Lawyers' Litigation Forecasts Play an Integral Role in the Justice System
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Pride & Prejudice
» AUTUMN 2005 VOL 5 ISSUE 3 NEWSLETTER ISSN 1378-577X www.ilga-europe.org PRIDEPRIDE && PREJUDICEPREJUDICE » Amnesty International on freedom of expression » Chisinau,( Bucharest, Warsaw, Riga… is Moscow next? » free speech versus religious belief The European Region of the International Lesbian and Gay Association avenue de Tervueren 94 Bank account # 310-1844088-10 1040 Brussels, Belgium ING Belgique Phone +32 2 609 54 10 ETT-CINQUANTENAIRE Fax +32 2 609 54 19 avenue de Tervueren 10 [email protected] 1040 ETTERBEEK www.ilga-europe.org IBAN BE41 3101 8440 8810 BIC (SWIFT): BBRUBEBB Table of Contents 3 Staff news Message from Patricia 4 ILGA European Conference 5 Revising ILGA-Europe Constitution A very warm welcome to the autumn edition of our 6 News from ILGA-Europe Newsletter! 7 Queer Solidarity Hope you all had a nice summer. For some of us, summer was a 8 Amnesty International on freedom of expression 12 Moldova: court overruled a ban on LGBT demonstration relaxing and carefree period; for others, it was a frantically busy 12 Poland: law and justice for all? time, organising pride events. For many in Europe, the summer 14 Latvia: homophobia tales to the streets ended up being very hot! While in many places the Pride events 16 Romania: victory for LGBT community were as colourful and celebratory as usual, in some parts of 17 Russia: passions around pride event Europe they resulted in bitter battles against discrimination and 18 Netherlands: freedom of speech v religious belief homophobia. LGBT people in some corners of Europe have had 19 News clips to challenge not only ultra nationalists and Christian fundamental- ists, but also Prime Ministers (Latvia) and city mayors (Chisinau,( Warsaw, Bucharest) for their right to peaceful demonstration and The ILGA-Europe Newsletter is Anmeghichean, Stephen Barris, the quarterly newsletter of Anders Dahlbeck, Diane Fisher, expression. -
The Kremlin's Proxy War on Independent Journalism
Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper University of Oxford WEEDING OUT THE UPSTARTS: THE KREMLIN’S PROXY WAR ON INDEPENDENT JOURNALISM by Alexey Eremenko Trinity Term 2015 Sponsor: The Wincott Foundation 1 Table of Contents: ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 3 INTRODUCTION 4 1. INTERNET & FREEDOM 7 1.1 STATISTICAL OVERVIEW 7 1.2 MEDIA REGULATIONS 8 1.3 SITES USED 9 2. ‘LINKS OF THE GODDAMN CHAIN’ 12 2.1 EDITORIAL TAKEOVER 12 2.2 DIRECT HIT 17 2.3 FINDINGS 22 3. THE MISSING LINKS 24 3.1 THE UNAFFECTED 24 3.2 WHAT’S NOT DONE 26 4. MORE PUTIN! A CASE STUDY IN COVERAGE CHANGE 30 4.1 CATEGORIES 30 4.2 KEYWORDS 31 4.3 STORY SUBJECTS 32 4.4 SENTIMENT ANALYSIS 32 5. CONCLUSIONS 36 BIBLIOGRAPHY 38 2 Acknowledgments I am immensely grateful, first and foremost, to the fellows at the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, whose expertise and good spirits made for a Platonic ideal of a research environment. James Painter and John Lloyd provided invaluable academic insight, and my past and present employers at the Moscow Times and NBC News, respectively, have my undying gratitude for agreeing to spare me for three whole eventful months, an eternity in the news gathering business. Finally, my sponsor, the Wincott Foundation, and the Reuters Institute itself, believed in me and my topic enough to make this paper possible and deserve the ultimate credit for whatever meager contribution it makes to the academia and, hopefully, upholding the freedom of speech in the world. 3 Introduction “Freedom of speech was and remains a sacrosanct value of the Russian democracy,” Russian leader Vladimir Putin said in his first state of the nation in 2000. -
Sergey Kostyaev
Updated on 03/20/2021 SERGEI S. KOSTIAEV [email protected] EDUCATION Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ, Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy PhD program, 2017-22. ABD. Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia, the Institute for the US & Canadian studies, Candidate of political sciences (Russian equivalent of PhD), 2009 Dissertation: “Lobbying on U.S. Budget Process” Doctoral fieldwork conducted in Washington, D.C., U.S. in 2007-2008. Novosibirsk State University, Novosibirsk, Russia, Diploma with honors, 2004, in history, (GPA is 5.0 of 5.0), Thesis: “Formation and Development of U.S. Federal Lobbying Regulation Laws” Exchange programs Global Education Program, $155,983 for the period of September 5th, 2017 – August 30th, 2021. (partial tuition and partial stipend) Rutgers University, New Brunswick, N.J. Legislative Fellows Program. $5,000 for the period of March 26 - May 7, 2010. National Conference of State Legislatures, Washington, D.C. Fulbright visiting researcher program. $23,185 for the period of August 5, 2007 - June 30, 2008. Georgetown University, Washington, D.C. PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE Full time academic appointments 2014-17 Financial University under the Government of Russia, Moscow (Acting Deputy Chair of the Department of Applied Political Science 2014-2016; Associate Professor 2014- 17) Graduate courses taught: “Political & Economic Expertise” Undergraduate courses taught: “Political Consulting and Expertise” “Technology of Modern Lobbying” 2010‒2014 Senior Fellow, Institute of Scientific Information on Social Sciences, the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow Temporary and other appointments 2020 - Adjunct Faculty Member, School of Diplomacy and International Relations, Seton Hall University, South Orange, N.J. Hyflex mode “Research Project” Fall 2020 Hyflex mode “Investigating International Relations” Spring 2021 2017- Political Science Department, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, N.J. -
“As If They Fell from the Sky” RIGHTS Counterinsurgency, Rights Violations, and Rampant Impunity in Ingushetia WATCH
Russia HUMAN “As If They Fell From the Sky” RIGHTS Counterinsurgency, Rights Violations, and Rampant Impunity in Ingushetia WATCH “As If They Fell From the Sky” Counterinsurgency, Rights Violations, and Rampant Impunity in Ingushetia Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-345-5 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org June 2008 1-56432-345-5 “As If They Fell From the Sky” Counterinsurgency, Rights Violations, and Rampant Impunity in Ingushetia Map of Region.................................................................................................................... 1 I. Summary.........................................................................................................................2 II. Recommendations.......................................................................................................... 7 To the Government of the Russian Federation..................................................................7 To Russia’s International Partners ................................................................................. -
Russian-European Relations in the Balkans and Black Sea Region, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-52078-0 268 BIBLIOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY “Russia is Concentrating!”, Policy Brief of the Foundation for Strategic Culture,6 September 2006, available at: http://www.strategic-culture.org/news/ 2006/09/06/5593.html. “The Black Sea Region: New Conditions, Enduring Interests”, Russia and Eurasia Programme Seminar Summary, London: Chatham House, 16 January 2009. Abelles, M., Bellier, I., Mcdonald, M., An Anthropological Approach To The European Commission. Report to the European Commission. 1993 (halshs- 00467768) available at: https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00467768; last accessed 8 November 2016. Adams, T., Emerson, M., Mee, L., Vahl, M., Europe’s Black Sea Dimension, Brussels: CEPS, 2002. Adler-Nissen, R., Bourdieu in International Relations. Rethinking Key Concepts in IR, New York & London: Routledge, 2012. Alexadrova-Arbatova, N., “The Balkan Test for Russia”, in V. Baranovski (ed.), Russia and Europe: The Emerging Security Agenda, SIPRI, Oxford University Press, 1997, 403–424. Alwin, D. F., Krosnick, J. A., Aging, Cohorts, and the Stability of Sociopolitical Orientations Over the Life Span, American Journal of Sociology, 97(1), 1991, 169–195. Anderman, K., et al., Russia-EU External Security and Relations: Russian Policy and Perceptions. Defence Analysis, Stockholm: Swedish Defence Research Agency, February, 2007. Anderson, B., Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, London, New York: Verso, 2006. © The Author(s) 2017 267 V. Samokhvalov, Russian-European Relations in the Balkans and Black Sea Region, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-52078-0 268 BIBLIOGRAPHY Arbatova, N., “Russia and NATO in South Eastern Europe”, in N. Kovalsky (ed.), Europe, The Mediterranean and Russia: Perceptions and Strategies, Moscow: Interdialect for Institute of Europe: RAN, 1998. -
02 Post-Putin Russia.1
On the Possible Foreign Policy of the Post-Putin Russia The Case of Alexei Navalny’s Viewpoints on Foreign Affairs Artem Patalakh The study delves into the foreign policy plans of Alexei Navalny, the Russian politician who is currently commonly regarded as the most prominent opposition leader and the sole plausible alternative to Vla- dimir Putin. Drawing on his interviews, public speeches, media publi- cations and electoral manifestos, the author analyses his foreign policy views alongside three topics, that is, Russia’s policies towards disput- ed lands and states in the post-Soviet area (Crimea, Donbas, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria), the country’s foreign policy orientation and priorities (especially regarding relations with the West) and assess- ment of the Putin regime’s foreign policy. Following this, the author speculates on the likely foundations of Russia’s foreign policy under Navalny’s possible presidency and their implications for the West. Keywords: Alexei Navalny, Crimea, Donbas war, Russian foreign policy, Russian opposition, Syrian civil war. In recent years, among all Russian opposition politicians, Alexei Na- valny, the leader of the Progress Party and the head of Anti-Corruption Foundation, has tended to be internationally considered as the most Artem Patalakh, On the Possible Foreign Policy of the Post-Soviet Russia: The Case of Alexei Navalny’s Viewpoints on Foreign Affairs, Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 12, no. 1: 9-31. © 2018 CEJISS. Article is distributed under Open Access licence: Attribution - NonCommercial 3.0 Unported (cc by-nc 3.0). influential and the only one who is potentially capable of defeating Vladimir Putin. -
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International Journal of Communication 8 (2014), 2899–2922 1932–8036/20140005 On the Dichotomy of Corporate vs. Alternative Journalism: OWS as Constructed by Echo of Moscow OLGA BAYSHA National Research University–Higher School of Economics Moscow, Russia This article argues that we need to be more cautious with the dichotomy between “corporate” and “alternative” media widely accepted within critical media studies. This division can be misleading, especially if applied to non-Western societies. I explicate my argument using the case study of the Russian alternative radio station, Echo of Moscow, and analyzing its coverage of the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) protests. My research is based on a qualitative content analysis of 73 hard news pieces on OWS that Echo of Moscow released from September 17 to November 18, 2011. The results of my analysis show that Echo’s framing of the OWS was typical “protest paradigm” framing, which corporate media usually employ when covering social protests. Keywords: alternative media, social movements, framing, protest paradigm, public sphere, Occupy Wall Street, Russia, Echo of Moscow It is widely recognized that in order to contribute to a more democratic society and world, social activists need rigorous critiques of corporate media networks and their nexuses with political-economic power. Indeed, it is difficult to argue against the claim that achieving economic justice, equality, and peace requires getting rid of all forms of censorship, systematic information exclusion, and propaganda. In other words, it is difficult to contest a normative democratic belief that to achieve social justice, we need to achieve a democratic condition in which nobody’s opinion is excluded and no aspect of reality is hidden from public view. -
Esi Manual the Russian Debate on the South Caucasus
ESI MANUAL THE RUSSIAN DEBATE ON THE SOUTH CAUCASUS: WHO IS WHO? Part 3: Russian Audiovisual Media Berlin – Istanbul, April 2010 2 Russian audiovisual media Table of Contents 1. TELEVISION ................................................................................................................................ 3 Channel One ............................................................................................................................... 4 Russia TV ................................................................................................................................... 7 NTV Television ........................................................................................................................ 10 REN TV ................................................................................................................................... 12 TV Center ................................................................................................................................. 14 RT............................................................................................................................................. 16 Channel 5 (5-tv) ....................................................................................................................... 17 2. RADIO ......................................................................................................................................... 20 Echo of Moscow (Ekho Moskvy) ........................................................................................... -
The Russian Television Industry in the Global Age
Moscow Goes Hollywood: The Russian Television Industry in the Global Age by Jeffrey R. Brassard A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Alberta © Jeffrey R. Brassard, 2017 Abstract This study examines ways that both authoritarian capitalism and global flows of culture have shaped the Russian television industry. This dissertation explores three main questions: How does the system of state-directed capitalism shape television production, particularly with regards to balancing propaganda and profit? What kinds of representations are possible on television in Russia under authoritarian capitalism? What is the relationship of the Russian television industry with other parts of the global media industry? To explore these questions, this dissertation examines the structure of the Russian television industry with particular attention given to the most important channels and production companies. In all cases, the relationship of these companies to both the Putin-led state and their level of integration with the global television marketplace is examined in-depth. Using a mix of semi-structured interviews with industry workers, analysis of industry trade journals, popular press and textual analysis, this dissertation examines four of the main television stations in the country all of whom have different relationships to the state. I argue that typical accounts of Russian media as merely serving the interests of the state are overly simplistic. The expectation that television channels or production companies linked to the ruling elite create programming that supports the Putin government’s nation-building efforts while commercial stations use their platforms to criticize the status-quo is shown to be erroneous. -
CONTROL? INTERNET CENSORSHIP and SURVEILLANCE in RUSSIA Update © Markus Spiske / Unsplash
TAKING CONTROL? INTERNET CENSORSHIP AND SURVEILLANCE IN RUSSIA update © Markus Spiske / Unsplash This is an update of the report “Taking Control? Internet Censorship and Surveillance in Russia” published by RSF in November 2019. The deadline for this update was 1 July 2021. You can find the English version at: www.reporter-ohne-grenzen.de/russiareport-update Дополнение к докладу „Всё под контролем: интернет-цензура и слежка в России“, опубликованномy РБГ в ноябре 2019 года. Информация по состоянию на 1 июля 2021 года. Русская версия доступна здесь: www.reporter-ohne-grenzen.de/doklad-update Grundlage dieses Updates ist der Bericht „Alles unter Kontrolle? Internetzensur und Überwachung in Russland“, den Reporter ohne Grenzen im November 2019 veröffentlicht hat. Redaktionsschluss für dieses Update war der 1. Juli 2021. www.reporter-ohne-grenzen.de/russlandbericht-update A REPORT BY REPORTERS WITHOUT BORDERS / AUGUST 2021 © Markus Spiske / Unsplash TABLE OF CONTENTSI 1 Overview 5 2 Laws restricting media and internet freedom 9 Chronology from December 2019 to July 2021 3 Lawsuits and brutality 22 Journalists, bloggers and tech companies under attack 4 Taking aim at international platforms 35 Authorities up the pressure on Facebook, Google and Twitter 5 Digital security training and scholarships 49 How RSF supports journalists and bloggers 6 Recommendations 52 OVERVIEW What a contrast to the mood in the country before the last elections in the summer of 2019! Back then, tens of thousands took to the streets after opposition candidates were excluded from regional elections in the biggest protests the country had seen 5 since the 2011/12 demonstrations against Vladimir Putin. -
Russia's Role in the Official Peace Process in South Ossetia
Bulletin of Geography. Socio–economic Series No. 23 (2014): 53–71 Bulletin of GeoGraphy. Socio–economic SerieS journal homepages: http://www.bulletinofgeography.umk.pl http://versita.com/bgss ISSN 1732–4254 quarterly russia’s role in the official peace process in South ossetia tomáš hoch1, cDMR, emil Souleimanov2, cDMR, tomáš Baranec3,DMR 1University of Ostrava, Faculty of Science, Department of Human Geography and Regional Development, Chittussiho 10, 710 00 Ostrava, Czech Republic; phone: +420 775 232 959, e-mail: [email protected], (corresponding author); 2Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Russian and East European Studies, U Kříže 8, 158 00 Praha 5 – Jinonice, Czech Republic, phone: +420 774 542 576, e-mail: [email protected]; 3The Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development, Tsereteli Ave 72, 0154 Tbilisi, Georgia, e-mail: [email protected] Hoch, T., Souleimanov, E. and Baranec, T., 2014: Russia’s role in the official peace process in South Ossetia. In: Szymańska, D. and Biegańska, J. editors, Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series, No. 23, Toruń: Nicolaus Copernicus University Press, pp. 53–71. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bog-2014-0004 abstract. The aim of this article is to analyse the role of Russia in the transfor- article details: mation of the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and analyse this important period in the Received: 05 August 2013 history of the Caucasus, where Georgia and its secessionist region of South Osse- Revised: 19 October 2013 tia have been trying to find a peaceful solution to their post-war situation. Major Accepted: 11 November 2013 milestones of the official peace process are set in the context of Russian-Georgian relations. -
R Ussian O Utlook
Spring 2011 Nyetizdat: How the Internet Is Building Civil Society in Russia By Leon Aron In the past decade, Russia has experienced explosive growth in the spread of the Internet and its applica- tions. As in other authoritarian regimes, where the national media are state controlled, censored, or self- censored, the Russian “net” has become “a shelter in the world of censorship.”1 In this “shelter” capacity, “Ru.net,” as it is known in Russia, is reminiscent of samizdat (literally, “self-publishing”), an under- ground network of banned fiction and nonfiction copied and clandestinely disseminated in the Soviet Union in the 1960s and 1970s. Samizdat was central to preserving at least a trickle of uncensored infor- mation during the bleakest years of the Brezhnev “stagnation,” and in doing so paved the way for pere- stroika and glasnost. In breaking outside the perimeter of officially sanctioned public debate, Ru.net harks back to its legendary predecessor. It thus may be named nyetizdat, since in Russian “no” and “net” have Russian Outlook Russian an identical spelling and sound.2 Growing daily in penetration and sophistication, nyetizdat is a major and evolving factor in Russian politics today and, even more so, tomorrow. f course, just as today’s authoritarian Russia Ois not the totalitarian Soviet Union of the 1970s, so too does nyetizdat differ from samizdat, Key points in this Outlook: not only in its medium but also in the regime’s • Russia can be divided into two nations: the management of it. Unlike the producers and con- “television nation” and the “Internet nation.” sumers of nyetizdat, those caught publishing, dis- Although most Russians still get their daily seminating, and reading samizdat could be fired from their jobs and expelled from colleges; at news from television, the minority who rely worst they were sent to prisons and camps.