only consider that, I would have gone to Paris now. It’s not very good. Even at work, one is told that it’s important to enter some networks, but it’s not so easy, it’s closed.’ (K14, Senegal)

‘Do you find that people are tolerant? People are too relaxed. More than that. Almost, they are selfish on the one hand.... I am more important than you. So I can stop my car in the middle of the street, get off, go to the bakery to buy my bread, you can always wait for 5 minutes, it doesn’t matter. (...) I have the feeling that in Toulouse [compared to Paris], people think that it’s cool, so if you’re in a hurry or you want to do something, it’s not the problem.’ (K8, United States)

Other observations relate to tolerance regarding noise that can be made at night in apartments, buildings and neighbourhoods.

‘Compared to Colombia (...), people complain when there’s a party. I’ve had many experiences where people complained because we were playing guitar and talking too loud (...) There is many many laws in residences, apartments, neighbourhoods, forbidden to do this, forbidden to do that; roughly speaking you cannot do anything, make noise. (...) Regarding habits, French can hardly stand the others’ happiness.’ (K18, Colombia)

77 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Next quotations show that the issue of tolerance is a complex one and cannot be answered so easily by interviewees.

‘Well... no. Not too much. It depends. There are people or associations, yes, that are open, more open, but in general people are quite sceptical, quite... I don’t know... not used to see people from abroad, they are, I don’t know, a little bit closed on themselves. (...) I’ve got the feeling that people here are very attracted by the United States or countries more developed than France, so... anyway, and not at all, not at all towards the East. The East is something unrecognised, so one is a bit afraid of this side.’ (C5, Romania)

‘I think that it is a tolerant city. As an Italian who became French, I think that the French are not tolerant too much, they are a little bit or very “Frenchy-frenchy” actually, in their behaviour. My experience is that they have been very receptive towards my project, but afterwards, in the general attitude, what I see is a general shutting actually. I think that Tolosans are quite cool, open, it’s a city quite open from what I’ve seen. But it’s obvious that the city is prepared to welcome many French, many foreigners. Compared to other cities, I’ve got the feeling that Toulouse remains one of the most open cities. Off course, it’s related to the History, with the Spanish, etc.’ (C6, Italy)

7.3.6 Culture

The opinion regarding the quantity and the quality of cultural activities in Toulouse is considered as globally satisfying by the migrants. However we cannot say that they are fully enthusiastic about this issue in general. The subject might be related to a representation foreigners had from France and the French culture in general.

‘I was expecting that French people would be much more cultured, they are more cultured than English in general. But I thought that everybody would be really very intellectual.’ (K1, United Kingdom)

‘In my idea, France represented a home for culture (...) (K6, Bulgaria)

A clear difference can be drawn out between the knowledge and the creative workers, the latter being much more dissatisfied or at least critical regarding the cultural offer and dynamism of the city. Next table shows that they associate more frequently negative perceptions to the cultural thematic than knowledge workers (Table 7.13).

78 RESULTS

Table 7.13 - Number of occurrences of sentences coded ‘difficult’ and ‘culture creation’ per sector Number of occurrences Frequency ‘Difficult/Culture Creation’ Creative sector’s sample (n=8) 13 1.6 Knowledge sector’s sample (n=21) 3 0.1 Whole sample (n=29) 16 0.6

Many workers think that the cultural offer is satisfying, with ‘a good mix of different spectacles or events’ (K16, Austria). The leisure and sports’ facilities (cinemas, swimming pools) are also mentioned, particularly by knowledge workers, as very satisfying. The multimedia library is appreciated by several interviewees.

‘I’m fond of the Médiathèque (multimedia library), I go there almost every week with my children, I think that they really enjoy it; me, I am a music fan and the offer is enormous; my wife likes playing piano very much: she has found there a gold mine of sheets music. At the cultural level, there are museums that address different kind of subjects; accessibility is interesting, especially the first Sunday of each month, it’s free. Regarding spectacles, there is everything, you just have to move, that’s it. (K18, Colombia)

‘I think that in Toulouse, many many things are proposed and that... the Printemps de Septembre that has just finished, from an artistic point of view, it’s great. I do really think that we have, - a Parisian would tell you not – but for me it’s perfect, because there is enough for consuming and at the same time, one misses a lot of things.’ (C3, Colombia)

By knowledge workers, the culture issue comes out quite often in association with observations about the size of infrastructures and the amount of services. We have already mentioned the importance of the subject of size, which relates in this case to the size of the city people come from.

‘I like music very much and I find that in Toulouse, concerts and so on, it’s not that great. Same for leisure, it’s not that great. What misses then? A larger park... I don’t know, I come from a city with 10 million inhabitants so there’s a lot to do. So when I arrived here... That was a bit limited for me.’ (K13, Colombia)

‘It’s a bit light, it’s the size of the city. There are not many concerts, not many auditoriums. I was in Barcelona, it’s a large city, there are many many more things than here.’ ((K19, United Kingdom)

‘If I see a little bit where Toulouse is situated, (...) I think one cannot compare it to Munich, because Munich has a much larger cultural offer, much more museums, much more opera houses, more theatres, more ballets, more public transports; and this is better organised there. In Toulouse, I like opera, we always have had season tickets, unfortunately, it’s not playing everyday and as a consequence, it is quickly all complete. (K21, Germany)

79 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Looking at the creative workers’ opinion about culture and the cultural offer in Toulouse, one can notice that they use more personal references, due to the fact that their activity much often depends on the local artistic and cultural dynamic. Their critics on Toulouse revolve around the lack of risk and ambition that characterises the city globally.

‘There is a true problem of auditoriums, for creation notably. We have and we have had a real problem in the research of a place.’ (C6, Italy)

‘What misses it’s a concert hall in the city centre (equivalent to the Bikini), with a programming team who dares taking risks, because the public is there. Things a little bit more at the cutting edge, and not only safe bets that we already saw 15,000 times. Do like Bordeaux actually! (C1, Germany)

‘From the cultural point of view, it is a very small city. It is a city that has not a strength, a significant impact. It’s a shame it has not won the competition for European capital of culture because it was needed, and it’s a bit of a paradox that the winner is Marseille that is much richer for culture. (...) For foreigners, there is no interest to come to Toulouse for instance. (...) In the art’s field, it is it is practically absent. In the architecture’s field, don’t even talk about it, there is no monument that could attract attention of Italians or Spanish people to come to Toulouse. And regarding museal services and museums, we are not really favoured. (C2, Italy)

This is linked to a certain provincialism of Toulouse that is denounced, as well as a local conception of culture as something reserved to an elite, with a strong partitioning of activities. Creative workers also tend to relate the culture issue to architecture and policy aspects.

‘The historic centre is very very beautiful, but then they could make efforts for museums, exhibitions, because in half a day, you’re done with Toulouse. They could make a bit more efforts to diversify, for tourists. (C6, Italy).

‘So culture that looks at questioning people, more experimental, that even encounter political problematics or I don’t know, the social, political aspect, that involves in social, it’s a little bit less visible, one can say, so the mass culture dominates a bit. (...) I don’t think it is linked to inhabitants, it’s... I don’t know. I might be a problem of communication from the municipality’s side, I tell it, about the values of the alternative culture that is emerging. So I’ve got the feeling that one tries to damp a little bit, because it’s not at the elites’ level, or I don’t know. I mean, there’s somehow an elitist conception of culture. (C5, Romania)

They also implicitly claim for more recognition of alternative creativity and deplore the Parisian centralism in the artistic fields.

80 RESULTS

‘The negative aspect,- but this is a national problem in France, - is centralism; it makes that in the creative sector, all gathers around Paris, labels etc. Even me, once, I wanted to find a job in the audiovisual sector, and all is in Paris. (...) In Germany, Länders allow to have in the South, the East, the West or the North, to have cities that are like capitals of each region, and this allows having a cultural and financial independence. (...) But what also misses, are more important bridges with Paris, a recognition of the local production. Paris should also make an effort and show interest. (C1, Germany)

‘No, there are many things when one thinks about it, cultural activities do really exist. And when I talk with people who live in Paris, they tell me that obviously in Paris there are 10 times more activities, but at the same time, you’re so overbooked that you don’t see anything. Whereas, me when I’m here, I see almost everything, so this is great. So it’s not the cultural activity that misses, it’s more people that work in the profession.’ (C8, Colombia)

7.3.7 Global satisfaction with the city: creative and knowledge workers

Tables 7.14 and 7.15 provide an overview of the opinions of creative people on the one hand and knowledge workers on the other hand about the living environment in general. One can see that dissatisfactions concern more often cultural aspects but also openness and overall friendliness of the Tolosans by the creative workers. Knowledge interviewees refer more to functional considerations like the transport system, the preservation of open spaces etc.

Table 7.14 - Global satisfaction with the city / Creative workers ID Home Architecture Dissatisfaction Atmosphere / Transports country Tolerance (urban) C1 Germany intolerance for noise, cool, brotherly (+) walking and Paris centralisation bicycling (+)

C2 Italy nothing important too provincial. Insufficient not so hearty (+) 2nd line metro (+) cultural offer

C3 Colombia too homogeneous, lack of energy = the old open minded, satisfied nice public space world experimental (+ / -)

C4 Bielorussia very nice big city sleeping aggressive and - dead city unsecure (-)

C5 Romania Old centre (+), Not creative enough. Lack Scepticism, good - modern (-) of experimentation diversity (-)

C6 Italy Very nice historical Not many interesting thing Welcoming city. Some places not centre to see. A big cultural Easy to make well connected project missing contacts (+)

C7 Mexico Nice centre / lack of Too small Cold, lack of - modern architecture curiosity (+ / -)

C8 Colombia Nice Too quite Quite (+) -

Source: ACRE Survey, 2008

81 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Table 7.15 - Global satisfaction with the city / Knowledge workers ID Home Architecture Dissatisfaction Atmosphere/ Transports Culture country Tolerance (urban) K1 Great Britain nice small village (+) miss metro (+) (-) lines K2 Norway very nice centre awful lively (+/-) miss bicycle (+) neighbourhood lanes

K3 Mali consistent, clean traffic (+/-) service stops (+) too early

K4 Korea small-town character lack of identity (+/-) (+)

K5 Chile/Spain homogenous, no high centre open to cars (+/-) (+) buildings (-)

K6 Bulgaria charming, lively style (+) (+)

K7 Sweden very nice centre (+) (+)

K8 U.S.A./ small centre, cute selfish people (car) generosity good (+) (-) Ireland (+/-)

K9 India/GB good general location generosity (+) too early (+)

K10 Spain quite nice (+) (+) (-)

K11 Canada mix of old and new, centre open to cars friendliness (+) (+) (-) diversity (-) K12 Tunisia very nice (+) (-)

K13 Colombia nice (+) not enough (-)

K14 Senegal very nice city (-) (+)

K15 Germany lit up, beautiful centre not very nice nice people (+/-) congestion (+) countryside

K16 Austria very good drunk people at nice people (+) (+) night

K17 Canada good, small places (-) ?

K18 Colombia towards gated cold climate depressive very satisfied (+) communities? people (-)

K19 Great Britain not very clean not innovating and easy contacts (+) congestion (-) dynamic

K20 Italy dynamic city open spaces not (+) congestion (+) preserved

K21 Germany proximity markets (+) congestion/ (+) (-) too early

Source: ACRE Survey, 2008

82 RESULTS

7.4 Reasons to stay in or to leave Toulouse

In this part, we have tried to identify the reasons that would make the international knowledge and creative foreign workers decide either to stay in or to leave Toulouse in the future. Same coding as the reasons to move to Toulouse is used to account for the reasons to stay in the city.

1. Studies 2. Job 3. Social links 4. Personal life 5. Soft factors

7.4.1 Reasons to stay in Toulouse

Hard factor of employment plays an important role in the decision of knowledge workers to stay in the city (Table 7.16). The spouse’s professional situation plays often in the decision to settle in the city.

‘I’ve followed my wife, who is French, from Colombia to France, only to be close to our children when we divorced.’ (K18, Colombia)

‘The first time that I came in Toulouse, it was for professional reason, the second time, I wanted to come back because my wife lives here.’ (K19, United Kingdom)

The possibility to create one’s own company, related (or not) to the economic specialisation of the city might influence the will of migrants to remain in Toulouse.

‘It seems to me that it is much easier to change one’s lifestyle, compared to Italy. You also receive more helps when you do not work and this is very important to survive and realise a project (...)’ (K20, Italy)

‘I really like the space sector (...). It is an activity that one does not find in many places in Europe. So it makes an important reason to stay in Toulouse (K2, Norway)

For migrants coming from Spain or Italy, higher wages are also an important reason not to leave the city.

‘I wanted to remain in France especially for the technical aspect, but also because an engineer or a young graduate, receives higher incomes here than in Spain.’ (K10, Spain)

‘There is an enormous difference, wages are much higher compared to Italy. The standard of living is also different. Life in France is more expensive’ (K20, Italy)

83 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

More than half of the sub-sample cites a soft factor, related to quality of life, as a reason to stay in the city. It is always combined with one or two other reasons, mostly linked to satisfaction towards their job’s situation.

Table 7.16 - Reasons to stay in Toulouse for Knowledge workers ID Origin Country Reasons to stay K1 GB 3/2/5 K2 Norway 4/2/5 K3 Mali 2/5 K4 South Korea 2 K5 Chile 4/3/5 K6 Bulgaria 3/5 K7 Sweden 2/4/5 K8 United States 2 K9 GB 2/4/5 K10 Spain 2/5 K11 Canada 2/4 K12 Tunisia 2/5 K13 Colombia 2 K14 Senegal 4/5/2 K15 Germany 2/3/5 K16 Austria 2 K17 Canada 2/5 K18 Colombia 4 K19 Great Britain 4/2 K20 Italy 2 K21 Germany 2

One case can be mentioned as specific regarding this issue, as the interviewee came back to Toulouse after being returned in his home country for a few months.

‘I arrived just like that. It was a bit crazy actually. I took the plane really late, almost missed it. I turned up at about midnight at a Colombian mate who didn’t even know that I was coming... I had told me ‘you come whenever you want’, so I came indeed, like that... Then I’ve been squatting around by friends who were really nice and in solidarity.’ (K1, United Kingdom)

Twelve years later, this person is still living there and do not really plan to leave the city, except for Latin America for instance. One might talk of the role of soft factors (atmosphere, diversity, friendliness) in his case because he did not come back for a professional reason.

The size and the general atmosphere of the city are often mentioned by the knowledge migrants. This aspect can even be considered as more important than the level of income.

‘I’ve felt immediately well in this city, although I had no family there. If I wake up tomorrow and I go to Paris to find a job, I will have all the chances to find one but I would not have this aspect... I mean that life in Toulouse is globally, for the moment, easier for everything.’ (K3, Mali)

84 RESULTS

‘We had the choice between a professional career and a nicer environment like Toulouse, a small city with sun, nice weather (...). My husband would have received a much higher wage in Paris, but he felt that it was a choice for a quality of life.’ (K5, Chile/Spain)

The geographical location of Toulouse, compared to other cities in France, can also much influence the decision to stay.

‘Compared to many other cities in France, Toulouse is the best city to live in. I did not want to live elsewhere in France, because in Nantes for instance, even if we were closer to the sea, mountains missed too much (...). I did not like it too much, it was not lively enough. I found Grenoble was great in the middle of the mountains, but too much pollution... Eventually I did not find better than Toulouse.’ (K2, Norway)

In the creative workers’ case, reasons to stay are much more strongly related to personal life and couple’s situations (married or living with someone, having children...).

Getting married (or at least finding a friend) is mentioned as an important reason not to leave the city. Job appears as a second motivation to stay but further analyses show that in this sample, it also plays as a negative factor, leading to the decision to leave the city one day. These interviewees are often much more critical towards the global atmosphere of the city. Only three of them mention and rank last a soft factor as a reason to stay in Toulouse.

Table 7.17 - Reasons to stay in Toulouse for Creative workers ID Origin country Reasons to stay C1 Germany 4/2/5 C2 Italy 4/2 C3 Colombia 4/2/3 C4 Bielorussia 3/2 C5 Romania 4 C6 Italy 2/4/3 C7 Mexico 3/5 C8 Colombia 4/3/5

7.4.2 Reasons to leave Toulouse

The high level of taxes is mentioned by migrants who have created (K19) or who plan to create (K3) a company in France.

‘When one talks about this, I think indeed to Anglo-Saxon countries, where social benefits are certainly less important, but taxes are also much lower. The other day, I was talking of the United States or Canada, where I could go and settle actually in a few years, if I realise that the French tax system weighs too heavy compared to what I have.’ (K3, Mali)

85 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Salaries are also mentioned by people that would receive a higher income if they were doing the same job in their home country (K2, Norway). The general cost of living also plays a role in some cases.

‘Incomes in Toulouse are rather low compared to the cost of living. I saw that in Spain, life is less expensive there, value added tax (TVA) is lower.’ (K19, United Kingdom)

Professional dissatisfactions, much higher for creative workers (See 7.2.4), are also a reason to leave the city for some knowledge workers.

‘Either I am in a firm here in Toulouse, where I can turn my qualifications to good account, - then I stay in Toulouse – or if I don’t find here and I won’t have any problem with leaving the city tomorrow to go and search opportunities elsewhere. (...) Why is it easier to work and make one’s competences attractive in a city like Paris, and why is it completely the opposite in Toulouse?’ (K14, Senegal)

‘If we can make it in Toulouse, we will stay (...). If I can’t find a grant for my PhD thesis, it could mean another moving in the next two years, knowing that my husband is ready to move. He’s employed at Motorola for 8 years, he’s not against the idea of moving again.’ (K11, Canada)

Some surveyed migrants are attracted by larger cities than Toulouse.

‘I like very big cities. If I find the same job in a larger city, I think I will leave Toulouse. It is not the city that makes me stay. (K4, Korea)

‘I’m ready to leave Toulouse. But it has nothing to do with Toulouse really, it’s just the fact that I’m here for 12 years. It’s not that I’m not happy here, but I think I know it now. It is still and all limited sometimes. Do I need to go to Paris? I don’t know. I don’t really feel I want to leave in Paris. There are benefits to live here, precisely because of the size of the city.’ (K8, Unites States / Ireland)

Soft factors, like weather and climate, but also the inhabitants’ mindset might also play a role in the decision to leave a country. South Americans in particular seem to suffer from a colder climate very much. Some migrants also mention other types of social relationships they could find if they were moving elsewhere.

‘(...) I does not mean that I will go and live there (Colombia); I might go to Argentina, I’d like to experience Latin America once again, because there is a human richness. There is a human warmth that I did not find in France, something misses to me. That’s this spirit to feel that tomorrow, it’s over, so you must take advantage of things today, the fact to live each day as it comes. Here one makes long term projects, there an anxiety regarding the purchasing power (...). There (South America), there are people who have lost everything, they did it again.’ (K18, Colombia)

86 RESULTS

‘People have 3 or 4 friends and then, it’s enough, stop. They are rather closed from this point of view. French do not really like to move from one region to another, so people that are here are often native from here or from the surroundings. They have their friends there, their high schools’ friends, things like that. (K8, United Kingdom)

The same type of observation has been made by someone who finds it difficult to meet people of the same age in Toulouse (35).

‘What disappointed me the most, is that I don’t know how to meet other foreigners. I was expecting to meet people from Airbus, even if I do not work there. At the personal level, to have a romantic life, to meet friends. People I meet are mostly students or married wives with children and they don’t want to go out at night. I don’t like to go to English pubs. Meeting people at the pub, it’s not my habits.’ (K17, Canada)

7.5 Suggestions

Interviewees were asked what could be done to improve the highly skilled international migrants’ situation in general. One important suggestion concerns the information issue, which is globally considered as insufficient, especially for people who had never been in France before.

‘(...) A welcoming centre that would explain how to integrate, especially from a cultural point of view for those who never came in France, in Europe, or who have never moved from their home country. (...) It is not only giving financial aids all the time, but the most important is to make an effort of explication.’ (K3, Mali)

‘My wife is looking for a job, she can’t even register to the National office for employment. She doesn’t speak French very good, she does not even know how to search; information misses.’ (K4, Korea)

This can also concern the everyday life, for instance information in the public transports.

‘(...) in the metro, in the bus, it’s a shame that information is not translated in several languages. This could be improved. This is something important to take into account, especially when one arrives in an international city. Unfortunately, it’s not the case.’ (K3, Mali)

87 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Considering what has been said before about services for foreigners (7.2.3), interviewees suggest improvements regarding administrative processes and information for qualified workers.

‘(...) having a welcoming point that would help and ease all the processes like opening a bank account, finding a dwelling, etc. (...) Improving this welcoming question and explain things to people. It’s difficult sometimes to find the useful information.’ (K8, United States / Ireland)

‘One learns things completely by chance. There is few information and you really have to search for it and you need energy to search it.’ (K9, India / United Kingdom)

‘(...) create a structure that could be representative for these migrants, that could favour their professional insertion’ (K14, Senegal)

‘The Toulouse web site should have a complete English version, with specific information for migrants.’ (K16, Austria)

‘It might be difficult to do, but Toulouse should be better known at the European scale, so that it would appear more like a choice before. Work on the communication. At the university, when people get graduated in Belgium or the Netherlands, they search where they could work, that’s here that one should catch them, when they are qualified.’ (K19 United Kingdom)

‘A centre that would inform on the social structures, all you need to start working in France, the equivalence of diplomas (...). There are many German women here who do not work because even if they have had an experience, even if they have worked for French organisms, they don’t find work because I don’t know what is wrong with their training or studies.’ (K21, Germany)

Other suggestions are made regarding the learning of the French language.

‘(...) help to learn French. This type of things is not easy, I think more sensitivity and more structures are needed.’ (K9 India / United Kingdom)

‘French courses in Paris are very well developed. Here, not at all. (...) The Alliance Française does not propose appropriate courses for people that come to settle and work here. I went there for 2 or 3 months, it hasn’t been useful for me.’ (K5 Chile / Spain)

8 CONCLUSIONS

Toulouse is currently one of the fastest growing city in France, attracting inhabitants from adjacent areas or from farther. As far as the foreign population is concerned, waves of immigration in the 20th century concerned Spanish people mostly fleeing a dictatorial regime, then migrants from Northern and Western Africa, looking for job opportunities and better conditions of living in France. Highly skilled labour migration in Toulouse much relies on the aeronautic, space, electronic and computing activities that strongly developed from the 1980s on. Though this study shows that highly skilled trans-national migrants might come from very different horizons, both geographically and socially, and with different types of expectations.

Why did they choose Toulouse as a city for studying, working and living? The ‘higher education factor’ plays a great role in the reasons of knowledge foreigners to come to Toulouse. Most of the respondents have had an experience with engineers’ schools or universities either as student or employee. Creative workers also massively come to study in France, but their choice of Toulouse is more driven by the existence of social links. Activities present in the creative sub-sample relate to music, motion picture and video, design, press and fashion industry. These sectors, as we saw in previous ACRE work package (WP6), are not representative of the local economy. Higher education structures, providing quality training in human sciences or arts do exist in Toulouse, but they do not present any specificities compared to other cities of the province.

Even if it has nearly 12 per cent of foreign population on its ground, Toulouse is not known abroad. Migrants interviewed in this study were not attracted by the city itself. This is proved by the high number of respondents who did not know anything before coming in the city. Even those who had heard about it for the specialisations in aeronautics and space, did not know much about the city.

This entails sometimes some disappointments or good surprises. The image associated to the ‘Europe’s capital of aerospace industry’ is the one of a large city. Some migrants had regrets, at the beginning, not to have chosen a larger metropolis in France or abroad. Paradoxically, the medium size of Toulouse is then often mentioned as an asset to stay longer. Discovering the historic core city seduces some migrants and displeases others, who find it too old, often compared to other urban context they are used to. Apart from three South-Americans who find it too cold, warm weather and a southern climate are generally prized by all the foreign migrants whatever their origin country. Dwellings are considered as expensive but affordable for those who want to live in the centre, as the majority of the sample does.

Knowledge and creative workers do not share the same types of worrying regarding the living environment and the city. Congestion and weaknesses of urban transports worry knowledge workers much more, mainly due to their working place in areas that are not well connected to

89 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS the rest of the city (Blagnac, Saint-Martin-du-Touch, Labège...). This arouses concerns about the inadequate size and insufficient infrastructures of an ‘international city’.

Creative workers finally deplore the lack of identity and the sleepy trend of a ‘provincial’ city. Cultural life is not as lively as they would have expected. In general, culture is an important element for all the interviewed migrants, and some of them find that, although significant, cultural activities are not enough developed in Toulouse. This also relates to the growth and the size of the 4th city in France for demography and first city for aerospace industries. Compared to other cities migrants have lived in, like Barcelona, Munich, Bucarest, Sofia or Hamburg, the cultural offer does not reach their expectations. Unlike Nantes, the city is not considered as particularly innovative and it also lacks international events. Intolerance to noise related to night life in the core city is observed, which makes neighbourhood relations uneasy and might prevent cultural events from taking place sometimes.

These points and next observations should be explored further in the next stages of the ACRE programme and in the perspective of policy recommendations. Target group of trans-national migrants is by definition highly mobile and this makes it difficult for them to know if they are going to stay or not in Toulouse. Some feel like experiencing a larger city, others going back to their home countries. The evolution of their professional and personal situation will be decisive in many cases. The centralisation of artistic and cultural activities in Paris weakens the possibilities for foreign migrants, although highly qualified in these sectors, to find a job in Toulouse. This concerns mostly music and film making, but also fashion, design, and advertising related occupations. The lack of ambition of the city regarding these activities is underlined, like in the managers’ case study (Martin-Brelot et al. 2008). However foreign migrants shed light on another side of the problem, by mentioning the structure of the local consumers’ market as a reason for this sectorial weakness. They less insist on the political responsibility on these questions, probably because of their status of foreigners.

Toulouse is globally perceived as an open and tolerant city. Foreign migrants interviewed do not perceive so clearly the socio-spatial divisions in the city, even if they can feel it. This much depends on the origins and anterior experiences in the home country. Thus Latin- Americans feel welcome in Toulouse and are often involved in the organisation of events related to the Hispanic culture. The other migrants (especially from Eastern Europe) generally tend to deplore the lack of curiosity towards their culture. Almost all the interviewees severely criticise the administrative processes to obtain resident permits, both because they find it unusefully long and complicated and especially because they sometimes really felt racist behaviours toward other migrants in the Préfecture services. The issue of equivalences of diploma should also be addressed seriously.

Suggestions made by interviewed highly skilled foreign migrants in this study revolve around the improvement of information processes. This concerns explanations at the arrival in the city and later on, to search for activities, jobs, etc. Here again, the observations point out the inadequacy between the growing size of the city, becoming ‘international’, and the level of services provided.

REFERENCES

Adams, W. (1968) The brain drain. New York: Macmillan. Agence française pour les investissements internationaux (2008) Rapport 2007 sur les investissements étrangers en France. 41 pp. Angel, J.W. and V. Régnier (2006) Les groupes étrangers en France. En dix ans. 1.8 fois plus de salariés. Insee Première, 1069, March. Beaverstock, J.V. (1990) New international labour markets: The case of chartered accountants. Area, 22: 151-158. Beaverstock, J.V. (1994) Rethinking skilled international labor migration: world cities and banking organizations. Geoforum, 25 (3): 323-338. Beaverstock, J.V. (1996) Revisiting high-waged labor-market demand in the global cities: British professional and managerial workers in New-York-City. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 20: 422-445. Beaverstock, J.V. (2002) Transnational elites in global cities: British expatriates in Singapore’s financial district. Geoforum, 33 (4): 525-538. Boëldieu, J. and C. Borrel (2000) La proportion d’immigrés est stable depuis 25 ans. Insee Première, 748, November. Bonnaud, J. (1971) Les travailleurs étrangers dans la région Midi-Pyrénées. Toulouse. Ministère du travail de l’emploi et de la population: 120 + appendice. Borrel, C. (2006) Enquêtes annuelles de recensement 2004 et 2005. Insee Première, 1098, August. Boyle, M., A.M. Findlay, E. Lelièvre and R. Paddison (1994) French investment and skill transfer in the United Kingdom. In: W.T.S. Gould and A.M. Findlay (eds), Population migration and the changing world order, pp. 47–65. London: John Wiley. Brosseau, M., P. Garvie, L.Q. Chen and A. Langlois (1996) Canadian urban landscape examples, 14. The mega-houses of Kerrisdale, Vancouver: Chronicle of a neighborhood in transition. Canadian Geographer-Geographe Canadien, 40: 164-172. Bürkner, H.-J. (2000) Transnationalisierung von Migrationsprozessen – eine konzeptionelle Herausforderung für die geographische Migrationsforschung? In: H.H. Blotevogel et al. (eds.), Lokal verankert, weltweit vernetzt, pp. 301-304. Stuttgart. Bürkner, H.-J. (2005) Transnationale Migration. Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftsgeographie, 49 (2): 113- 122. Bürkner, H.-J. and W. Heller (2008) Theoretische Ansätze zur Erklärung internationaler Arbeitsmigration und ihr Beitrag zur Diskussion um globale Verflechtungen. In: E.W. Schamp (ed.), Handbuch des Geographie-Unterrichts, pp. 37-48. Köln. CFME-ACTIM (1997) Enquête ‘18-28 ans et l'emploi à l'international’, May. Clermont, F., C. Lafon, H. Quin, B. Ballet and M.-J. Pecastaing (2007) L'année touristique 2006 en Midi-Pyrénées. Dossier annuel Insee Midi-Pyrénées, 141. Conradson, D. and A. Latham, A. (2005) Friendship, networks and transnationality in a world city: Antipodean transmigrants in London. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 31: 287-305. Cormode, L. (1994) Japanese Foreign Direct Investment and the circulation of personnel from Japan to Canada. In: W. Gould and A.M. Findlay (eds.), Population migration and the changing world order, pp. 67-89. London: John Wiley. Desbordes, F., M.-C. Jaillet and B. Navareau (2005) Les nouveaux arrivants dans l'aire urbaine de Toulouse. AUAT. SMEAT-Conseil de développement: 40 +1 CD-ROM.

91 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Daguet, F. and S. Thave (1996) La population immigrée. Le résultat d’une longue histoire. Insee Première, 458, June. Fassmann, H. (2008). Zirkuläre Arbeitsmigration in Europa - eine kritische Reflexion. In: K. Friedrich and A. Schultz (eds.), Brain drain oder brain circulation? Konsequenzen und Perspektiven der Ost-West-Migration, pp. 21-29. Leibniz-Institut für Länderkunde, Leipzig, Heft 8. Fawcett, J.T. (1989) Networks, linkages, and migration systems. International Migration Review, 23 (3, Special Silver Anniversary Issue: International migration, an assessment for the 90’s): 671- 680. Findlay, A. (1988) From settlers to skilled transients. Geoforum 19: 401-410. Findlay, A.-M (1995) Skilled transients: The invisible phenomenon? In: T. Cohen (ed), The Cambridge Survey of World Migration, pp. 515-522. Cambridge: CUP Findlay, A.M. and L. Garrick (1990) Scottish emigration in the 1980s: A migration channels approach to the study of international migration. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 15 (2): 177-192. Findlay, A. and W.T.S. Gould (1989) Skilled international migration: a research agenda. Area, 21 (1): 3-11. Florida, R. (2002) The Rise of the Creative Class. New York: Basis Books. Florida, R. (2007) The Flight of the Creative Class. The New Global Competition for Talent. New York: Harper Collins. Florida, R. (2008) Who’s your city? How the Creative Economy Is Making Where to Live the Most Important Decision of Your Life. Random House Canada. Freund, B. (1998) Der Frankfurter Raum als Ziel qualifizierter Migranten. Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftsgeographie, 42: 57-81. Friedmann, J. (1986) The world city hypothesis. Development and Change, 17: 69-83. Glebe, G. (1986) Segregation and intraurban mobility of a high-status ethnic group: the case of the Japanese in Düsseldorf. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 9: 461-483. Glebe, G. (1997) Statushohe ausländische Migranten in Deutschland. Geographische Rundschau, 49: 406-412. Glick Schiller, N., L. Basch and C. Blanc Szanton (1992) Towards a transnational perspective on migration: race, class, ethnicity and nationalism reconsidered. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. Grossetti, M., J.M. Zuliani and R. Guillaume (2006) La spécialisation cognitive: les systèmes locaux de compétences, Les Annales de la recherche urbaine n°101, pp. 23-31. Haug, S. (2000) Klassische und neuere Theorien der Migration. Mannheim. Heran, F. (2004) Cinq idées reçues sur l’immigration. Population & Sociétés, 397, January. Hiebert, D. (2000) Immigration and the changing Canadian city. Canadian Geographer-Geographe Canadien, 44: 25-43. http://www.lboro.ac.uk/gawc/ Homepage of Globalisation and World Cities Research Network (last accessed 25 February 2009). Gáková, Z. and L. Dijkstra (2008) Labour mobility between the regions of the EU-27 and a comparison with the USA. European Commission. Regional Policy. Regional Focus, 02: 8. Gentil, B. (2003) La population étrangère immatriculée à l’étranger est en forte hausse. Insee Première, 919, August. INSEE (2008) La forte attractivité toulousaine influe sur le marché du logement. 6 pages, 113. INSEE Midi-Pyrénées (2007) TEMP 2007. Tableaux économiques de Midi-Pyrénées. Toulouse. INSEE Midi-Pyrénées (2008) L’année économique 2007 en Midi-Pyrénées: 84. INSEE-AUAT (2002) Atlas de l’aire urbaine de Toulouse. Institut National de la Statistique et des Études Économiques. Agence d’Urbanisme et d’Aménagement du Territoire. Jubin, B. and P. Lignières (2007) La guerre pour les cerveaux. Weil T. (dir.). mémoire de l’Ecole des Mines. Paris.

92 REFERENCES

Kahn, A. (2007) Relativiser la fuite des cerveaux. Le Monde, 21st June. Kanjanapan, W. (1995) The immigration of Asian professionals to the United States: 1988-1990. International Migration Review, 29 (1): 7-32. Kibbelaar, P. (2007) The art of being a foreigner in Amsterdam. 17 visies op diversiteit in de creatieve sector. Amsterdam: BIS Publishers. Kneer, G. (1996) Migration und Konstruktion. Das push-pull-Modell aus der Sicht einer konstruktivistischen Migrationstheorie. Zeitschrift für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde, 19 (1): 32-42. Koser, K. and J. Salt (1997) The Geography of Highly Skilled International Migration. International Journal of Population Geography, 3: 285-303. Kovacs, Z., A. Murie, S. Musterd, O. Gritsai and H. Pethe (2007) Comparing paths of creative knowledge regions. ACRE report 3. Amsterdam: AMIDSt, 62 pp. Lebhart, G. (2002) Internationale Migration: Hypothesen, Perspektiven und Theorien. Berlin. Lee, E.S. (1972) Eine Theorie der Wanderung. In: G. Szell (ed.), Regionale Mobilität, pp. 115-129. München. Lewis, W.A. (1954) Economic Development with Unlimited Supplies of Labor. The Manchester School of Economic and Social Studies, 22: 139-191. Ley, D. and J. Tutchener (2001) Immigration, globalisation and house prices in Canada's gateway cities. Housing Studies, 16: 199-223. Leriche, F., J.-M. Zuliani (2007) L’industrie aéronautique toulousaine et la déplétion pétrolière: quelles perpectives? Géographie, économie, société, 7 (1): 19-38. Martin-Brelot, H., M. Grossetti, E. Peyroux, D. Eckert and C. Thouzellier (2008) Career trajectories and residential satisfaction in Toulouse. Understanding the attractiveness of the metropolitan region for creative knowledge workers. ACRE report 5.11. Amsterdam: AMIDSt, 91pp. Martin-Brelot, H., M. Grossetti, D. Eckert and C. Thouzellier (2008) Main drivers for the settlement of creative industries in Toulouse: the manager's view. ACRE report 6.11. Amsterdam: AMIDSt, 74 pp. Massey, D.S., J. Arango, G. Huga, A. Kouaouci, A. Pellegrino and J.E. Taylor (1993) Theories of international migration: A review and appraisal. Population and Development Review, 19 (3): 431-466. Meusburger, P. (2008) Arbeitsplatzangebot, Bildungsverhalten und Mobilität von Hochqualifizierten. In: K. Friedrich and A. Schultz (eds.), Brain drain oder brain circulation? Konsequenzen und Perspektiven der Ost-West-Migration, pp. 31-42. Leipzig. Ministère des Affaires Etrangères (1998) Rapport sur l'émigration des jeunes Français. Direction des Français de l'étranger. Musterd, S., M. Bontje, C. Chapain, Z. Kovacs and A. Murie (2007) Accommodating creative knowledge. A literature review from a European perspective. ACRE report 1. Amsterdam: AMIDSt, 42pp. OECD (2007) A profile of Immigrant Population in the 21st Century. Data from OECD countries. OECD (2007) International Migration Outlook. SOPEMI. OECD (2008) France. Perspectives des Migrations Internationales. SOPEMI: 272-273. OFPRA (2008) De la grande guerre aux guerres sans nom. une histoire de l’Ofpra: 40. Brochure historique Ofpra BD.pdf Olds, K. (1998) Globalization and urban change: Tales from Vancouver via Hong Kong. Urban Geography, 19: 360-385. Olds, K. (2001) Gloablisation and urban change: Capital, culture and Pacific Rim mega-projects. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Olds, K. and H.W.C. Yeung (1999) (Re)shaping 'Chinese' business networks in a globalising era. Environment and Planning D-Society & Space, 17: 535-555.

93 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Pethe, H. (2006) Internationale Migration hoch qualifizierter Arbeitskräfte – Die Greencard – Regelung für Deutschland. Wiesbaden. Peyroux, E., D. Eckert and C. Thouzellier (eds) (2007) Toulouse: Embracing the knowledge economy. Pathways to creative and knowledge-based regions. ACRE report WP2.11. Amsterdam: AMIDSt. Peyroux, E., F. Laumière, F. Desbordes, J.M Zuliani. and C. Siino (2007) The creative and knowledge-intensive sectors in the Urban Area of Toulouse. Analysis of target group importance (employees, graduates, managers and international migrants). ACRE report WP4.11.Amsterdam: AMIDSt. Pries, L. (2001) The disruption of social and geographic space. Mexican-US migration and the emergence of transnational social spaces. International Sociology, 16 (1): 51-70. Pyrénéesinfo (2008) Région. Midi-Pyrénées. 4e région française. Les étrangers investissent chez nous. February. http://www.pyreneesinfo.fr. Radier, V. (2001) Fuite des cerveaux attention intox! Le Nouvel Observateur, 1910, 14th June. Réseau universitaire Toulouse Midi-Pyrénées (2007). Statistiques des étudiants étrangers dans l’Académie de Toulouse 2005-2006: 9. Salt, J. (1988) Highly-skilled international migrants, Careers and Internal Labor-Markets. Geoforum, 387-399. Sassen, S. (1996) Metropolen des Weltmarktes. Die neue Rolle der Global Cities. Frankfurt am Main / New York: Campus. Saxenian, A. (1999) Silicon Valley’s new immigrant entrepreneurs. Public Policy Institute of California. Saxenian, A. (2006) The New Argonauts. Regional advantage in a global economy. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Schipulle, H.P. (1973) Ausverkauf der Intelligenz aus Entwicklungsländern? Eine kritische Untersuchung zum Brain Drain. Munich: Weltforum-Verlag. Schultz, A. (2008) Brain drain aus Ostdeutschland? In: K. Friedrich and A. Schultz (eds.), Brain drain oder brain circulation? Konsequenzen und Perspektiven der Ost-West-Migration, pp. 51-62. Leipzig. Scott, A.-J. (2006a) Creative cities: Conceptual issues and policy questions. Journal of Urban Affairs, 28: 1-17. Scott, S. (2006b) The social morphology of skilled migration: The case of the British middle class in Paris. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 32: 1105-1129. Smith, M.-P. and L.-E. Guarnizo (eds.) (1998) Transnationalism from below. New Brunswick, N.J., and London: Transaction Publishers. Thierry, X. (2008) Les migrations internationales en Europe: vers l’harmonisation des statistiques. Population & Sociétés, 442, February: 1-4. Todaro, M.P. (1976) International migration in developing countries. A review of theory, evidence, methodology and research priorities. Geneva. Vertovec, S. (2007) Circular migration: The way forward in global policy? Oxford: International Migration Institute, University of Oxford. White, P. (1998) The settlement patterns of developed world migrants in London. Urban Studies, 35: 1725-1744. White, P. and L. Hurdley (2003) International migration and the housing market: Japanese corporate movers in London. Urban Studies, 40: 687-706. Wolter, A. (1997) Globalisierung der Beschäftigung. Multinationale Unternehmen als Kanal der Wanderung Höherqualifizierter innerhalb Europas. Baden-Baden: Nomos. Wolter, A. (1999). Von den unternehmensinternen zur unternehmensinduzierten Migration Höherqualifizierter in Europa. In: Wolter, A. (ed.). Migration in Europa: neue Dimensionen, neue Fragen, neue Antworten, Baden-Baden: Nomos, 38-55.

APPENDICES

Appendix 1: Figures on immigrants and foreign people

Tab 4.3A – Distribution of the population residing in Metropolitan France according to the place or birth and the nationality at different census years (numbers) Born in France Born abroad (métropole and DOM-TOM) Census Population French French by Forei- French French by Forei- Together year by birth acquisition gners by birth acquisition gners (1)+(2) (1) (2) 1911 39,192,00 37,652 85 218 127 168 942 1,110 1921 38,798,00 36,847 80 277 164 174 1,255 1,429 1926 40,228,00 37,384 45 325 187 204 2,084 2,288 1931 41,228,00 37,937 55 291 216 306 2,423 2,729 1936 41,183,00 38,220 100 288 248 416 1,910 2,326 1946 39,848,00 36,908 301 310 343 552 1,434 1,986 1954 42,781,00 39,571 295 245 377 773 1,520 2,293 1962 46,456,00 42,133 336 220 905 931 1,931 2,861 1968 49,756,00 44,009 297 402 1,766 1,019 2,262 3,281 1975 52,599,00 45,907 280 667 1,858 1,112 2,775 3,887 1982 54,296,00 47,169 254 845 1,991 1,167 2,870 4,037 1990 56,652,00 49,556 472 739 1,719 1,308 2,858 4,166 1999 58,520,00 51,340 800 510 1,560 1,560 2,750 4,310 2005 60,825,00 550 1,970 2,960 4,930 Sources: INSEE, Different National Census

Table 5.7A - Education level, per nationality, of foreign workers in the urban area in 1999 (at the working place) Without Diploma A-Level A-Level University University diploma lower than General technic degree degree A-level L3 M1, M2, PhD Germans 873 32 3,67 73 8,36 57 6,53 80 9,16 100 11,45 531 60,82 Belgians 287 28 9,76 40 13,94 44 15,33 24 8,36 54 18,82 97 33,80 Danish 24 0 0,00 0 0,00 8 33,33 4 16,67 0 0,00 12 50,00 Spaniards 1116 338 30,29 406 36,38 73 6,54 57 5,11 70 6,27 172 15,41 Greeks 9 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 9 100,00 Irish 88 0 0,00 4 4,55 12 13,64 4 4,55 16 18,18 52 59,09 Italians 714 134 18,77 238 33,33 53 7,42 65 9,10 59 8,26 165 23,11 Luxemburg s 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 Dutch 191 4 2,09 36 18,85 12 6,28 16 8,38 38 19,90 85 44,50 Portuguese 2819 1340 47,53 1217 43,17 85 3,02 45 1,60 54 1,92 78 2,77 British 828 28 3,38 76 9,18 52 6,28 93 11,23 115 13,89 464 56,04 Austrians 16 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 4 25,00 4 25,00 8 50,00 Finnish s 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 0 0,00 Swedish 42 0 0,00 8 19,05 4 9,52 4 9,52 4 9,52 22 52,38 Total UE 15 7007 1904 27,17 2098 29,94 400 5,71 396 5,65 514 7,34 1695 24,19 Europe outside UE 15 379 44 11,61 69 18,21 33 8,71 37 9,76 64 16,89 132 34,83 Algerians 1726 681 39,5 668 38,70 67 3,88 53 3,07 71 4,11 186 10,78 Moroccans 1725 675 39,1 613 35,54 110 6,38 66 3,83 102 5,91 159 9,22 Tunisians 480 162 33,8 206 42,92 16 3,33 24 5,00 16 3,33 56 11,67 Total Maghreb 3931 1518 38,6 1487 37,83 193 4,91 143 3,64 189 4,81 401 10,20 Africa outside Maghreb 966 115 11,9 269 27,85 108 11,18 33 3,42 202 20,91 239 24,74 Asia 953 352 36,94 245 25,71 74 7,76 16 1,68 74 7,76 192 20,15 Americans (U.S.) 170 4 2,35 8 4,71 8 4,71 0 0,00 53 31,18 97 57,06 Canadians 72 0 0,00 8 11,11 16 22,22 0 0,00 12 16,67 36 50,00 Central & South America 201 36 17,91 52 25,87 17 8,46 8 3,98 22 10,95 66 32,84 Oceania 22 0 0,00 8 36,36 8 36,36 0,00 2 9,09 4 18,18

Total 13758 3985 28,96 4252 30,91 861 6,26 633 4,60 1137 8,26 2890 21,01 Source: INSEE, National Census, 1999.

96 APPENDICES

Appendix 2: List of acronyms

ACSÉ - Agence nationale pour la cohésion sociale et l'égalité des chances (National agency for social cohesion and equal opportunities)

ANAEM - Agence Nationale de l’Accueil des Etrangers et des Migrations (French agency in charge of migration and welcoming foreign people)

APT - Autorisation Provisoire de Travail (Temporary Work Permit)

CAI - Contrat d’Accueil et d’Intégration (Accommodation and Integration Contract)

DDTEFP - Direction Départementale du Travail, de l’Emploi et de la Formation Professionnelle (Local Labor Department)

OFII - Office Français de l’Immigration et de l’Intégration (French Office for Immigration and Integration)

OFPRA - Office Français de Protection des Réfugiés et Apatrides (French Office for the Protection of Refugees and Stateless Persons)

OMI - Office des Migrations Internationales (Office for International Migrations)

ONI - Office National pour l’Immigration (National Office for Immigration)

SSAE - Service Social d’Aide aux Emigrants (Social Service for Aid to Emigrants)

97 THE VIEW OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRANTS

Appendix 3: WP7 Topic guide for the interviews with highly skilled migrants

(after pre-test for Toulouse)

Start of the interview:

- Short introduction of ACRE - Permission to record the interview

- What have you done before coming to Toulouse? (personal trajectory)

Birth and places of residence Studies (where. when. what?) First jobs (see short questionnaire) Have you lived elsewhere (other country or cities before coming here)?

- How did you come to live in Toulouse?

- Did you study here? - Are you here with your family? - What did you know about Toulouse before you came? How many people did you know? - Where have you lived when you arrived? - Where do you live now? (neighborhoods)? Fro how long?

- When you think back to your first months in Toulouse. how did you experience the first time after you came from abroad? - Did you get support? (E.g. by your company. the city. friends in xy…) - How did you find your accommodation (relocation service. own search...)? - How was the paper work? - How much did you pay yourself for the international move? - Did you miss a certain type of support?

- How did you find your first job Toulouse?

- Own search//I was offered the job - Own internet search - Sent by the company - Advertisement (newspaper / internet) - Open application - Family/Friends - Other. what?

98 APPENDICES

- Where do you work? Could you please describe your actual working situations?

- Position. job - What do you like about your job situation / what do you not like? - How satisfied are you with your situation? - Would you like to change something?

- Motivations to come (and remain) in Toulouse

* Hard factors / Professionnal et economic factors:

- Quality of education. training offer - Employment opportunities. incomes. working environment / conditions – working hours. type of contracts. executive level. routine –project activities. carreer opportunities - good international accessibility of Toulouse. transport infrastructure and public transport facilities. - public social infrastructure (availability of kindergartens. (international) schools. higher education). - technical infrastructure. - price of housing - price of living - availability of subsidies (e.g. for artists). - tax incentives. other?

*Soft factors (and personal social networks)

- Partner. parents. friends. other relations: role played by these persons in the decision to settle / stay in Toulouse - tolerance. acceptance of diversity. equality. openness or strong social cohesion. civil society - Are you member of an association? - Do you have relations with other foreigners (same country or other); French? - quality of life (spare time activities. subcultural scene - quality of the environment (landscape. culture and tourism sights etc.) - attractive residential environment. attractive architecture. housing conditions - (problems or opportunities encountered until now in Toulouse) - - How satisfied are your altogether with your situation in Toulouse? What do you like? What do you not like?

Future:

What are your future plans? What do you think can be done to improve the situation of highly skilled migrants in the creative knowledge industry in xy? Would you like to add something?

Table of Contents