Spatial Struggles of Latino Street Vendors

SPATIAL STRUGGLES OF LATINO STREET VENDORS

IN LOS ANGELES COUNTY

______

A Thesis

Presented

to the Faculty of

California State University Dominguez Hills

______

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts

Sociology

______

Melissa Tolosa

Fall 2017

MELISSA TOLOSA

2017

Para Mom Y Dad

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

To the women who helped guide me throughout this process, my mentors: Dr. Joanna Perez, Dr. Alexis McCurn, and Dr. Gretel Vera-Rosas. Thank you. I cannot forget the woman who encouraged me to work (work and work) to the best of my ability; the person who saw the potential I had even when I wanted to give up: Dr. Katy Pinto. To express my gratitude through these words is not nearly enough. Mil gracias! To Dr. Angel Valdivia, for giving me countless words of advice and who I consider to be a friend. Para las sucias: thanks for the laughs; I would not have survived if it was not for the two of you. To my family who have supported me during my long academic journey. Los quiero! To Hayley, thank you for listening to me whine and complain about everything. You are my rock. And to the paleteros who trusted me to write their stories. Que sigan la lucha!

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

DEDICATION ...... iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... v

LIST OF TABLES ...... vii

ABSTRACT ...... viii

CHAPTER

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

2. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 6

Issues for Street Vendors ...... 6 Street Vendor Strategies for Survival ...... 12

3. METHODOLOGY ...... 15

Data Collection ...... 15 Data Analysis ...... 16 Research Setting ...... 17

4. RESULTS ...... 21

Making Sense of Participant Observations ...... 21 Themes Based on Interviews ...... 29 Limitations ...... 45

5. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ...... 48 Regulations of Public Spaces for Paleteros ...... 48 Policing Public Spaces and Paleteros ...... 48 Challenging Constant Policing ...... 50 Future Research ...... 52

CHAPTER PAGE

REFERENCES ...... 54

APPENDIX: INTERVIEW GUIDE (QUESTIONS AND PROBES) ...... 59

LIST OF TABLES

PAGE

1. Participant Demographics...... 16

vii

ABSTRACT

Street vendors use public spaces as ways to maintain visibility. This visibility is not always safe for them. Many of the communities they work in believe this line of employment to be unwelcoming and street vendors often face discrimination issues making them feel unsafe in their respective work spaces. Based on participant observation and formal and informal interviews with paleteros (ice cream vendors) conducted in greater Los Angeles area over the 2016/2017 spring and summer months, this study examines how paleteros navigate regulated spaces. The study finds that while safety measures are a concern when dealing with criminalization, street vendors find strategies (through networking) in which might help them avoid such measures. These findings suggest these strategies are beneficial to their mobility in spaces where they are unwanted; as well as trying to avoid the criminalization brought on by city officials.

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Summers in the Antelope Valley can reach extremely high temperatures. On this day, the sun is set high and the heat is overwhelming. The rays of the sun warming the skin can be overwhelming as the temperature rises. The temperature has reached to 90 degrees, and the air is dry with a low breeze. Many of the patrons are enjoying the hustle of the swap meet crowd. As you pass endless stalls of different merchandise, you can hear many different conversations and laughter surrounding you. When you catch a whiff of different smells mixing in together, you know you have hit the center of the swap meet; here lies most of the food booths that sell different varieties of foods and drinks.

Before you arrive at the end of the food court, you can hear bells amidst the chattering of the crowd. There you will find an ice cream vendor waiting to make a sale. They are covered head to toe with articles of clothing to stay away from the sun’s hot rays. The ice cream vendor is ringing their bell until a crowd of customers line up to order a nice, refreshing frozen treat.

This scene might depict some sort of nostalgic summer day in California.

However, for street vendors, this is their everyday life. According to Bhimji (2010), street vending is a part of the informal economy and are mostly run by poor immigrants who are trying to find survival strategies in the current American economy. Even though the current economy has few job opportunities in the market, street vendors must find ways to sell food, clothing, and other goods at a low price (Chinchilla & Hamilton, 1996).

Street vendors are at the bottom of the economic ladder; they have limited access to city

2 space and are among the poorest (Bhimji, 2010). Being able to find a safe space to sell their goods and services is somewhat troubling because where street vendors sell is a privilege only given by those who are a part of the dominant group (Cleaveland &

Pierson, 2009).

Currently, the political climate has some street vendors worried about their prospective futures. With President Trump’s electoral campaign, and eventual win, in

November 2016, he made promises of deporting many immigrants who were residing illegally in the United States; this had many immigrants worried for their own status and safety (Shear and Nixon, 2017). These political promises were also concerning for many street vendors as well. There are approximately 20,000 street vendors in Los Angeles and many are presumed to be in the United States illegally. Thus, many of the laws proposed by President Trump could further criminalize undocumented immigrants, including street vendors (“Proposal to legalize vendors,” 2016). In other words, proposed legislation is creating a need for street vendors to try and obtain permits legally. Councilmen Joe

Buscaino and Curren Price have created a proposal to help assist in this process, which would grant street vendors a permit, reasonable work hours, and access to designated work areas (Romero, 2016). As such, this new proposal would aide in the decriminalization of street vendors.

In February 2017, the L.A. city council voted to decriminalize street vending

(Branson-Potts, 2017). Even though it would take some time to give the proper permits to street vendors, they will not be arrested for working. However, street vendors can still be fined for violating pre-existing city ordinances (Branson-Potts, 2017). This means that

3 the longer city officials wait to distribute permits, the more likely street vendors will experience harassment by people in the community. For example, on July 2017, a pedestrian attacked a street vendor, Benjamin Ramirez, as he was selling elotes on a sidewalk in Los Angeles. This pedestrian pushed Benjamin’s cart, as he felt he was blocking the sidewalk without appropriate permits (McGahan, 2017). Such form of harassment is something that most street vendors face on a routine basis. Until they have access to the correct documentation, street vendors will experience prejudice simply because of their profession. In fact, targeting street vendors and causing them to live in constant fear is being exacerbated by the current political climate given the consistent anti-immigrant rhetoric. In other words, since many individuals assume that street vendors are immigrants, street vendors are more susceptible to having to work in dangerous and hostile environments.

Previous research on street vendors, particularly among those working with fruit and elotes1, describe how street vendors are able to move through spaces where they might be unwanted. According to Bhimji (2010), “street vendors may relocate for the sole reason of avoiding persecution from the police; in other cases, street vendors select to sell in safe and less crime-ridden specialized market spaces” (459). Furthermore,

Rosales (2013) mentions how street vendors must continue their work in public space, even when this space is “liminally suspended… where they can formalize neither their business nor their presence” (705). Certainly, the literature has contextualized the diverse

1 Street corn

4 experiences of street vendors. However, I will add to the literature by particularly analyzing and contextualizing the experiences of paleteros2 .

Aside from eloteros3, paleteros are also the most mobile. While many street vendors are immobile (i.e., fruit vendors), meaning they stay in one position for an extended period of time, paleteros must keep moving in order to sell as much as possible.

In particular, my research adds to the scholarship on street vendors by focusing on the relationship between street vendors’ use of public space and the ways in which they experience criminalization. At the same time, I also explore the relationship between public space regulations and vendor’s earnings. I ask the following questions:

1. How do regulations of public space affect the way Latino street vendors use/inhabit public space?

2. How does constant policing in and privatization of public space put vendors at greater risk?

3. How do street vendors challenge the constant policing and privatization they encounter while vending?

Prior to addressing the various research questions, it is important to analyze relevant literature and describe my methodological framework. In Chapter 2, I discuss relevant literature to discuss the relationship between cultural economy and racial profiling. More specifically, I discuss the ways in which enforcement causes fear yet street vendors draw on strategies to survive in an informal economy. Chapter 3 then discusses my research methodology, including my process of collecting and analyzing data. For instance, I

2 ice cream vendor 3 street corn vendor

5 describe my ethnographic approach, the participants I interviewed, and the locations where I conducted both participant observations and interviews. At the same time, I discuss the set of questions I asked paleteros during the interview process (see

Appendix).

Drawing on my qualitative data, I dedicate the last two chapters for my results and discussion. In chapter 4, I analyze my data and incorporate interview excerpts based on themes discussed by the paleteros. Chapter 5 includes my reflection on the ways in which regulations and policing of public spaces impact paleteros as well as how paleteros challenge these established forms of discrimination and criminalization. Lastly, I discuss the limitations of my research.

CHAPTER 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

Street vending has been a part of the Antelope Valley for many years. Yet, when people see these individuals working, they are not often considered as respectable members of the labor market. In addition, encountering various forms of criminalization has become a big part of several street vendors’ day-to-day life, which prevents them from attaining upward social mobility and instead experiencing economic downfall. At the same time, the rise of policing in the communities where street vendors work has impacted the ways in which people make use of public space. Nevertheless, street vendors represent a resilient population who find ways to use public space through strategically engaging in social networks. While street vendors thus represent a marginalized, criminalized, and dehumanized population, they also represent a resilient population who through their labor, claim rights to public space. These findings are crucial given that the literature mainly focuses on food truck vendors or fruit vendors, while this study specifically focuses on paleteros.

Issues for Street Vendors

Cultural Economy and Public Spaces

With the popularity of food trucks, street vendors are seen and treated as a nuisance to a city. According to Martin (2014), the cultural economy is “used as a justification for promoting consumption spaces designed to appeal to ‘creative’ people”

(1870). For example, food trucks, especially those owned by Whites, are often

7 conceptualized as “creative” entities of the cultural economy while those who are part of the informal economy, particularly street vendors, are criminalized based on the notion that they are predominantly working poor people of color and undocumented immigrants.

In particular, this juxtaposition is used to target street vendors who are racial and ethnic minorities. This juxtaposition is legitimized through city ordinances. On the one hand, city officials see food vendors as bringing in a sense of coolness to a city; which brings in more tourists, a sense of culture, and also expand a city’s economic value. On the other hand, city officials often approve ordinances that depict street vendors as unappealing and threatening to the dominant culture. In the process, street vendors are depicted as workers who bring in “unwanted noise, litter and [cause] congestion of both pedestrian and vehicular traffic, [which] endanger[s] [neighborhood] safety…” (Martin, 2014,

1876). This then creates a hostile working environment for street vendors especially since street vendors depend on access to public spaces. If public spaces are privatized and heavily policed, street vendors are not able to work without having to be targeted by law enforcement, community members, and other social forces.

Vending has been a long part of our economy, where workers often operate under the radar and do not abide by any regulations. Yet recently, there has been a cultural shift where vending that is considered to enhance a city’s cultural economy is privileged over vending that is used as a means to survive for the working-class. For those who sell in public spaces but are not considered to be a part of the cultural economy, it is common to experience economic hardship. Paleteros are not seen as an essential part of the cultural economy, and a result, their work and presence is not given much value but rather must

8 deal with constant surveillance and regulation. Yet, with the rise of gentrification and presence of “hipsters” in various historically working-class communities of color, it is not uncommon to see ice cream vendors who are welcomed by city officials and urban planners as they sell new variations of paletas that are infused with “exotic” and

“organic” ingredients, such as rose petals, cucumbers, and chili powder (to name a few).

Rather than being under surveillance and experiencing discrimination, these hipster ice cream vendors are becoming incorporated into the cultural economy and displacing the older Latino generation of paleteros. The more popular the hipster paletas become, the more likely these paleteros will be pushed out completely.

With the cultural economy becoming such a wide popularized staple in this country, it could lead to a more serious cultural shift: gentrification. For many street vendors, their main source of reliable income is working in predominantly Latino neighborhoods. In fact, according to Rosales (2013), “… a Latino neighborhood provide[s] a sense of security because it was a known population who purportedly has] more ‘experience’ of buying from street vendors” (709). For street vendors, including paleteros, not only do Latino neighborhoods provide them an abundance of safety and income, but also provide them with better access of sidewalk space, which increases their access to customers and the ability to meet others that understand their situation (Rosales,

2013). In other words, public spaces not only help finance their careers, but also provide the opportunity for paleteros to form bonds with people in the community (Munoz,

2012). Access to safe space is thus significant for street vendors (Recio & Gomez, Jr.,

2013). Yet, when Latino neighborhoods begin to experience gentrification, the residential

9 population begins to change, which disturbs the pre-existing and long-lasting relationships that street vendors were once accustomed to. This has meant that street vendors have not only had to deal with hostile working environments due to surveillance and regulations, but have also had to deal with reality that they can be displaced and forced to move into new and possibly dangerous territory.

Enforcement and Fear

An individual who decides to migrate to a new country often experiences fear.

Immigrants are fearful of being caught, arrested, and deported. Throughout their migration journey and upon entry to the U.S., many immigrants undergo several forms of harassment by law enforcement. In fact, immigrants are highly susceptible to being apprehended for minor offenses or complaints by the people living in their community

(Cleaveland & Kelly, 2009). In the workforce, immigrants suffer from exploitation due to the stigma attributed to being an undocumented individual, especially living while brown

(Gomberg-Muñoz & Nussbaum-Barberena, 2011). Also, many immigrants are oppressed and marginalized because of the misconception that they represent individuals who are more than likely to cause trouble in the long run (Preston & Perez, 2006). For Latino immigrant paleteros, the heightened perception of immigrant brown bodies as criminal and threatening directly impacts their daily lives and future prospects.

While interior policing is common among law enforcement officials, it has also become common for community members to act as proxy officials that harass, threaten, and call law enforcement officials to regulate any large groups of brown people even though that are simply gathering to look for work (Cleaveland & Pierson, 2009; Jonas,

2006). Community policing is encouraged by law enforcement as it is seen as a great way to assure the security of neighborhoods and correct the behavior of those who do not belong in their communities (Roussell, 2015). One of the community policing strategies is surveillance, which consists of community members keeping an eye out for individuals who are considered ‘other’ from the dominant group while also using intimidation tactics to keep ‘others’ out of public spaces (McDowell & Wonders, 2010). Consequently,

Latino paleteros, are prevented from moving around freely from space to space without community policing and interior policing by law enforcement officials (McDowell &

Wonders, 2010).

Ethno Racial Profiling

To protect the well-being and interests of the dominant group, systems were put in place to control and disenfranchise immigrant groups through the act of “othering”

(Preston & Perez, 2006). To do that, the dominant group must establish boundaries that separate them from the ‘other’ who are seen as culturally different (Preston & Perez,

2006). This is legitimized through the intervention of law enforcement agencies. Provine and Sanchez (2011) state that there are law enforcement agencies that subject Latinos to stops and searches because of the way they look. In other words, if a person “looks”

Latino, they are immediately considered “illegal,” which means that they will be stopped without much hesitation. Through these normalized forms of racial profiling and acts of constant surveillance, Latinos, including paleteros are criminalized regardless of their legal status (Provine & Sanchez, 2011). Law enforcement officials know that they have the power and control to instill fear among undocumented individuals by creating

11 checkpoints in predominantly Latino neighborhoods in hope that it results in permanent out-migration of Latinos (Provine & Sanchez, 2011). Certainly, as McDowell and

Wonders (2010) argue, these forms of surveillance become enforcement rituals in order to manipulate and displace people of color.

Financial cost

Given that certain public spaces make Latinos more vulnerable to the presence of authority figures, paleteros must undergo several risks every day. Yet, because paleteros financially depend on their access to public space, if they are caught by law enforcement, they run the risk of experience economic hardship. For instance, they can place themselves in debt as they pay fines for bail bonds, lawyers, and potentially for their pushcarts if it was confiscated. This creates a financial crisis for paleteros who are barely making ends meet. At the same time, being apprehended and detained by law enforcement officials results in being labeled as “criminals,” which diminishes their likelihood of achieving the American dream.

The American dream is the idea that everyone can achieve his or her goals. Yet the American dream is a myth for those who lack the social and human capital to establish themselves in a position to make their dreams a reality. This is especially the case for those who live in a society with limited job opportunities, which limits their prospects to attain upward mobility (Orrenius & Zavodny, 2009). For street vendors,

“stagnant wages and downward mobility are common… They occupy the same precarious position, both within the US and its labour market…” (Rosales, 2013, 702).

This is especially the case for those who are undocumented immigrants in the U.S., as

12 their lack of legal status permanently alters their future socioeconomic prospects in society (Rosales, 2013).

Street Vendor Strategies for Survival

Networking

Street vendors need access to safe spaces in order to have a sustainable income.

Street vendors must thus be able to find ways to move around through their respective spaces in order to find the best locations to sell and purchase goods (Chinchilla &

Hamilton, 1996). At times, street vendors need guidance in order to find the right space.

Thus, interaction with people in the community is a big part of the life of a street vendor.

Social interaction allows street vendors to socialize and learn how to navigate around the communities where they perform their labor (Chinchilla & Hamilton, 1996). Street vendors thus draw from a variety of strategic techniques in order to establish significant relationships with others (Cleaveland and Pierson, 2009). One of those strategic techniques is to have a network. For instance, according to Rosales (2013), networks are often made up of family members or other vendors, which allow street vendors to find ways to receive loans in order to buy their pushcarts, have access to reliable transportation services, and people who are willing to pay the bail bond upon possible arrest while vending. In order to alleviate their network from having to endure extra hardships, street vendors establish strong relationships with fellow vendors. Street vendor relationships are crucial in order to alert each other when law enforcement is nearby, how to find the right spaces to work, and share tips on how to establish personal and professional relationships (Rosales, 2013).

Despite the power of networks, given the current political climate, many paleteros continue to live in fear due to constantly surveillance and regulation. The growth of anti- immigrant, particularly anti-Latino, rhetoric and push for draconian legislation under the current administration has many paleteros worried. This is especially the case since paleteros are targeted by government officials and local communities in various public spaces. In fact, “…the act of surveillance and the resulting internalization of the security gaze work together to effectively regulate the mobility of migrants, restricting them from public space” (McDowell & Wonders, 2010). The more surveillance in a neighborhood paleteros notice, the more they must move to other locations. This aligns with Meneses-

Reyes (2013) who mentions, “…people have been traditionally defined as being out place in the urban real have ‘evolved’ to become mobile/immobile actors in order to ‘stay’ on the spaces from which the law has tried to displace them” (336). Although being displaced from areas they are accustomed to can be detrimental to their own economic needs, moving away from neighborhoods that make street vendors feel unwanted becomes critical. While safety is key to many paleteros, finding a network is also highly important. Networking helps paleteros connect with other vendors and community members to ensure their livelihood and diminish potential risks that come along with their profession.

In sum, previous research on street vendors demonstrates the ways in which cultural economy, law enforcement, racial profiling, gentrification, and social networks impact their labor and life opportunities. While this literature describes the experience of street vendors, more research on Paleteros is needed, especially with regards to the ways

14 that they navigate through regulated spaces. I will be extending the literature through my study by not only focusing on a specific street vendor, the paletero, but also provide examples of how paleteros maneuver through spaces where they are unwanted while still trying to remain safe.

CHAPTER 3

METHODOLOGY

Data Collection

Data collection for this study was conducted in two phases in the Antelope Valley region, which is located north of the city of Los Angeles. The first phase of data collection was during the summer of 2016 (May through July) and the second phase was during the spring and summer of 2017 (March through July). These spring and summer months were ideal because paleteros sell the most during these peak seasons. Through a qualitative research approach, I conducted an ethnography that draws on participant observation as well as formal and informal interviews (Emerson, Fretz, & Shaw, 2011).

In total, I recruited a total of 6 participants for this study and conducted in-depth interviews that ranged from fifteen minutes to an hour. I then used a grounded theory approach to identify and analyze common themes from my data collection (Emerson et al., 2011).

I recruited participants that I observed working as paleteros in a local swap meet, neighborhood parks, and local schools. These locations were visited 1-3 times per week, for approximately 15 minutes to an hour.4 The interview duration also depended on who

I was interviewing (see Table 1). Since street vendors were unable to meet after work hours, I observed and conducted interviews as they worked, which resulted in several encounters. Interviews with street vendors lasted 15-30 minutes. There was one informal

4 The duration depended on the location I visited.

16 interview with a paletero who I asked questions as he worked, but this interaction only occurred once. Although this informal interviewee agreed to participate in a formal interview, I was unable to complete the inreview since he did not return to the original location where I first met him.

Table 1: Participant Demographics

Name5 Age Sex Type of Total Recruitment/Work Locations Interview Time Ramon 45 Male Formal 4 hours Antelope Valley Elementary School Amelia 42 Female Formal 4 hours Laguna Park/Desert Swap Meet

Jaime 56 Male Formal 4 hours Desert Swap Meet/Antelope Valley Elementary School

Santiago 40 Male Informal 30 Jaime/Desert Swap Meet minutes Manuel 35 Male Formal 1 hour Desert Swap Meet

Federico 40 Male Formal 2 hours Ramon/Desert Swap Meet

Data Analysis

Street vendors were observed at the swap meet, parks, and schools as they worked and maneuvered their way through crowded areas. I recorded their interactions with customers as well as other vendors within the vicinity. Field notes were taken on two different notebooks. For notes that were to be taken much quicker with my own personal short hand, they were jotted down on a 3.5” X 5.5” notebook (Emerson et al., 2011). I

5 Names of participants have been changed for their protection

17 then transferred these notes into descriptive notes on a 9.75” X 7.5” composition notebook (Emerson et al., 2011). These notebooks have been stored in a locked location.

All field notes have been transcribed and translated by the author. Any photographs taken were of the participant’s carts6 and the surrounding areas where they work. All transcription of field notes and photographs are placed in password protected files. The transcribed field notes and photographs were then analyzed in HyperResearch (a qualitative research analysis software). I used HyperResearch to manage and analyze

(e.g. coding) my field notes, in-depth interviews, observations, and photographs.

I used an interview schedule to guide the interviews (see Appendix). Participants were asked a series of questions regarding the study, which varied depended on whom I was speaking to. Questions ranged from asking paleteros about their personal background to descriptions of their working conditions. For community members, I asked questions regarded how they perceive street vendors and what their participation in the community might mean to them. In most cases, I recorded interviews using a digital recorder.7 All interviews have been transcribed verbatim and translated from Spanish to

English8 by the author.

Research Setting

6 Any photographs taken of participants were done so by consent of the participants themselves

7 Not all participants gave consent to be recorded digitally. For these interviews, I wrote notes in notebooks and transcribed after.

8 Where applicable

The Desert Swap Meet9

One main location that I visited to recruit paleteros for this study was a swap meet, which is a fenced area on a dirt lot. It looks something out of the old frontier, resembling a Western theme. Before heading to the ticket booth to pay for the entrance fee, there are many different vendors outside of the venue selling fruits, plants, and candy. Also, there is a veterinarian’s office giving reduced shots for the patron’s pets.

While waiting in line to pay for your entrance fee, there is a young man in a nice blue suit and tie reciting Bible passages while handing out flyers to his church that is nearby. At the ticket window, there are a variety of signs, including a pricing sign: $2 regular admission, $1 Seniors. Once you get your ticket, you encounter another booth in which you can ask for a stamp to come back to the venue in case you decide to leave. Upon entry, you will see a vendor selling shaved ice along with other swap meet vendors and restrooms. Making your way further into the swap meet [passing clothing, leather goods, and furniture shops], you can start to smell the different foods the food court offers.

There is live music and a stage on both ends of the food court. On one stage, you hear mostly Mexican cumbias while the stage plays a variety of English music. In different corners of the food court, you will see the paleteros ringing their bells, yelling “Paletas!

Paletas! Paletas!” as the patrons walk by.

Antelope Valley Elementary School

Local schools are other common places where paleteros congregate. I recruited some paleteros from a local elementary school, which is in a predominantly Latino

9 All names of individuals and locations have been changed to protect their identity

19 neighborhood. There is an empty dirt lot behind the school; with stores adjacent to that lot. The homes are two-story homes surrounded by beautiful trees and bright green lawns.

In the middle of the street, sits what appears to be a fenced in empty lot. Once you get closer, it is a dried-up pond. The time reads three o’clock, and the bell from the school rings. You hear the commotion of the children coming out, ready to go home. The paletero starts to ring his bells to let the children know they have cool treats waiting.

Parks

Parks have also been a staple for paleteros to visit. I visited three locations in which I assumed these paleteros sold their product. These locations are scattered throughout the city; one on the east, one in the middle, and the last on the west. These locations were the ones where I got most (if not all) of the community members to participate in my interviews. Each location is representative of the people who live in the surrounding areas. The park located on the east has predominantly Latino residents living in the area. The one in the middle of town has mainly African American residents.

The park on the west has mostly white residents in the area.

Laguna Park

Laguna Park is located on the east side of Antelope Valley. Many come here for their children’s baseball or soccer practices and games. There are 4 baseball and soccer fields. A concession stand is located in the middle of the baseball fields. These are only open on Thursdays, which is when the games occur. There are 4 basketball and tennis courts as well. The playground is located near these courts as well as three areas

20 surrounding the playground in which the community can have parties or barbecues.

There is also a dirt track that goes around the park for members to jog, walk, or run.

CHAPTER 4

RESULTS

Making Sense of Participant Observations

The Desert Swap Meet

Most of the people who attend the swap meet are Latino. The street vendors are in different sections of the swap meet. They try to maneuver their way around this large establishment by finding spaces where most customers congregate. Once paleteros feel they are in a spot where they can gain significant profit, they will stop. Usually these spots are located at the end of the aisles, which tend to have the most customers pass by.

When the weather starts to get a little warmer, they will try to find shady areas.

Unfortunately, there are not too many locations at the swap meet that offer some protection from the sun. Hence, paleteros will stick it out in the sun, where they are more likely to find customers who will purchase their paletas. Once they do find a location they are satisfied with, the paleteros will ring their bells to attract customers to their current location. They will wait about a minute or so for patrons to stop by. If none show up, they will move to a different spot. But, if they are lucky, they will have a few customers to make a few sales.

The sales tactics for the paleteros have roughly the same dialogue. They will ask their customers, “Que sabor de paleta quieres?”10 If for any reason the paleta the customer asks for is not there, the paletero will offer different suggestions for the

10 “What flavor ice cream would you like?”

22 customers. Sometimes, the paletero will have success in offering a different opinion. But there were times when the customers were not convinced. The customer left without a paleta and the paletero without a sale.

Most of the customers at the swap meet consisted of parents and children. The children would interact with the paletero while the parents stood behind them. Other times, there would be mostly adults. The interactions here were extremely different.

Some patrons would ask paleteros how their day is going and in appreciation, paleteros commonly responded, “It has been good so far. The weather is not too hot. I might even sell everything I have.” The patrons would then wish the paleteros good luck for the day.

Although the number of paleteros differs each weekend, there are usually not more than five paleteros at a time. These paleteros include Ramon, Amelia, her uncle, and Jaime.

The fifth paletero can differ from time to time. Federico and Manuel alternate every other

Sunday. But when Amelia happens to be there without her uncle, Ramon, Jaime,

Federico, and Manuel will be there together. Amelia mentions that there used to be six paleteros that would go to the swap meet, but the sixth paletero felt there were too many working there to actually make any money.

Since most of my participant observation occurred in this swap meet, I noticed firsthand how important personal connections are for paleteros I interviewed. Although their main objective is to sell their merchandise, they are also there to interact with the public. Some of the paleteros will chat with the patrons as they sell their paletas.

Federico and Manuel are two of the paleteros who most commonly do this. Jaime likes to sit and have lunch with some of the swap meet customers. He will sit, have lunch, and on

23 occasion have an alcoholic beverage with them. Out of all the paleteros I interviewed,

Ramon and Amelia are by far the most popular street vendors. When Amelia is not having a good sales day, she will talk to the women vendors and talk about their families or how their work has been going for them. She offers them paletas from time to time.

Ramon will have patrons shake his hand as he walks by. Sometimes they will pat him on the back and ask him how his day is going. Some of the children recognize Ramon and wave to him.

The paleteros interactions with one another are different when they do not know each other. If they consider each other friends, they will joke around with each other as they are working. They try not to interrupt the other paletero with lengthy conversations because they are trying to make the most of their day. They will speak to each other if one of them does not have a particular paleta a customer request. But if a paletero does not know the other paletero, they will exchange smiles or nods in acknowledgement of each other. There might sometimes be an occasional “Hi” or a small, short wave. Though discussed in detail later, competition is more important than trying to make friendly connections with other paleteros.

Community and vendor connections promote safety among paleteros. Amelia once mentioned how she likes that she has grown to know some of the people from this community. She mentions, “it makes me feel just a little safer knowing that I can count on certain people if I ever run into any trouble.” Jaime has also stated how much safer he feels knowing that his friends are around in case he needs any help. The swap meet is more of an enclosed area, where people have to pay to enter; including the paleteros.

Perhaps this is why they feel a lot safer; not only that, but they also commute to the swap meet together. There are two groups of paleteros that work as a collective and will drive together to work. Security is not visible in this area and it makes it easier for these paleteros to do their work in a calm manner. It is no wonder that they spend most of their

Sundays at the swap meet. The ice cream vendors feel safer selling their paletas here without having to worry about having a valid permit. Instead, each paletero pays a fine of

$50 to move freely and sell their paletas at the swap meet. Nevertheless, as I will discuss in a further section, not everyone will come to make such a connection with street vendors and also, safety issues will raise concerns in other open public spaces as well.

Antelope Valley Elementary School

Since this setting is a little more open, paleteros are stationed in different sections of the neighborhood. There was only one paletero at this location. Across their way was an ice cream truck as well as someone selling raspados (shaved ice). Each person would pick a spot that was directly under a shady area. The paletero I was observing would get to his spot of the street five minutes before school would be let out. They brought their own transportation and would take out their cart. The cart looks different than it does from the swap meet; this cart not only had paletas but also included a variety of sodas, chips, and candy. A cardboard box was attached to the side of the cart where the chips and candy were stored. There are also condiments that can be added to the chips if the customers wish to use them. A plastic bottle of lemon juice and hot sauce are placed on top of the ice cream cart for easier access. The sodas were placed in the cart with the paletas to keep cool.

The interactions here are completely different than the ones at the swap meet.

There is in fact less communications between the vendor and the consumer. The reason being is that there are more children walking home alone than accompanied by a parent.

However, the same dialogue is used is exchanged as done at the swap meet. For example, the vendor would ask the children what they would like as their treat. Some children would say their response while others would point at the pictures of ice cream located on the cart. This interaction would continue until there were no longer any more children visible. The paletero would then begin putting away their box of remaining chips and candy. Lastly, their cart would be placed in their vehicle.

Since two of the paleteros work at this school, having a rapport with people in the neighborhood is extremely important. When they form a comradery with the community, they have a better chance at selling in the areas they consider to be more profitable. These paleteros also have an understanding of sharing the space by stationing themselves in particular locations to sell near the school. In other words, both vendors sell their products at the same school but target different customers in different sections of the neighborhood. These paleteros are only at this location for 30 minutes, which is a lot shorter here than at the swap meet. Each paletero tries to get as many customers as they can within this timeframe. But it does not always go well for them, since I noticed that rapport with the customers can be a factor in having a successful work day.

Ramon shows how much he cares for his customers by the way he interacts with them. He not only has conversations with the adults but with the children as well. He realizes that these children are also his customers and must treat them in such a way that

26 he would an adult who is purchasing his paletas. I was able to see this act of kindness on one of my observations at the school. As I was approaching him, I noticed a little girl standing near his cart talking to him. It seems she was waiting for her dad. The day before, her dad was also late picking her up from school. Ramon felt bad for her and gave her an ice cream. She did not have to pay him back for it. As her dad pulls up to get her, he gets out of the car and asks Ramon how much he owes him. Ramon refused to accept the money. The man tells him, “No, porfavor, dejame pagarte. No puedo dejar que agarre cosas gratis. No deberia haberlo aceptado.”11 Ramon apologized for that and promised he wouldn’t do it again. Even though he was doing something nice for someone, it was not always appreciated by the customers.

Jaime, on the other hand, might not be so lucky selling at the school. Jaime does not have this kind of rapport with the children at the school. He does not try and make conversations with them, but rightly so, he is trying to get as many customers as he possibly can. However, not making a connection with some of the kids can be detrimental to his potential sales. One afternoon, I noticed he had a small crowd of children surrounding his cart. He was taking a long time with one customers. The rest of the customers were frustrated with how long he was taking, they decided to leave or go to the ice cream truck around the corner. If he had the kind of relationship Ramon has with the adolescents in this community, they would have stayed. As with the previous observation

11 No, please, let me pay you back. I can’t let her think that she can get things for free. She shouldn’t have accepted it.”

27 location, the importance of connections is key for these paleteros to thrive in this labor market.

Since the school is an open area, paleteros need to be more cautious of their surroundings. Law enforcement and city officials can go around neighborhoods to detain and fine paleteros that are selling paletas illegally. While on my days observing, I did not witness any police or city official interactions. However, I did witness two separate occasions where the paleteros became concerned as someone from the city began driving around the neighborhood as well as a police officer being in close proximity to where they usually sell. When they heard that a city official was nearby, the paleteros were worried about being fined. As such, although they sold in separate locations, they would be near other vendors in case they had to get away quickly. For example, Ramon would stand by his van with his phone in his pocket in case he had to reach Jaime quickly. Jaime was hiding beneath a tree to try and hide just in case someone suspicious would pass by.

Their actions were very calm, but they still looked worried at the possibility of getting a ticket. Yet at no point did they panic.

The reaction to seeing a police officer’s vehicle is quite different from the presence of a city official nearby. I was leaving for the day after doing a small interview with Ramon when I noticed a police car parked in front of the elementary school. I was going to walk back to warn Ramon when I saw him driving away. As he drove off, I saw that he was looking back in the direction of the police car; perhaps to see if they would be following him. The police car stayed in its place but Ramon drove off in a hurry. I have never seen Ramon pack up his equipment and leave that quickly before. On other days,

28 he usually waits for students who stayed behind after school; just in case they want an ice cream before they head home. Ramon did not wait on this day. He looked scared as he left that afternoon. He looked like he did not want to draw any attention but he drove off rather quickly. It seems as though police officer might hold more of an effect on the paleteros’ emotions than one might think.

Laguna Park

Although I did not have any participants that I interviewed at the park, I did do some observations here. I would go to Laguna Park at different times of the day to see if I could find any paleteros, but I never had any luck. After a few times coming to this location, I noticed signs at each ends of the park stating, “No soliciting.” These signs are meant to keep the paleteros out, as my participants confirmed that they are not allowed to be at the parks. Yet, the city ordinances do not necessarily stop them from going. Most of the paleteros would go to the park when they would know that there would be a lot of people there. Amelia did this once, during Easter Sunday, as she did not go to the swap meet and instead came to the park. This was common because the more people there are at parks, the more likelyt paleteros are able to blend in with the crowd. While other paleteros would strategically sell their paletas right at the edge of the park, near their van in the parking lot in order to be prepared in case of an emergency. This became routine, because park security would come around every so often to kick anyone out that should not be there.

It seems as though spaces like the park and schools causes paleteros to be more aware and cautious of their surroundings than at the swap meet. Even though all of these

29 locations are open spaces for the public, paleteros want a safer sense of security where they are able to sell comfortably without any worry.

Themes Based on Interviews

Fear of Law Enforcement

While there were some paleteros that did not have issues with those in position of power such as law enforcement or community leaders, there were some who were cautious when dealing with these individuals. For example, Ramon expressed how he is always cautious when he is dealing with any form of authority figure. Though he has not been arrested, he has once taunted by police:

“One day, I was pushing along my cart on a main street, when I

see the police. I try not to have too much attention on me. I try

really hard not to run. But the police did not stop me. I was glad.

But they came by again. This time they honked at me. It scared

me. I heard him laugh. He drove away. Again, he came back and

he just looked at me. I really thought this time he was going to

arrest me. He kept coming back too many times. He didn’t.”

After that incident, Ramon was unsure if he wanted to go back and sell paletas. Although he knew he had to sell paletas in order to make ends meet, he lived in fear of being deported. This is a huge concern given that if he gets deported, he does not have money saved to pay a lawyer nor leave any financial assistance for his family.

Amelia has also had a few run ins with the police. She has had her cart confiscated, as she shared: “It’s expensive trying to get the carts back. I had to pay $500.

I don’t even make that in a day selling paletas. The money that I made on the day that it was taken was not given back when I got the cart. The police said they did not see any money with it. I also lost out on another $200.” After this day, Amelia said that she no longer trusts the police because she does not understand why the police must be so mean.

This is exemplified as she shares, “I am trying to earn a living to support my family. My husband and I are hard-working people. We have never done anything to hurt people. We are just trying to do what we can to make it out here.”

In an effort to be prepared, paleteros have a way to warn each other if they encounter city officials or police driving in areas they are not supposed to sell. This means that they are in constant communication with each other via phone. They have their phones close by, usually in the front pockets of their shirts, and are ready to use their phone should they see these authority figures anywhere near their vicinity. One day, as I walked to speak to Ramon at the elementary school, he told me that city officials were driving around the area. Although Ramon he has a valid permit, he was worried because on this day, he brought Jaime along who does not have a permit. As such,

Ramon suggested that Jaime say close to Ramon so that he would not be in a vulnerable position to be questioned by the city officials. Such interaction is critical, as Ramon states, “we have to keep watch for each other… [especially because] I have a permit but

Jaime does not. He can’t afford to get a ticket right now.” Meanwhile, though Jaime was trying to keep a look out for the city official as well he was more concerned about making enough money for the day. Jaime states, “I’m scared that I’ll get caught but I

31 needed the money today. We don’t really know when the police or people from the city will be going out today. We have to hope for the best.”

The Community: Taking Precautions

Among the paleteros previously interviewed, law enforcement was a big issue.

But for paleteros like Jaime, this was not entirely the case, as he states, “I have never had issues with the police. The people I am most worried about are those who are walking the streets.” When I asked Jaime what he meant by ‘those walking in the streets,’ he meant people who lived in the neighborhoods. He explains how these are the people that street vendors should worry about the most:

“I have been harassed so many times by the people who live on

these streets. I have to make sure to protect my money.

Sometimes it is very hard to keep an eye out on everyone. All the

customers can crowd around your cart. And that’s how the

ladrones [thieves] get you. They distract you. It has happened to

me before. I had my money stolen this way. I had to find a new

neighborhood to work at because I could not trust these people

anymore. It was a hard choice to make, since I have been selling

on these streets for so long, but I need to be safe.”

Reminiscing about that day reminded Jaime that he needed to place his money in his back pocket: “It is better to keep it back here than in my front shirt pocket. I learned that the hard way.” Jaime lost about $150 that day. The police were unable to help him, since he was not really able to give a good description of the teenagers that stole from him. He

32 does not blame the police for not being able to assist, as he stated, “I was grateful they did not decide to arrest me.”

A similar event happened to Santiago. But he was fortunate enough to have his

“guardian angels” (as he liked to call them) look out for him on a particular day.

“I was walking along my usual route that I work when about 2 or

3 kids come running up to me. They told me that I needed to be

careful when I turned the corner. When I asked them why, they

told me that some people were waiting to rob me. I thanked them

for the warning and went a different way.”

Santiago stated that had those children not warned him, he would have lost out on $300.

Not only that, he would have been seriously injured trying to protect himself. The loss of money would have eventually been greater had he been assaulted.

If paleteros sell at schools, they also must worry about the children stealing some of their products. During the school year, they not only sell paletas, they also sell chips, candy, and soda. This can make it easier for the children to steal their merchandise because the chips and the candy are in open cardboard boxes on top of the street vendor’s carts. For most of the paleteros, the crowds of children are a lot harder to control: “We don’t really have a system in which we can control the crowds. Sometimes we’ll ask them if they can form a line for us, but they don’t really listen all of the time. So, we have to be quick in getting them the ice cream or chips that they want,” says Manuel. Jaime says, “The kids like to crowd around because they want to get their paletas and leave as

33 quickly as possible. Organization is something that I need to work on, especially if I am going to be selling at the schools.”

Ramon claims that organization is only slightly helpful when it comes to dealing with large crowds of youngsters. He shares, “it doesn’t really matter how organized one is, if the crowd gets too out of hand, we will get our things stolen. That’s why I like to have a helper with me. Vanessa is very helpful but she doesn’t come often.” One afternoon in Spring 2017, I was observing Ramon at A.V. Elementary school when I met

Vanessa. She oversaw the collection of the money earned while selling the chips. After the school day had ended, Vanessa and Ramon were having a conversation that I could not hear. I did see her pointing to a 10-year-old boy. Ramon nodded and thanked her for her help. When I asked Ramon if there had been a problem, he said,

“Yeah, see that boy over there, with the black shirt. Well,

Vanessa tells me that a little girl told her that boy stole a bag of

chips. She kept apologizing to me and I told her it was ok. See,

these things happen all the time. And that boy, he has stolen from

me before. It can’t be prevented, but we figure out how to make

it work.”

To prevent the children from stealing, Ramon has his own system in place: he gives them a credit. If they don’t have any (or enough) currency on them, Ramon will tell them to bring it the following day or on Sunday if they go to the swap meet with their parents. He even sells some candy to a little girl for one penny. “I feel sorry for her. She’s always asking me what I can sell to her with what she has. She almost always has a penny with

34 her,” he laughs, “I would rather sell it to her for that than to have her steal from me. That way, I make something and she walks away happy.”

Not all paleteros have the same sentiment as Ramon. They feel that they cannot negotiate their prices for people, even though they would like to. For instance, Federico shares, “sure, we buy our paletas at a certain price and it is cheaper than what we are selling it for. But, we need to make sure that we make a profit. If we buy paletas for fifty cents each, we need to up those prices buy twenty-five or fifty cents more to even out. If we sold our paletas for the same price we bought them for, we wouldn’t be making any money.” Manuel further mentions, “if we do it for one person, we have to do it for everyone and that is not fair to us. When we come to the swap meet, we pay $50 each.

That is a lot of money. I can’t sell a paleta for $1 when I’m selling it for $2. People want to take advantage of us because they think we don’t know any better.” This was brought up on one of our walks around the swap meet. A patron was trying to buy an ice cream for his son that was worth $2. When he asked Manuel to sell it to him for $1, Manuel refused. The patron got upset and asked his son to pick a cheaper ice cream. He bought a different one for $1.50. The customer begrudgingly paid it, shoving the money in

Manuel’s hand. “This happens to me often. I can’t be mean because I need people to buy from me.”

Paleteros must also be concerned with receiving counterfeit money from the patrons they sell to. I was talking to Federico one day at the swap meet and he shared that he has received many bills that were fake. Recounting on his experiences, Federico mentions, “it happens to me more often than I’d like. It’s hard for me to keep track of so

35 many people. I accept the money and put it in my pocket until I leave my spot. After that, it’s too late.” I asked some of the paleteros if this had ever happened to them. Amelia was the only other vendor it happened to. Amelia was selling in one of the nearby neighborhoods near the swap meet. She had a small crowd surrounding her and did not keep track of the currency she was collecting. When Amelia was organizing her money, she noticed one of the twenty dollar bills had some writing in the back. The writing was that of a prayer from a religious organization. She was devastated. She mentions that she tries to keep better track of who gives her money since that event occurred.

Weather

One might not think that weather might prevent paleteros from making sales, but in the Antelope Valley, it does. California seems to be the place where the weather is ideal. The summer brings tourists from different parts of the world to enjoy beach-type weather; usually 70 degrees. Paleteros in the Antelope Valley prefer this sort of climate as well. For them, sales are made when the temperature is hot enough to purchase a nice, refreshing treat. However, highs in these vicinities can reach near 100 degrees, which can feel extremely hot and very dry.

One Sunday morning, I visited the swap meet and noticed the parking lot was not as full as it usually is. It was 11 o’clock in the morning and the temperature had reached a high of 88 degrees. As I entered, the swap meet itself was lacking patrons as well as vendors. I ran into Amelia and asked her how the lack of patrons will affect her sales. She responded, “I won’t make that much money today. If the weather gets over 90, it’ll be hard to make enough money. People prefer something more refreshing, like a cold drink

36 or water.” Jaime, as well as Manuel, also have their concerns when it comes to selling in hot temperatures. When talking to Manuel at the swap meet and discussing the lack of people here, he states, “people want to come do their shopping early. Sometimes by the time we get here, there aren’t that many customers. If I notice that it feels too hot out, I won’t come because I know I won’t sell any paletas. It isn’t worth it sometimes.”

Although Jaime has concerns about the heat, he shared that “when it’s too hot during the day, I won’t go out. I wait until it’s after 5 [p.m.] when it’s a bit cooler and stay out until

8. It’s only 3 hours of work but what can I do? I would rather make $90 than make no money at all.”

The heat is not the only issue these street vendors deal with. When it comes to the fall and winter months, they also face some hardships as well. Amelia does not make her trips to the swap meet on Sundays when the weather starts to get cold. She recalls, “once it’s October, I don’t make it out here. People will not buy paletas. I start selling again around March when it starts to get warmer.” However, Amelia does sell some of her merchandise out in San Fernando, a region of Los Angeles county. Strategically, Amelia states, “I won’t buy too many paletas because I can lose out on money. I will buy enough that I know will sell.”

Ramon and Federico do not have any issues when it pertains to weather. Federico states, “I will go out in cold and hot weather. I have to make my money somehow. But the places I go are different depending on the seasons. During the summer months, I’ll go to the swap meet and trailer parks. The parks are off limits to paleteros, since we aren’t allowed to sell there. When it’s fall or winter, I’ll sell near schools and the neighborhoods

37 near them. It works out for me either way; rain or shine.” Ramon has a similar take on going out in difficult weather. I was observing him one day at Antelope Valley

Elementary School and discussed what he did for work during the winter months, “Oh, I still come even when it’s cold and raining. The kids would start complaining that I wasn’t coming on the days it would rain. And I also noticed that some of the kids who were regulars would go and buy their treats from the ice cream truck across the street. You want to know why they started going there? It was because I stopped coming. Now I have to make sure that the ice cream truck guy doesn’t take more of my customers.” Although weather seems to be an important factor when it comes to the prevention of sales for these paleteros, it seems that rivalries between different vendors can be a contributing factor as well

Competition

Competition with other vendors can affect the spaces in which these paleteros sell. Location is important to them. When these locations are threatened, the street vendors must find different tactics in order not to lose out on sales. They work closely with other vendors, also known as networks, to try and get the competition to move elsewhere. Not only do street vendors worry about other vendors, they must also look out for competition between those in their own network. Regardless of what tactics work or do not work, paleteros need to find spaces that work out for their own benefit.

Other vendors. These paleteros do not appreciate it when other vendors take up a space in which they are known to usually be. Street vendors follow the same routine daily; not only for themselves but for their customers as well. On two separate occasions,

Ramon has had issues with the ice cream truck that sells at the school. I caught up with him one day as he was unloading his van. He was parked right next to the ice cream truck. Ramon shared, “I try coming to the school every day because I don’t want the kids to start buying things from the ice cream truck. We should move to the other side of the street to get away from the competition.” On a different occasion, I noticed Ramon did not look very happy. He was not in his normal spot, but rather across the street from it.

He had his arms crossed with a stern look on his face when I approached him. “Can you believe that?” he tells me as he nods his head over in the direction he was looking at. The ice cream truck had parked in Ramon’s usual spot. When I asked him if they have an agreement on where each vendor is to park, he replied, “no, not really. But I’ve been selling here for a very long time. I used to sell my paletas a little farther out but when the ice cream truck started selling, I had to move a little closer because the kids weren’t coming this far out. He has always parked on this side of the street. I can’t believe it.”

Ramon barely sold any paletas that day. He usually waits to leave until most of the children had gone home for the day. Ramon did not wait on this day. He went home, disappointed and angry.

Jaime has also had differences with the eloteros who sell at Laguna Park. He shares, “Us and the eloteros don’t get a long too well. We’re almost always at the same spots together. Sometimes, I won’t go to the park. One, because we’re not allowed at the parks. But I know which spots I won’t get caught. And the other reason, because of the eloteros.” On more than one instance, Jaime has been kicked out of the park for solicitation. Park enforcement officials have given Jaime multiple warnings but he still

39 finds ways around these city ordinances. Jaime mentions, “I hate having to do this sometimes, but when the park cops stop me I have to tell them that there are others selling here too; on the other side of the park. If I have to leave, then the eloteros have to leave too. It isn’t fair that I’m the only one who has to leave.” Jaime only came back once after this incident. He decided that going to Laguna Park was not worth it anymore, “it wasn’t worth coming here anymore. I’ll go to a different part of town and sell instead. I would rather sell in neighborhoods. It’s less risky.”

Amelia and Ramon had their differences when they first started selling at the swap meet.

“I have been working at the swap meet for three years now. Me,

my uncle, and brother-in-law were here first. But that guy

[Ramon] showed up with three other guys and wanted us to leave

the swap meet and sell somewhere else. I wasn’t going to go

anywhere. They tried to scare us. When I would sell, he would

park his cart right next to mine and tell people he sold his paletas

at a fixed price. Of course, most of my customers would rather

pay $1 than my $1.25-$2 paletas. If he wanted to sell all of his

paletas for only $1, that was fine by me. He could lose out on

money. But I wasn’t going to do that. I need to make a living.”

This rivalry continued for some time. When Ramon realized he was not going to get

Amelia out of the swap meet, he stopped his scheming. They have since worked out their

40 differences but they are not friends. Amelia mentions, “We say hi to each other in passing. But that’s it. We don’t go out of our way to talk to each other.”

Competitions between other vendors is not exactly new. Businesses compete for new and regular customers to keep sales up. However, competition within networks is a completely different story.

Network

I had the opportunity to observe Ramon and Jaime’s interactions with each other on several occasions. As a network, they have the utmost respect for each other and have nothing but good things to say. But, when it comes to earnings, their competitive nature comes out. Ramon was at his usual spot near the elementary school, while Jaime was at the next block. Jaime was not having a good day selling at this location away from the school. Jaime mentions, “I don’t normally sell here. I like to sell right in front of the school. There are more kids who come that way and one of the women lets me park my cart in front of her home. It’s convenient. But Ramon told me to sell here. It seems to be going well for him. Look at him, he has so many customers.” He glances over at Ramon and yells, “Send some people over this way! You have too many!”

Ramon and Jaime are not the only ones who have a bit of a rivalry going on.

Federico and Manuel also get into bit of playful shouting matches when it comes to stealing customers. I was observing Manuel at the swap meet, when Federico stops by. I assumed he was going to walk passed us but he saw that Manuel had a bit of a crowd.

Federico took this as a good opportunity to make more money. Manuel was not very pleased when some of the other customers left. “I have better ice cream than he does,” he

41 tells the customers. “No, the better ones are here. And they’re cheaper!” The crowd laughs at their banter. After the crowd has dispersed, Manuel mentions, “I can’t believe

Federico did that to me. He knows I’m trying to make extra money right now.” I ran into

Federico a little bit later that day and he wondered if Manuel was upset with him.

Federico states, “I’m trying to get him to work a little faster. In this line of work, you have to or else you can lose customers this way. I had to do it.”

As I have previously stated, paleteros are used to their daily routines. But if that routine is disrupted, they will find other means and other locations that will help benefit in their everyday life. Paleteros do find their own way to market and relocate themselves as they see fit, but there are still spaces in which they are not wanted.

Restricted Spaces

Paleteros try to find safe spaces but not all spaces are safe for them. These locations might be a good economic move for these paleteros but if the people living in these areas are unwelcoming to a street vendor, they are forced to find different areas to sell their product. Certain apartment buildings and mobile homes, as well as gated communities, are off limits to paleteros. If a manager from these communities has requested that the paleteros leave, they must comply with these regulations or face legal action. Manuel states,

“I’ve been threatened with the police before. I was selling at an

apartment building when this white manager comes and tells me

to leave. When I took too long to respond, he told me that if I

didn’t leave, he would call the police. Then he kept calling me

an illegal and I should get out of this country.”

Federico has also had a similar situation when he sells at certain mobile home parks, “I was selling at a mobile home one day when I was asked to leave. I was creating too much noise for the people who lived here. These mobile homes were housed to senior citizens.”

Noise regulation can be detrimental to the work of paleteros since they often use noise, such as ringing of bells, to be noticed in public spaces. The only thing paleteros can do in situations like these is to find areas where the community welcomes their presence.

Sidewalk space has also become an issue with certain paleteros. For most people, they stake claim to sidewalks as a part of their property. Vendors, on the other hand, see this as open space and free for them to use in order to make a living. If a street vendor comes across a homeowner that believes the sidewalk is theirs, they must respect these property lines. On one such event, I arrived at the elementary school and noticed Ramon looked very compressed in the space he was in. One of the families in the neighborhood has allowed Ramon to sell in front of her home for almost three years now and has been comfortable selling here. But on this day, he did not look very comfortable. A car was parked in the spot where he normally sells and had to squeeze in between this car and the neighbor’s car. I was standing near the neighbor’s car when Ramon told me, “Can I have you move a little more on this side? Their neighbor doesn’t like me being on his property.” As I observed Ramon, I noticed that there were some customers that were standing on this neighbor’s lawn. A few minutes later, the neighbor comes out and stares at this family that is stepping on his grass. He does not ask them to move but he does look

43 over at the school. I assumed that he was waiting for his kids to come home. But children never came to his home. It was not until the family had left that the older man went inside as well. Ramon then shares, “he’s threatened to call the police if he saw me on his property. But I’m not even really on his property. My cart is on the sidewalk while me and my work van are on the street. I listen to him because I don’t want the police to come and take my cart. Or worse, arrest me.”

There is one particular setting that paleteros can all agree is restricted to them.

Parks are restricted spaces to those who wish to solicit for profit. “We’re not allowed to be at the parks,” is a statement they have all said to me more than once. Though parks are regulated spaces for street vendors, they still manage to sell here even when they know in can lead to tickets in the long run. “I have been kicked out more than once but I still go because this is where a lot of families come during the summer,” says Jaime. Amelia has also taken advantage of going to parks when there is a special holiday over the weekend.

It seems a little contradictory to say that they are not allowed in certain spaces but still find ways around a system that does not want to them belong. These spaces may feel threatening for paleteros but they still do what they can to make a living in this unwelcoming environment. They find a way to make the system work in their favor without people noticing too much of their presence.

Hope for the Future

Some of the street vendors I spoke with believed that there was a brighter future for them in the long run. For Amelia, this bright future was seen through the hopes of her children. She wants to make sure that they are raised in the United States to achieve what

44 she believes is the American dream; a dream where their families can be successful and thrive through the basis of hard work. She is also relying on her U.S. born children to help her as well as Amelia shares, “I am undocumented. Once my oldest turns twenty- one, I will have him submit papers so that I can stay here legally.” Unfortunately, Amelia still has a long way to go for this dream to be a reality. Her son is only sixteen years old.

Until then, Amelia says she must keep being safe out in public. She relies on her faith and her family to protect her while she is working.

Ramon has similar hope as Amelia, as he also has U.S. born children who he hopes will help him gain a pathway to legalization one day. However, since Ramon’s children are still young, he says, “We have to keep moving forwards to survive. It’s the only thing I can do.” Ramon came to America to have a better life than the one he had in

Mexico. Ramon shares, “there weren’t that many jobs where I come from. I came here because, well, it is supposed to be the land of opportunity, right?” He mentioned he was not planning on staying here long; only to earn enough money until the economy got better in Mexico. All of that changed when he met his wife and they had children. Now, he works not only for himself, but for his family as well. At the time of this interview,

Ramon was working two jobs. He also has a job as a janitor. Ramon explained, “being a paletero is a good job. But it is not always good money. I need another job for my family.”

With this new political climate, President Trump’s inauguration has most of the paleteros worried. Most of them are afraid if they get caught they will get arrested and deported. Amelia still has hope that she will witness a good outcome. She mentions, “I

45 get worried that his win will affect us all. I don’t want to get deported. I need to raise my children. I have to believe that something good will come out of all this. We will have to wait and see.” Ramon believes that the president will be “sending all Latinos to their doom.” Jaime on the other hand does not seem so worried, as he states, “the president doesn’t want us here. He wants to deport us. Until that day happens, I’m going to continue to work. We have to keep fighting one way or another.” I also discussed with them how they felt about the proposed legislation that would change their process of gaining access to obtain permits. Federico, Manuel, and Jaime did not hear of any changes being made. As Manuel states, “I must be dumb because I haven’t heard about that. All I do is work and work.” Although Jaime had not heard of these changes, he did look optimistic on the possibility of this change. “If this is true, I can have a proper permit now. I won’t have to worry about being arrested or deported.” Ramon and

Amelia, on the other hand, have heard of such changes happening. Both believe that even if these policies are there to help them, they feel that people are not going to change their views on paleteros. Ramon states, “People will still treat us as if we’re no good. Some people, especially white people, look at us as though we are unsanitary.”

Limitations

While, I had the opportunity to engage with and learn from a variety of paleteros,

I did encounter some limitations to my study. From the beginning, most of the street vendors were skeptical about speaking with me. Many did not wish to speak to me. Thus,

I was only able to conduct six interviews: three in-depth interviews and three street-based interviews. When I initially started my interview process, I assumed it would be rather

46 easy. I assumed wrong. These individuals are cautious on who they allow in their inner circle. They wanted to make sure that I was not going to cause them any harm, to themselves and their business. When I first started, the paleteros questioned my motives.

“Why do you want to write about us?” “I just want to make sure if you are with us, or against us.” “You’re not police, are you?” These were some of the questions asked when

I would introduce myself and my project. Their misguidedness was not something I had expected.

Once I had agreement from a few paleteros, I was still limited in my own mobility to observe them. I was not allowed to observe them while they walked in public streets. I was limited to the swap meet and the school. These places were open spaces but they were more controlled. Santiago, who I was only able to interview once, showed concern when I asked if it would not be too much trouble to interview and observe him while he worked. He had initially agreed but when I went back to his usual location, he was not there. I went back to the same location for a few weeks and he never showed up.

Even with Ramon and Jaime, who I have the closest bond with, would not allow me to follow them in the neighborhoods they worked in. Ramon would ignore my request by telling me different stories about work. Jaime, on the other hand, was very straightforward. As he stated, “I think it would be better if we did the interviews here at the swap meet. I don’t want people to think something is going on. Or get the wrong idea.” When asked what he meant by that, he would get embarrassed and change the topic. I still am unsure as to what he meant by that. Jaime could be concerned of what other customers might think of me following him around for long periods of time. Or

47 they might think that I work for the city and am looking to get Jaime in trouble. If the paleteros are concerned that other customers might think I am with law enforcement, this could result in a potential loss of profit and possibly the destruction of any form of trust the customers already have with the paleteros. This is especially the case given that there were a few instances in which customers would look at me rather strangely but with curiosity in their eyes. Nevertheless, I usually stood behind the paleteros as to not disturb them while they worked but still be in close proximity to hear the interactions between paletero and customer.

While I sought to find new paleteros, it was hard to really get them to trust me.

Even becoming familiar with their schedule was hard. If a new potential interview surfaced, I would visit the locations in which I initially saw them. But, much like

Santiago’s response, many never returned to these potential locations. Yet, I am forever grateful to these brave paleteros who took the time to speak with me.

CHAPTER 5

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

Regulations of Public Space for Paleteros

When street vendors are limited to public spaces that could possibly help them achieve economic success, it can affect the ways in which they use and mobilize within public spaces. In the Antelope Valley, there are certain ordinances that are established to prohibit the presence of street vendors in particular areas, including public parks. The municipal code for the Antelope Valley under Vehicles and Traffic codes (1995), Chapter

10.04.120, §15.109, states vendors are prohibited from soliciting or vending with the intent for profit. Street vendors must file an application in order to receive the proper permits to sell. These permits require suitable identification if they wish to apply. For some of the paleteros I interviewed, they do not have such documentation. Without the proper permits, this open, public space in unavailable to street vendors. Thus, limiting their mobility.

Policing Public Spaces and Paleteros

Constant policing and privatization can put street vendors at a much greater risk of exposure. For vendors, neighborhoods give a better access of sidewalk space; mostly for easier access to customers and ability to meet others that understand their situation

(Rosales, 2013). But, when public spaces are prohibited to street vendors, it can also mean that these are spaces were marginalized individuals are unwanted as well. Not only that, it also has the power to displace street vendors. By displacing vendors who do not have licenses, it makes vendors mobile actors in society; this allows them to reach

49 economic and survival means (Meneses-Reyes, 2013). When newer forms of vending come to town, the informal street vendor will slowly be moved to different parts of a community. These new locations can become unfamiliar territory to street vendors and it could work to their favor. But more so than not, they will be moved to locations that are seen as unsafe and places where they are unlikely to sell their product. Thus, street vendors often rather work in locations that will be safer even if they earn less money, than work in unsafe territories that will allow them to earn more money. Displacement can seemingly be seen as a cultural economic move.

The cultural economy is “used as a justification for promoting consumption spaces designed to appeal to ‘creative’ people” (Martin, 2014). Cities who wish to become more commercialized have spaces that were once considered open and these spaces then become more controlled (Kirby, 2008). Not having any new spaces for vendors to sell their product has a significant impact on street vendors, which result in the loss in the connections within the community (Kirby, 2008). Many cities hope to clean up areas and beautify them to attract tourists and potential members of the community

(Recio & Gomez Jr., 2013). If street vending does not look like it belongs with what the city is trying to accomplish, city officials find ways to pass ordinances that push street vendors out and force them to move to different locations; or be taken out permanently

(Tonda & Kepe, 2016). Many city officials also believe that street vendors bring in

“unwanted noise, litter and [cause] congestion of both pedestrian and vehicular traffic, endangering safety” (Martin, 2014). This can lead paleteros to have to move out of

50 locations they have grown accustomed to while also come up with ways to avoid such tactics to be exacerbated by constant surveillance and policing.

Challenging Constant Policing

Street vendors are able to find strategies to cope with the constant policing within their community. Due to their work being mobile, they are able to find ways to quickly move around freely if they should encounter harassment from community residents, law enforcement officials, and/or city officials. For street vendors, being able to move around and keeping constant watch, allows them to know where certain locations might be deemed more profitable (Munoz, 2011). This fluidity of schedules is what allows their mobility to continue moving forward. The connections they make within their community also aide in their ability to be mobile. Not only do street vendors make connections within the community, they also rely on their networks if such troubles should occur. These networks are a means of survival for street vendors. Without them, they would be in constant fear of being arrested; or for some, deportation.

Social networks are important ways for vendors to gain access to capital, as these networks are what help them gain trust with the community (Kebede & Odella, 2014).

For instance, paleteros have created new ways to send and receive alerts when law enforcement is nearby, how to find the right workspaces, and ways in which they perform personal and professional relationships (Rosales, 2013). When building trust with these networks, the longer these trusts go on, the more reason street vendors have to feel safe.

For Ramon and Jaime, they stay in networks because they feel safe knowing that the other is around in case something were to go wrong. In fact, Jaime has mentioned how

51 great it is having friends who work in the same profession, which provides him with a sense of peace. This level of trust is key in order to communicate and support each other in making connections and finding new spaces to work. The bonds formed between paleteros and their customers can be beneficial to their economic investments (Turner &

Schoenberger, 2011). All of the vendors I interviewed had friendships with several members of the community. Their interactions ranged from sharing stories under shady vendor stalls or talking while having lunch. Evidently, the relationship between vendor and customer represents one of kinship. Although government officials wish to minimize the existence of paleteros (or any street vendor) from cities, they are still extremely popular among the urban community (Turner & Schoenberger, 2011). This popularity may work in a street vendor’s favor in keeping them in cities for a long time.

Many throughout the world have various misconceived notions on street vendors.

There are many negative reactions towards them and there are several factors that cause such negative attitudes. The working-class people of color are often regarded as people who threaten the dominant society, especially when they are presumed to be “illegal” not only in relation to their lack of legal status but also as vendors in the informal economy

(Munoz, 2011). These ideals are heighted as Ayers, Hofstetter, Schnakenberg, & Kolody

(2009) argue, “…attitudes about immigration are driven by racism, among other political and social beliefs. Because of immigrants’ minority status, public attention may focus on the race/ethnicity of migrants and thereby elicit responses related to prejudices” (595). As such, attitudes driven by racism is one of the most noticeable factors that explain why certain individuals might have dislike and even criminalize street vendors. Undoubtedly,

52 paleteros that are of color, working-class, and immigrant encounter various forms of inequality. This is especially the case when street vendors are assumed to likely cause trouble for the dominant society in the long run (Preston & Perez, 2006). This anti- vending sentiment has been heightened during the Trump administration given that

Trump has promised to detain and deport all immigrants that are living in the country illegally (Shear & Nixon, 2017; Ayers et al., 2009).

Future Research

While doing my field research, many of the street vendors noticed were predominantly male. A study conducted by Munoz (2011) states that vending is a male dominated field. Yet, through my interaction and interview with one woman in my study,

I would like to continue my research on street vending with a particular focus on women street vendors. I would like to become familiar with the history and perception of their own lives as paleteras12, especially given that they work in male dominated field. Also, the subject of harassment did come up when speaking with my female interviewee and she shared that the harassment was not particularly caused by customers but by other male vendors. Thus, it is important to contextualize the ways that gender could play a factor in street vendors’ profession and network. Interestingly, my interviewee claimed that being a woman in a male-dominated field can sometimes work to her advantage because she believes that people often feel sorry for her so they buy from her, which increases her sales rates. Whether this is the case for all paleteras is unclear. Further research on this topic could clarify those perceptions.

12 Female ice cream vendors

I would also like to continue research on paleteros and focus on the interaction and relationships between them and the community and paleteros. Paleteros can often be victimized by the work that they do; not only by authority figures who wish to fine them, but by the community as well. According to Loukaitou-Sideris and Ehrenfeucht (2014), people who claim property rights can have an influence on making rules public for those who peddle on sidewalks; they make their own enforcement policies to keep others out.

This, according to Roussell (2015) is known as community policing; empowerment within the community shows a form of control and exclusion in urban communities that can lead to such issues as gentrification. Victimization can be traumatizing for paleteros.

Their line of work is being threatened by the very people they are selling to. Further research must be conducted on the topic of victimization within the street vendor culture in order to get a better in-depth realization of how this form of policing can affect a paleteros safety and well-being.

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APPENDIX

INTERVIEW GUIDE (QUESTIONS AND PROBES)

Field Observations (not asked but recorded by interviewer)

1. Sex---Male or Female

Demographics

2. What is your name?

3. How old are you?

4. Where were you born?

5. Are you married?

6. How long have you been living in the United States?

7. Where do you currently reside?

Household Structure 8. Do you live in a house? Or an apartment?

9. Alone? Or with others?

10. Do you live with family?

a) If yes, who currently lives in your household? b) If no, where do they live? In what country, city, or state? b.1) Who do you live with now? c) What was the reason for your migration?

Work conditions/Daily Job description 11. Where do you work? a) Is work far from your home? (IF Interviewer is not familiar with area) b) How do you get to work?

12. How did you first hear about this job? a) Was it through family? Friends? b) Were you a vendor in your home country?

13. What is your typical work day like? a) Where do you go shopping for paletas? b) When do you load paletas on to your cart? c) How long does it take you to get to a neighborhood?

14. How long have you been doing this? d) If a short period of time (less than year), do you see yourself making this a career? e) If a longer period of time (over a year), were you hoping for a different career? f) How long do you see yourself doing this kind of work?

15. What time does your work day begin? g) How do you decide when to start?

16. What time does your work day usually end? h) How do you decide when to stop?

17. What do you like most about your job?

18. What do you dislike about your job?

19. Can you describe what a difficult work day is like for you? a) What makes it difficult? b) Can you describe the most recent difficult work day?

20. Can you describe what a good work day is like for you?

21. Can you describe what a good day economically as a paletero? a. If it is good, what happens? b. Does it let you do additional things with money?

22. Can you describe what a bad work day is like for you as a paletero? i) When it is bad, what happens? a.1) (If employed) Do you get in trouble with an employer if not enough is made in the day? a.2) (If self-employed) Are you unable to make rent? Can you buy food?

23. Do you take any breaks? a. If yes, how long are your breaks? b. Does someone watch your equipment for you? Or, does it go with you? c. If no, what do you do when a break is needed?

24. Are there any other jobs you have besides this one? a) If yes, what is that other job? b) If yes, which job do you think is your major source of income? c) If no, do you feel that this is enough to make a living? If this is your main source of income is it enough to support yourself? Is it enough to support your family?

Space & Conflict 25. (If employed) How does your employer decide where to send you? a. Do they pick a neighborhood?

26. (If self-employed) How do you decide to pick a neighborhood? a) What are the boundaries of the neighborhoods? b) Is it blocks or major streets?

27. How many blocks do you work around?

28. Do you think that your space influences the amount of money you make? a. Your interactions with police? b. City officials? c. Other vendors?

29. Do you need to stay away form a particular space because of other vendors?

30. Do you have other vendors that tell you about difficult spaces? a. Difficult people? b. Neighborhoods? c. Do they share where to go or where to avoid?

31. If you have a network, how did you get connected to the network?

32. How do you keep in touch with the network?

Work Related Questions Employment/income

33. Do you work for someone? a. If no, are you self-employed?

34. Do you have a permit? a. If yes, how much was it? Was it difficult to get? b. If no, how do you feel not having one? c. If employed, have you and your boss discussed you acquiring a permit?

35. If employed, does your employer get a share of the profits that you earn?

36. How many months out of the year do you spend working as a paletero?

37. In a given month do you work a full 4 weeks out of the month?

38. How many days of the week do you work? a. Which days of the week are you usually working?

39. On average, how much do you earn in a day?

40. Do you know how much you make in a month? Or a year?

Hardships/interactions

41. What are some of the hardships you face while working?

42. Have you ever encountered any trouble with police? a) If yes, what has resulted because of said encounter? b) How many encounters would you say have taken place?

43. Have you ever encountered any trouble with the county/city? a. If yes, what has resulted because of said encounter? b. How many encounters would you say have taken place?

44. Have you ever had any trouble with people around the neighborhood? a) If yes, what has resulted because of said encounter? b) How many encounters would you say have taken place?

45. Are you assigned certain neighborhoods or are you able to choose your own? a. If assigned, what is that neighborhood like? Are you comfortable selling there? b. What is your relationship like with your employer? c. If not assigned, what makes you choose these certain neighborhoods to sell to?

Undocumented

46. Are you undocumented? a. Have you taken any steps to become documented?

47. Does your legal status affect how you feel about this job?

Closing

48. Is there anything you would like to add that I did not ask?