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Rhythmic space and rhythmic movement: The Adolphe Appia/Jaques-Dalcroze collaboration
Abdel-Latif, Mahmoud Hammam, Ph.D.
The Ohio State University, 1988
Copyright ©1988 by Abdel-Latif, Mahmoud Hammam. All rights reserved.
UMI 300 N. Zeeb Rd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106 RHYTHMIC SPACE AND RHYTHMIC MOVEMENT:
THE ADOLPHE .APPIA/JAQUES-DALCROZE COLLABORATION
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for
the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate
School of the Ohio State University
By
Mahmoud Hammam Abdel-Latif, B.F.A., M.F.A., M.A.
* * * * *
Ohio State University
1988
Dissertation Committee: Approved by
George P. Crepeau
Firman H. Brown, Jr. Advisor Russell T. Hastings Department of Theatre Copyright by
Mahmoud Hammam Abdel-Latif
1988
ii To My Wife and Sons
iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I express my deep gratitude to my advisor, Dr. George Crepeau, for his guidance, support, and insight throughout the research. It is no exaggeration to say that he made possible the completion of this study.
I also extend thanks to the other members of my advisory committee, Dr.
Firman H. Brown for his support, assistantships, and encouragement for many years, and Professor Russell T. Hastings for his help, valuable suggestions, and inspiring comments on my work. Gratitude is respectfully expressed to Dr. Alan Woods for his years of advisory, help, and support which are part of this research project. I also express my sincere thanks to Dr. John Greisberger and his staff of OSU
ISS, especially, Mrs. Cres Ricca, for grants and wonderful support.
Most gratifying was the support I received from almost everyone and every office.
Thanks are also due to Mr. Vincent Giroud, his colleagues and assistants of the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale
University, School of Drama, who made available the related materials and manuscripts which I was welcome to review in person. Thanks to my friends, Dr. Sherif F. Ayoub, his brother Essam, and Mrs. Helene Dupas for their help with the French translation, and Mr. Richard Nantelle for his help with the German one. To my wife, Ragaa, I offer sincere thanks for her sacrifice and unshakable faith in me, and for her willingness to endure with me the vicissitudes of my endeavors. My sons, Mohammad, Taha, and Kareem, I thank all for their understanding of my frequent absences.
v VITA
February 25, 1942 ...... Born— Cairo, Egypt
1967 ...... Architecture/Honor
1967-Present . . . the College of Fine Arts, Helwan University, Cairo
1976 ...... Architecture
1980-82 ...... The University of Kansas
1981 (Summer) . . Theatre Co.
1982 ...... The University of Kansas
1984-85 ...... Ohio State University
1986-87 ...... Ohio State University
1986 ...... Columbus Living Theatre
1987 ...... Columbus Living Theatre
FIELDS OF STUDY
Major Field: Theatre Studies in the following subjects:
THEATRE HISTORY (Dr. Alan Woods) LITERATURE (Prof. Donald Glancy) CRITICISM (Dr. George Crepeau) DIRECTING AND PRODUCTION (Dr. Firman H, Brown) RESEARCH METHOD (Dr. Alan Woods) CONTEMPORARY DRAMA (Drs. George Crepeau, Charles Ritter, Alan Woods) RENAISSANCE AND BAROQUE THEATRE (Dr. Alfred S. Golding) SCENOGRAPHY/THEATRE DESIGN (Prof. Russell' T. Hastings) TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDCSvIENTS ...... , i v
VITA ...... vi LIST OF FIGURES ...... ix
INTRODUCTION ...... 1
CHAPTER PAGE
I. EMILE JAQLES-DALCROZE: EURHYTHMICS AND RHYTHMIC M O V E M E N T ...... 17
II. ADOLPHE APPIA: ARTIST, MUSICIAN, DESIGN AND RHYTHMIC SPACE ...... 32
III. THE APPIA/JAQUES-DALCROZE COLLABORATION...... 52
IV. RHYTHMIC SPACE AND RHYTHMIC MOVEMENT...... 87
V. CONCLUSION...... 137
BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 146
vi ii LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURES PAGE
(Figure 1.1) Jaques-Dalcroze at the Piano (Hellerau) ...... 18
(Figure 1.2) A Plastic Exercise in Rhythmic Movement ...... 21
(Figure 1.3) A Plastic Exercise ...... 21
(Figure 1.4) A Plastic S t u d y ...... 23
(Figure 1.5) A Plastic Exercise ...... 25
(Figure 1.6) A Plastic Exercise ...... 29
(Figure 1.7) Jaques-Dalcroze with his Young Pupils (Geneva) .... 30
(Figure 1.8) Institute Jaques-Dalcroze (Geneva) ...... 31
(Figure 1.9) Institute Jaques-Dalcroze (Geneva) ...... 31
(Figure 2.1) Adolphe Appia in 1880 33
(Figure 2.2) Adolphe Appia in 1882 ...... 36
(Figure 2.3) Music Composition by Appia in 1880-81 (Geneva) .... 39
(Figure 2.4) A Water-Color Sketch by Appia in 1887 (Dresden) . . . 42
(Figure 3.1) Prometheus. Act I (The Workshop)...... 63
(Figure 3.2) Prometheus. Act III (The Workshop Destroyed)...... 63
(Figure 3.3) The Jaques-Dalcroze Institute — The Main Entrance (1912) ...... 66
(Figure 3.4) The Ground Plain of the Institute...... 66
(Figure 3.5) The Main Auditorium of the Institute During a Demonstration (The orchestra pit is covered over). . . 68
(Figure 3.6) The Same Auditorium (with the sunken orchestra pit). . 68
(Figure 3.7) One of the Setting Possibilities...... 70
ix (Figure 3.8) The Audience Area at the Other End of the Hall .... 70
(Figure 3.9) Gluck’s Orpheus and Eurydice (1912-13) ...... 72
(Figure 3.10} Appia’s Design (1926) 72
(Figure 3.11) Gluck’s Orpheus: Group of Mourning Women ...... 74
(Figure 3.12) Gluck’s Orpheus: Orpheus in Hades, Act II, Scene I , A Rehearsal P h o t o g r a p h ...... 74
(Figure 3.13) Paul Claudel’s "Annunciation" designed by Salzmann (Production Photograph 1913) ...... 77
(Figui'e 3.14) "The June Festival", July 1914 "Rhythmic Space and Rhythmic Movement" ...... 79
(Figure 3.15) "The June Festival", July 1 9 1 4 ...... 79
(Figure 3.16) "The June Festival", July 1 9 1 4 ...... 79
(Figure 3.17) "The June Festival", July 1914 "Rhythmic Space and Rhythmic. Movement"...... 81
(Figure 3.18) "The June Festival", July 1 9 1 4 ...... 81
(Figure 3.19) Hellerau: Rehearsal Photograph ...... 83
(Figure 3.20) Hellerau: Rehearsal Photograph ...... 83
(Figure 3.21) Alexander V. Salzmann’s Sketch ...... 85
(Figure 3.22) Alexander V. Salzmann’s Sketch ...... 85
(Figure 3.23) Hellerau: A Photograph ...... 86
(Figure 4.1) Appia at His Drawing Board Looking Through the Window (1910)...... 88
(Figure 4.2) Rhythmic Space: "The Clearing" or "Forest Glade" . . . 97
(Figure 4.3) A Plastic Study by the Jaques-Dalcroze Students . . . 97
(Figure 4.4) Evening Round (La Ronde du soir), 1909 ...... 101
(Figure 4.5) A Plastic Exercise, Geneva 1918 101
(Figure 4.6) A Rhythmic Space (1909 - 1 9 1 0 ) ...... 103
(Figure 4.7) A Rhythmic Space (1909 - 1 9 1 0 ) ...... 106
(Figure 4.8) A Plastic Exercise ...... 106 (Figure 4.9) A Rhythmic Space "The Three Piiiars" (1909) 109
(Figure 4.10) A Rhythmic Space (1909) ...... 112
(Figure 4.11) A Plastic Exercise ...... 112
(Figure 4.12) A Plastic Exercise ...... 112
(Figure 4.13) A Rhythmic Space "The Shadow of the Cypress Tree" (1909) . •■...... 114
(Figure 4.14) A Rhythmic Space (1909 - 1910)...... 116
(Figure 4.15) A Rhythmic Space "Echo and Narcissus" (1909 - 1910) 118
(Figure 4.16) A Rhythmic Space "Moonlight" (1909) 121
(Figure 4.17) A Rhythmic Space (1909 - 1910) ...... 123
(Figure 4.18) A Rhythmic Space "The Staircase" (1909) 125
(Figure 4.19) A Rhythmic Space "The Lane" (1909) Rhythms in Tens . . 126
(Figure 4.20) A Rhythmic Exercise (1909) Rhythms in Threes ...... 127
(Figure 4.21) A Rhythmic Exercise (1909) Rhythms in Threes ...... 128
(Figure 4.22) A Rhythmic Exercise (1909 - 1910) 130
(Figure 4.23) A Rhythmic Space "Gluck’s Orpheus and Eurydice" (1909 - 1911) . . . . , ...... 132
(Figure 5.1) The Hellerau Production of Orpheus ...... 142
(Figure 5.2) Svoboda's Setting for Oedipus (The Final Scene). . . . 142
(Figure 5.3) Svoboda's Setting for Oedipus (Prague 1963)...... 142
(Figure 5.4) Appia, Rhythmic Space (1909) ...... 144
(Figure 5.5) Svoboda's Setting for Rheingold (Geneva 1975)...... 144
xi INTRODUCTION
A long and deep friendship developed between Adolphe Appia (1862-
1928) and Emile Jaques-Dalcroze (1865-1950) after their first meeting in
1906. Through their long-lasting relationship, the two Swiss artists, who had many artistic talents and views in common, complemented and helped each other to extend and refine their arts, which became a continuous source of inspiration for following generations of theatre and dance artists, especially designers and choreographers.
The collaboration of Appia and Jaques-Dalcroze in Hellerau and
Geneva is a subject which has not received the attention it deserves in spite of its importance to theatrical studies. It has introduced us to the specific and intimate relationships existing between the arts of time (music, speech, etc.) and those of space (scenery, lighting, etc.) through the presence of the human body and its movement existing in time and space. Moreover, it has opened a new era of economical use of space, time, material and, above all, the flexibility of the theatrical system. Since this collaboration began in 1906, only a few articles have discussed this relationship and thus related material has been scarce and short or too general.1 No attempt has been made to examine
1 In spite of the importance of Appia/Jaques-Dalcroze's contribution to the m o d e m stage, there is no book on their collaboration, only scattered articles of general or limited scope. Also see page 12, footnote #15.
1 the artistic outcome of this unique collaboration in the context out of
which it emerged.
For example, Appia*s radical style of rhythmic features, which he
created in 1909-1910 for Jaques-Dalcroze, has not been examined in
relation to his basic musical education and theory nor in relation to
the organically related work of his collaborator. The problem is that
by either ignoring or neglecting the most important facts behind the two
artists, their art and artistic intention, neither Appia*s "Rhythmic
Spaces"2 can be truly understood nor the "Eurhythmies"3 of Jaques-
Dalcroze be fully appreciated.
This dissertation attempts to prove, by presenting and relating
historical and technical facts, a clear understanding of the artistic
outcome of their collaboration, which through the years has suffered
from confusion, misunderstanding, misconception, and misidentification.
This study focuses on the work of Appia and his role in this
collaboration, for it is the most important segment of his artistic
career. Therefore, it is my intent to provide an analytical framework
2 According to Appia, the "Rhythmic Spaces" constitues part of a series of design projects initiated by Jaques-Dalcroze for his eurhythmies, and intended to create a style suitable for establishing the value of the human body and its rhythmic movement governed by music. These designs, based on three dimensional geometric forms, express their rhythmic values through organic relations and proportions as well as through the dramatic use of light and shadows that can be made to correspond to a particular musical rhythm (Appia, The Work of Living Art. pp. 87,112,118).
3 The Eurhythmies, according to Jaques-Dalcroze, is "the outcome of intimate, integral, and near perfect collaboration between rhythm and music, thought of as movement, evolving in time and space." Quoted by Henrietta Rosenstrauch in Essays on Rhythm. Music. Movement. p.l. 3 by which Appia’s art, in principle and in realization, can best be seen, understood, and judged.
In this respect, it is essential to establish that Appia was above all an artist-musician who entered the theatrical world through music and who devoted himself to a reformation of the lyric stage.* When he became acquainted with the work of Jaques-Dalcroze, Appia addressed himself to the creation of an architectural rhythmic style of scenery to enhance the human body and its rhythmic movement governed by music. His goal was to achieve a mutual physical and aesthetic partnership and to realize an intimate relationship between rhythmic movement and rhythmic space.5 Appia’s "Rhythmic Spaces" are not meant to be purely architectural forms of common use or customary functions, but rather theatrical ones. His artistic intention was to create a physical and visual rhythmic space— regular or irregular— which is neither arbitrary nor unjustifiable but akin to music: "the varying lengths of musical sounds are realized in visible proportions in space," but without losing sight of the proportions of the human body— which is itself stylized by music.® Appia’s creation in Hellerau was not only a result of intellectual efforts based on common sense and accurate observation, but a result of several conclusive practical experiences he had in staging in Paris, Dresden, and Geneva.7 It was at the Institute Jaques-
* Jean Mercier, "Adolphe Appia: The Re-birth of Dramatic Art," Theatre Arts Monthly. XVI (1932), pp. 616-619.
5 Appia, The Work of Living Art. p. 21.
6 Ibid, pp. 21, 87.
7 Ibid, p. 88. Dalcroze in Hellerau, a suburb of Dresden, where Appia had his first
real opportunity to materialize his already existing theory (since
1895).
The visualization of Appia’s work in Hellerau is due to the Russian
artist-technician, Alexander Von Salzraann, who played the essential role
of realizing Appia's ideal of setting and lighting with very few but
substantial technical changes. Although the works look almost like
Appia*s originals, Salzmann used his technical experience to improve the
technical quality of Appia’s ideas. While Appia’s drawings reflect an
exclusive use of stone-like structure in all planes to express weight
and stability, and while his straight lines reflect the simple and -- iaJ2 ,> common construction building techniques, as the joints of the A odd rows or layers are placed half way between the joints of the even
ones, Salzmann’s realization follows the forms but not the technique.
As a result, Appia’s original idea of the unit setting was considerably
improved by Salzmann.8 However, it was Appia’s idea of constructing
staircases out of elements of standardized forms and sizes that could be
structurally arranged vertically and horizontally. But if we credit
Appia for creating this new style of flexible and standardized elements
that could be shaped endlessly to suit staging and choreography, we
should also credit Salzmann for perfecting this style, known in French
as practicables, which is practiced today all over the world.9 In this
8 See Figures 3-9, 3-10. He placed the joints of each row of the steps at the same distance (as shown in the production photograph of Gluck’s Orpheus).
9 Quoted from Paul Claudel in Adolphe Appia (1862-1928) Actor- Space-Light, Exhibition Catalogue (New York: Riverrun Press, 1982), p. 85. Also see Denis Bablet, "Adolphe Appia, of Geneva, Great Friend and regard, especially with the enormous success of realizing Appia’s ideas by Salzmann, there has been some misunderstanding and confusion which has led to misidentification. The study attempts to show that the reasons behind these circumstances are mainly Appia’s humbleness and remote collaboration, Dalcroze’s failure in his writings to mention his collaboration with, and debt to, Appia (except in his letters to him), and the inaccuracy of some individual comments or articles, which gave credits for the work to the wrong person#10
The study shows that the Hellerau theatre architecture was more flexible than was previously thought. For example, none of the existing studies mention that the space of the sunken orchestra pit could be covered over for use as an extension to the hall floor or the performing space whenever needed; the same flexibility is also found in the ceiling and the walls.11 Moreover, the study of Figure 3.22 and 3.23 represent an experimental use of curtains and masks hung from the ceiling with different use of dramatic light. In this last example, we see for the
Collaborator of Emile Jaque-Dalcroze, is the Creator of Mo d e m Staging," in Le Rhythme, Unionion International des Professeurs de la Rythmiauf> Jaques-Dalcroze. Redaction et Administration: Comite Central de IU.I.P.D., 44, Terrassiere, Geneva, April 1963, pp. 3-10. Trans. Walther Volbach, the Appia Collection, Beinecke Library, Yale University.
10 The study proves, in Chapters 3 and 4, that Appia's ideas and drawings were the essential basics behind the technical development of this artistic creation and its evolution which led to its practical realization by Salzmann, whose technical improvement added something to the work of Appia who must be credited as a designer.
11 Looking at Figures 3.5, 3.6, and 3.7, 3.8 with making some comparison between the first two photographs will prove the flexibility of the floor, and comparing the last two will prove the flexibility of the ceiling, by the rear wall of the acting area, to be used for special lighting effects. Figures 3.7, 3.8 also prove the flexibility of the walls to be effectively used for lighting, entering, or exiting. aj: fite&zs&u 6 first time the use of either masking facade or a main curtain or both. A The significance of the presence of either one or both lies in the
possibility of using lighting instruments behind the facade as a mask in
the first case, and in the use of curtain at times to separate the
spectators from the performers or the helping hands in the second— which
is against Appia*s ideal. This example (Figure 3.23), in addition to
Figures 3.19 and 3.20 shows that while Salzmann captured the spirit of
Appia*s style and sense of form, he maintained the original ideas of
Appia even while of making additions or changes requested^Jaques-
Dalcroze who had the last word in this collaboration. It was his idea i ' »
and request to use a curtain, which is against Appia*s will.12
Finally, although this collaboration was an experiment outside the commercial theatre, it had a strong impact on both the educational and commercial theatre. The efforts aimed at a reformation of the lyric
stage through the creation of a direct and living visual and spatial experience between the performer and the spectator. The influence of this collaboration and its artistic outcome has inspired theatre artists around the world. Although Joseph Svoboda denies that he is influenced by the work of Appia, his work tells otherwise (Figures 5.2, 5.3, 5.5).
12 The following are two representative quotations of Appia and Jaques-Dalcroze*s opinion about the use of curtains in one event (La Fate de June of 1914): A. Appia to Houston Stuart Chamberlain: "It will be a kind of Hellerau- Appia mixed with the necessary Genevan touch! No painted scenery! No curtain!..." B. Jaques-Dalcroze to Appia: "I don’t agree with you about the curtain...my music asks for a curtain. I always thought about a curtain, my music (you just have to read it) can’t do without a curtain..." Quoted from Edmond Stadler, "Ehtile Jaques-Dalcroze et Adolphe Appia" in Frank Martin’s Emile Jaques-Dalcroze. Neuchalel: Editions de la Baconniere, 1965, p. 499. Therefore, part of this study demonstrates that the artistic outcome of this collaboration is still living in the theatre today. Available Materials
Primary Sources
The bulk of this study relies heavily on the wealth of extant
primary sources and materials housed in the Ohio State University
Libraries and the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at the Yale
University, ..School of Drama. Essential in analyzing, reconstructing, and evaluating the Appia-Dalcroze collaboration, especially Appia’s visual solutions for the Eurhythmies of Jaques-Dalcroze, are Appia*s own
three books and numerous articles, essays, sketches, production photographs, and Jaques-Dalcroze’s books, articles, lectures, and
letters. Two of Appia's three books and most of his essays are available in reliable English translations of the French or German original texts. The three books are La Mise en Scene du Drame
Wagnerien. Die Musik und die Inszenierung. and L ’Oeuvre d ’art vivant.
The last two books were put in two volumes in the Books of the Theatre
Series, a joint undertaking of the American Educational Theatre
Association and the University of Miami Press in 1962. Music and the
Art of the Theatre was translated by Robert W. Corrigan and Mary Douglas
Dirks, and edited by Professor Barnard Hewitt of the University of
Illinois. The other book, The Work of Living Art. is put together in one volume with a little pamphlet titled Man is the Measure of All
Things, translated by Barnard Hewitt. These two volumes, edited by
Barnard Hewitt, were read and approved by Walther R. Volbach of Texas
Christian University, who was representing both the Adolphe Appia
Foundation and the American Educational Theatre Association. In addition all Appia’s extant essays, articles, letters, and other materials of the Appia Foundation were made available to Professor
Volbach, who was given the authorization to publish them in English and
French.13 Among these documents are Appia’s manuscripts and unpublished
letters from Jaques-Dalcroze to him. Fortunately, Professor Volbach
undertook the English translation of all Appia’s original materials and
placed them among the Appia Collection of Beinecke Library at Yale
University. In addition, Appia’s Portfolio, which contains fifty-six
sketches of his designs, including fourteen "Rhythmic Spaces" (1909-
1910) and many other sketches and production photographs from different
sources— all represent Appia’s artistic vision and analysis of the basic
principles of staging that led to his revolutionary creation of Rhythmic
Spaces. Other documents of great importance are some of the Appia
Exhibition Catalogues such as Adolphe Appia (1862-1928); Actor-Space-
Light. published by Pro Helvetia-Arts Council of Switzerland in 1982,
and Adolphe Appia. published by Victoria and Albert Museum, October
1970-January 1971. Such sources provide very crucial and detailed
information which helps in analyzing the "Rhythmic Spaces" Appia
designed for Jaques-Dalcroze, the effect of this new treatment, both on
the performers and spectators, and the relationships between the
rhythmic movement and space. Another important source was the Appia
Touring Exhibition of November 1984 at the Theatre Research Institute of
the Ohio State University, which had most of Appia’s designs reproduced
in full size in black and white on half-tone colored paper. These materials are rich in information about the physical structure and the
13 Appia, The Work of Living Art. p. ix. Also see Walther R, Volbach, Adolphe Appia; Prophet of the M o d e m Theatre; A Profile (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan Univ. Press, 1968), pp. xiii-xiv. 10
visual and dramatic treatment which support Appia’s realized theory.
Such sources are replete with textual and technical details reflecting
Appia’s aesthetic qualities.
Unfortunately, almost all of Appia’s letters to Jaques-Dalcroze were destroyed, but fortunately the latter’s letters to Appia are available. They are very valuable because they reveal how heavily he depended on Appia, and how Appia’s ideas were behind his success.
Additional essays and articles by Appia are also available in
English translations. "The Future of Production," a lecture delivered by Appia in 1921, was published in Theatre Arts Monthly in August 1932
(pp. 649-666). Another essay by Appia, "Living Art or Still Life?" appeared in Theatre Annual in 1934. "Art is an Attitude" was an article used as an introduction for Twentieth-Century Stage Decoration. 1967, a book by Walter Rene Fuerst and Samuel J. Hume. Other reliable sources include Appia’s opinions as quoted by his collaborators, students and very close friends such as Jaques-Dalcroze, Jean Mercier, Oskar
Waelterlin, and Jacques Copeau. Sane of the forementioned letters between Jaques-Dalcroze and Appia are also available among other materials in an article by Edmond Stadler in Frank Martin’s book Bnile
Jaques-Dalcroze (1965), pp. 413-459. The latter book contains essential materials and photographs which helped in analyzing what Appia and
Jaques-Dalcroze were doing, how their work was received, the treatment of the scenery and its effect both on the performers and the spectators, and the resulting visual impact, especially the dramatic use of light corresponding to music and movement, etc. Such crucial details, gathered from these supplementary sources, have helped provide a more 11 complete and accurate picture of the artistic outcome and its influence on the modern theatre than would have been possible by depending on the works of Appia and Jaques-Dalcroze alone.
Jaques-Dalcroze wrote two books: 1) Rhythm. Music, and Education
(1921), translated from the French by Harold F. Rubinstein, and published in 1976; and 2) Eurhythmies: Art and Education (1930), translated from the French by Frederick Rothwell and published in 1976.
These books contain Jaques-Dalcroze’s theory and development. They include a large number of essays, photographs and sketches, lectures at home and abroad, etc.; they give a clear idea of his new system
"Eurhythmies" and how he developed his music education to make his students feel and realize a musical rhythm through rhythmic bodily movement in time and space.
Supplementing these two works are numerous books, articles, and essays which have a large number of reviews, photographs and reports of his productions done in Hellerau and Geneva, in collaboration with
Appia.
Examples of these sources on Appia and Jaques-Dalcroze, available at OSU libraries mostly in English and some in French, are Walther R.
Volbach’s Adolphe Appia: Prophet of the Modern Theatre: A Profile
(1968); this book is the first and only full-length study devoted to
Appia. It is a well organized and illustrated study of consisting of seven chapters based primarily on the Appia original materials housed in the Appia Foundation in Geneva, which were made available to Volbach.
Each chapter deals with a major period of Appia’s work except Chapter IV, which is devoted to his personality.14 Chapter III, however, is the most helpful part for it deals with a descriptive study of the collaboration of the two artists in action.15 This book, which provides the most comprehensive bibliography of materials by and on Appia, was my best guide throughout my research. Frank Martin's book Emile Jaques-
Dalcroze, Neuchatel: Editions de la Baconniere (1965) is an invaluable source for this study for it is a documentary study on the artistic development of Jaques-Dalcroze; it also contains a very important article by Dr. Edmond Stadler of the Appia Foundation at Bern, on both
Jaques-Dalcroze and Appia. This article is of special value for it focuses on the artistic nature of their work through the forementioned letters exchanged between the two artists at the time of their collaboration. The whole book has been consulted with many other materials and duly noted in each chapter of this study. Lately, the
Swiss Society of Theatre published a new study on Appia, Adolphe Appia:
Oeuvres Completes I 1880-1894 (1983), which include valuable and new information on the man and his work. In this book, Denis Bablet has a lengthy detailed study, which became of essential help to the purpose of this dissertation. The book also includes one of Appia’s musical exercises and one of his first colored sketches.
14 W. Volbach, Adolphe Appia; Prophet.. p. xiv.
15 In about thirteen written pages (pp.82-99) supported by two sketches of Appia's "Rhythmic Spaces" and four production photographs, Volbach describes the Appia-Jaques-Dalcroze meeting and collaboration in Hellerau and Geneva in depth, which helped me develop my own analytical framework in a different direction that focuses on the intimate relations between rhythmic movement and rhythmic space. 13
Additional articles related to Appia and Jaques-Dalcroze, written by Volbach, were also consulted for further investigation of the Appia-
Jaques-Dalcroze collaboration and the intimate relationships they conceived between rhythmic movement and rhythmic space. These articles, such as "Appia’s Productions and Contemporary Reaction," "Beginnings of a Genius," "Profile of a Genius," "Jacques Copeau, Appia’s Finest
Disciple," "The Collaboration of Adolphe Appia and Emile Jaques-
Dalcroze," and "Time and Space on the Stage," more or less represent
Volbach’s views about the art and life of Appia and the collaboration of the two Swiss artists. They are found in various periodicals cited in the bibliography of this study.
Another study of Appia is Jean Mercier’s article: "Adolphe Appia:
The Rebirth of Dramatic Art."16 This study is important for two reasons: it touches on the subject of this dissertation, and it was written by Appia’s closest associate, who was also one of his pupils.17
Mercier provides us with invaluable information about Appia and his work as well as his influence on the modern stage.
' Supplementary studies of value are 1) a chapter in Lee Simonson's
The Stage is Set (1932). This study demonstrates Appia’s leading position in the development of the mo d e m theatre. Lee Simonson admits that Appia is the most influential figure in mo d e m stagecraft but regrets that Appia published his findings in German rather than English.
2) That same year, Simonson also praised Appia in a Theatre Arts Monthly
16 See Theatre Arts Monthly. XVI (1932), pp.615-630.
17 Volbach, Adolphe Appia: Prophet, pp. 131-32. Also see Mercier, p.626. 14 article based on the book chapter; here he states that "Appia is the
founder of modern stagecraft.1,18 Lee Simonson’s statement is well documented and supported by photographs of works influenced by Appia,
including three views of two model settings for Dante’s The Divine
Comedy and Eugene O ’Neill's Lazarus Laughed, designed by Norman Bel
Geddes in 1927.19 3) Jessica Davis Van Wyck, another student of Appia, wrote two essays in Theatre Arts Monthly (Dec. 1924, Jan. 1925), incorporating eight sketches by Appia and herself in "collaboration" with Appia." The significance of these two articles and these sketches lies in their revelation of another dimension of Appia’s personality and artistic ability, and of the discovery of many sketches not included in his portfolio. The fact that the portfolio does not contain these sketches (at least fourteen) suggests that there may be other Appia sketches lost forever or, at the very best, hidden in other places.
Moreover, the Davis Van Wyck articles include a sketch attributed to
Appia which is not really his. This study investigates this matter in detail in Appendix II.
Of equal importance sire studies by sou® students of Jaques-
Dalcroze. Most of this material is full of supplementing details about
is Lee Simonson, "Appia’s Contribution to the M odem Stage," Theatre Arts Monthly, XVI (1932), pp. 641-643.
19 In his article in Theatre Arts Monthly (August 1932), Lee Simonson states that "Appia’s theory of the theatre has found no more complete realization than in the work of Norman Bel Geddes whose monumental project for a production of Dante’s classic poem is a distinguished contribution to American theatre art."
20 Jessica Davies Van Wyck, "Working with Appia," Theatre Arts Monthly. 8 (1924), pp. 815-18. Also see J. Wyck, "Designing Hamlet with Appia," Theatre Arts Monthly. 9 (1925), pp.17-31. 15
Eurhythmies and its contribution to music education, such as Heather
Gell’s Music. Movement and the Young Child (1959), Elsa Findlay’s Rhythm
and Movement: Applications of Dalcroze Eurhythmies (1971), and Henrietta
Rosenstrauch’s Essays on Rhythm, Music. Movement (1973). These studies
are based on the principles of the Jaques-Dalcroze method, which these
writers learned while studying with him in Geneva and London and now
teach at schools of dance and theatre in different colleges and
universities as well as other institutes of music.
To a lesser extent, though no less helpful, was research by other
scholars, such as Richard C. Beacham’s two articles, "Appia, Jaques-
Dalcroze, and Hellerau, Part One: ’Music Made Visible’, and Part Two:
’Poetry in Motion’ in New Theatre Quarterly, Vol.l, No.2, May 1985, and
vol.l, No.3, August 1985. These two articles are followed by a book by
the same author, Adolphe Appia: Theatre Artist. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1987. The book includes the two articles placed after
revision in two chapters which are mostly devoted to the collaboration
of Appia and Jaques-Dalcroze in Hellerau. But it must be said that Mr.
Beacham’s book inaccurately credits Appia for designing the setting for
Claudel’s The Annunciation of 1913, which is actually Salzmann’s, as analyzed and documented in the Conclusion of this dissertation.
In addition to the information extracted from the above mentioned sources, Denis Bablet’s books and articles on stage design in general and on Appia and Jaques-Dalcroze, in particular, have been consulted.
His books, Esthetique general du decor de theatre de 1870 a 1914, Paris,
Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1965, and The
Revolutions of State Design in the 20th Century. New York: Leon Amiel, 1977, and his articles, such as "Appia and Theatrical Space: From Revolt
to Utopia," in Adolphe Appia (1862-1928): Actor-Space-Light (Exhibition
Catalogue), New York: Riverrun Press, 1982, and others are rich in descriptive detail and provide a thorough knowledge of Appia, his work,
and his position in the past and present. The books and dissertations
on Appia and Jaques-Dalcroze have been consulted and duly noted in each chapter of this study. CHAPTER I
EMILE JAQUES-DALCROZE: EURHYTHMICS AND RHYTHMIC MOVEMENT
The search for educational reform, around the turn of the nineteenth century, was one of many significant movements which began to challenge the old conventions in every field. Emile Jaques-Dalcroze was one of the leading figures in the area of music education. He believed that rhythm is an important factor in music. Musical rhythm was recognized by him sis "the most potent element in music and the one most closely to life."1 As a young professor at the Geneva Conservatoire of
Music, he began to question the conventional method of teaching music, especially after he had discovered that his students’ sense of time was imperfect and they did not feel the rhythm as presented to them on the printed page.2 His decision was to train the ears of his pupils as early as possible, because he discovered that the young child develops the hearing faculties with remarkable ease. Jaques-Dalcroze set his students exercises in stepping and halting, and trained than to create a physical movement in relation to the perception of musical rhythms.
That was the origin of his "Eurhythmies", a new systan of music
1 Jack Dobbs, "Emile Jaques-Dalcroze" in Some Great Music Educators: A Collection of Essays, ed. Kenneth Simpson (England: Borough Green-Novello 1976), p. 52.
2 Emile Jaques-Dalcroze, Rhythm. Music and Education, trans. Harold F. Rubinstein (New York: AmoPress 1976), p. v.
17 (Figure 1.1) Jaques-Dalcroze at the Piano (Hellerau) 19
education, by which a perfect sense of hearing could exist in harmony
with all senses of movement and space.3 It was a new revelation to him,
his contemporaries, and following generations.
Emile Jaques-Dalcroze was b o m in Vienna (Austria), on July 6,
1865, of French-Swiss parents. His family was highly intellectually
and almost all played music. He had a joyful childhood, developed a
charming personality, and at an early age showed many talents,
especailly in music. At the age of six, he began to take piano lessons.
He was profoundly interested in, and influenced by, Johann Strauss and his orchestras. When he was ten, Jaques-Dalcroze’s family moved to
Geneva, where he attended a private school for two years and continued
to take piano lessons.4
In the autumn of 1877, Jaques-Dalcroze was admitted to the
Conservatoire of Geneva where he was placed in the secondary division.
He rose to the top of his class and held this position through his graduation in June 1883. After graduating from high school in the same year, he enrolled in the University of Geneva without a specific goal in mind. His studies there were irregular and of short duration.5
During these years, Jaques-Dalcroze engaged in some artistic and dramatic activities such as acting, singing and writing songs, until he was offered a position as a second music director of a small theatre
3 Ibid, p. iv.
4 For much of the material of this chapter, the writer is indebted to the authors of "Emile Jaques-Dalcroze11. namely, Tibor Denes.
5 Tibor Denes, "Chronologie," in Frank A. Martin (ed), Emile Jaques-Dalcroze (Neuchatel: La Baconnier, 1965), p. 13. 20
(Theatre des Nouveautes) in Algiers.6 On September 8, 1886, he went to
Algiers to stay for the summer season. This trip was a decisive
influence on his artistic career for he recognized the significance of
the peculiar rhythms of Arab popular music, which he found unusually
interesting and stimulating.7
In the autumn of the following year, he went to Vienna where he was
admitted in the Academy of Music and studied piano, harmony,
counterpoint and composition. At the same time, he was engaged in
musical performances of his own work.8 In 1889, he returned to Geneva,
lectured on his work at the Conservatoir, then went to Paris to study
the laws of expression and rhythm under Mathis Lussy (a Swiss musician
who emphasized the element of rhythm throughout his research).9 In
1891, he returned to Geneva emphasizing rhythm in his lectures and piano demonstrations with more and more success. As a result of his tireless efforts, the Geneva Academy of Music offered him a position to teach a special course on the history of music. He also gave lecture- tours on music at many cities in Switzerland. The most important result of these artistic activities was his appointment as a professor of theoretical harmony for the upper division. In 1893, solfege was added to the teaching course.10 As he began to emphasize rhythm as an
6 Ibid, pp. 13-14.
7 M.E. Sadler, The Eurhythmies of Jaques-Dalcroze (Boston: Small, Maynard 1918), p. 35.
8 Tiber Denes, "Chronologie", p. 14.
9 Ibid, p. 15.
10 Tiber Denes, "Chronologie," p. 15. 21
(Figure 1.2) A Plastic Exercise in Rhythmic Movement
(Figure 1.3) A Plastic Exercise 22
important element in music education he soon discovered that the
rhythmic side of the musical personality of his students was usually
undeveloped. Rhythm, he found, was the least understood of musical
elements.11
After the first few lessons, I noticed that the ears of my pupils were not able to appreciate the cords which they had to write, and I concluded that the flaw in the conventional method of training is that pupils are not given experience of chords at the beginning of their studies... Accordingly I decided to precede my lessons in written harmony by special exercises of a physiological nature aimed at developing the hearing faculties ...12
Jaques-Dalcroze’s first task was to have his students feel the rhythm as presented to than on the printed score. He devised a system of musical training to develop instinctive rhythmic reaction to a simple musical rhythm through devising and improvising progressive bodily movement as a means of self expression. Such an educational system of rhythmic value, in which the body is used as the interpreter of musical rhythm, is now known to the world as "Eurhythmies". It brings to life the beauty and simplicity of movement and sincerity of expression by putting real and imaginary experiences into visible rhythmic movement.
It is a combination of piano playing, listening to music and dancing; all three activities and the participation of mind and body are necessary for true rhythmic realization of simple music.
Music is composed of sound and movement. Sound is a form of movement of a secondary, rhythm of primary, order. Musical studies
11 Arther Mendel, "Music: Mental and Bodily Rhythm," The Nation. Vol. 134, No. 3476 (February 19?), p. 210.
12 Jaques-Dalcroze, Rhythm. Music, and Education (London 1921), p. v. 23
(Figure 1.4) A Plastic Study 24
should therefore be preceded by exercises in movement. Every limb- -first separately, then simultaneously, finally the whole body— should be set in rhythmic motion; the resulting formation, i.e., the relations between the energy, space, and time involved, being carefully collated and regulated.13
Jaques-Dalcroze spent a great deal of time teaching, lecturing and demonstrating his work at home and in many European cities, which brought recognition and support for his teachings. Lectures and demonstrations given in Geneva attracted the attention of several German cities. The most notable event was his presentation of dance-songs at
Basel in 1903. Following this demonstration, many other cities invited him to come as lecturer and guest teacher.14
One can imagine Jaques-Dalcroze’s frustration and disappointment as he finds himself welcome and his work appreciated abroad at the time his countrymen, especially his colleagues, deny him such acclaim.
I have experienced the heavy resistance of all those who direct the musical movement here. I have been fighting for ten years; only one year ago, despairing to be able to make some experiences at the Conservatoire where I was always told that my research did not offer any interest... How many times did they reproach me to forget the music and create myself a mentality of a dance master.15
Jaques-Dalcroze could convince a few parents to entrust their children's music education to him. The experiments that he was able to make during these lessons were very valuable. He was convinced that his research was legitimate in spite of his colleagues's opposition to his
13 Jaques-Dalcroze, Rhythm. Music, and Education, pp. 89-90.
14 Volbach, Adolphe Appia: Prophet .... p. 84.
15 Jaques-Dalcroze's letter to Appia, dated May 21, 1906. Quoted from Stadler, "Emile Jaques-Dalcroze et Adolphe Appia," p. 418. 25
(Figure 1.5) A Plastic Exercise 26 efforts.18 He had full confidence in his whole approach to music education. His goal was to realize the intimate relationships existing between rhythms in sound and rhythms in the body moving in time and space. He proposed undertaking an independent study of sound and movement, as two separate elements, before teaching the existing relationship between them. He believed that the study of music begins by careful and experimental teaching of movement and that this movement begins with its simplist form as marching exercise, which is "a natural model of time measure."17
As study progresses additional uses of different parts of the body express various accentuations of musical rhythms. It is essential, however, to stress the feelings of the performer in response to music through self-expression. Although such training sounds simple and easy, in practice it needs tremendous training and discipline to use rhythmic movement to enhance musical sound variations of accentuations.
By means of various accentuations of the foot, I teach the different time measures. Pauses (of varying lengths) in the marching teach the children to distinguish durations of sound; movements to time with the sums and the head preserve order in the succession of the time measures and analyzing the bars and pauses.18
Jaques-Dalcroze*s intent was to have his pupils see clearly in themselves what they really are after thorough rhythmic training. Such experiments in rhythm, and the complete study of movements— simple or sophisticated— should create a fresh mentality and joyful attitude.
16 Ibid.
17 Quoted by Sadler, p. 14.
18 Jaques-Dalcroze*s lecture on "Rhythm as a Factor in Education," quoted in Sadler, p. 12. 27
physical response to music as heard. The basic principle of Jaques-
Dalcroze' s method is that music and movement are organically
interrelated in time and space; the body is used as a living musical
instrument to express the rise and fall of musical rhythm.
In conclusion, the Eurhythmies of Jaques-Dalcroze was rhythmic movement, achieved through the experience of musical rhythm, meant to
develop the ability to create different movement-expression, and the ability to improvise the rhythmic movement simultaneously with the flow of melody. Each individual expresses himself in personal response physicalized in extreme diversity of movements— this is natural and expected. But in case of a group work, the entire group is devoted to the unity and harmony of one interpretation used to produce one aesthetic composition of general effect of living art.
Eurhythmies has had a great influence on the theatre, in general, and the lyric stage, in particular. The aesthetic discipline of the body, which first took place in Eurhythmies, found its way to the theatrical performer, actor, dancer or singer, to unify and harmonize the dramatic action on the stage with the other theatrical elements.
Eurhythmies provided an aesthetic education for Jaques-Dalcroze ’ s students, and it also became an aesthetic movement which made an impact on the musical theatre, choreography and music education all over the world. The Jaques-Dalcroze approach to learning and teaching music has been adopted by his international students who not only wrote books and articles about him and his work, but also opened schools similar to his in Europe and America. As a result, the work of Jaques-Dalcroze, which 28
was considerably developed after his acquaintance with Appia, became a nursery for a new aesthetic movement which enriched music education. (Figure 1.6) A Plastic Exercise (Figure 1.7) Jaques-Dalcroze with his Young Pupils (Geneva) 31
(Figure 1.8) Institute Jaques-Dalcroze (Geneva)
(Figure 1.9) Institute Jaques-Dalcroze (Geneva) CHAPTER II
ADOLPHE APPIA: ARTIST, MUSICIAN, DESIGN AND RHYTHMIC SPACE
Adolphe Appia was a rare man of many talents who is known to the theatre world through his theory rather than through his practice.
Although he is considered by some theatre people as one of the prophets of the m o d e m theatre, his work is not widely read, and its true scope and value is not fully appreciated except by a few people.1 Yet, no attempt has been made to examine Appia’s radical style of rhythmic features in relation to his basic music education, his own theory and artistic intention, or in relation to its organically related work of his collaborator. As a result, Appia’s most profound study of stage space to explore its theatrical possibilities cannot be truly understood. However, it is essential to emphasize the fact that Appia’s theory and practice cannot be separated; they must be examined together as one organic whole if we are to understand his entire philosophy and artistic concepts of Time and Space as supplied by music, movement, and lighting.
Adolphe Francois Appia was b o m in Geneva on 1 September, 1862.
His family was originally French and Italian. His father, Dr. Paul
1 Denis Bablet, "Adolphe Appia, of Geneva, Great Friend and Collaborator of Emile Jaques-Dalcroze, is the Creator of Mo d e m Staging," published in Le Rhthroe in 1963, trans. Walther Volbach, the Appia Collection, Beinecke Library, Yale University, p. 1.
32 33
(Figure 2.1) Adolphe Appia in 1880 34
Amedee Appia was a cofounder of the Red Cross and had settled in Geneva
in 1849, where a number of the Calvinist clergymen in the family studied
and married into Swiss families. The father’s family came from St.
Jean, one of the Protestant French-speaking Vallees vaudoises in
Piedmont. Appia's mother, Ann-Caroline Lasserre, was from an old Geneva
family. As a young child, Appia went to the primary school in Geneva, and then he attended his secondary and high school at the humanistic
College de Vevey, a boarding school at Vevey near Geneva, where singing, drawing, and gymnastics were emphasized.2 Appia’s youth was passed on the banks of the Lake of Geneva, and in the countryside around Vevey which became influential on his artistic vision.
He showed early a remarkable talent for music, and music moulded his child soul and gave him that extraordinary, deep, inner vibration which never left him. Appia was, first of all, a musician, and it is important to realize this priority. Music was his chosen art, his inspiration. Through music the whole world of art was revealed to him.3
At Vevey High School (1874-1879), Appia was an irregular student with average results except in music and art in which he was bright.4
His curiosity about the arts, particularly the theatre, represented an opposite interest from his strict religious and conservative family.
The idea of theatre, even the word, was banned in our family circle, and its absence was doubtless a stimulant to my
2 Edmond Stadler, Adolphe Appia. (London: Victoria and Albert Museum Catalogue 1970), p. 7.
3 Jean Mercier, "Adolphe Appia: The Rebirth of Dramatic Art," 16 (1932), p. 616.
4 Adolphe Appia: Oeuvres Completes I (188-1894). ed., Foundation de la Collection Suisse du Theatre (Bern, 1983), p. 34. 35
imagination...and, since theatre, its most fascinating form, had been excluded from my childhood, it inevitably drew my attention.5
In fact, Appia’s childhood experience and environment left their marks on his life and determined his direction. His great sensitivity suffered from strict discipline, exaggerated piety, monotony, and, above all, contempt for what interested him the most.6 As a result of being under such tension while receiving no encouragement, Appia began to stutter, and this defect grew worse with the years especially after a typhus attack in 1878.7 This stuttering made him so self-conscious that he shunned publicity and withdrew from the presence of strangers.
Fortunately, he was able to concentrate on his talents and use writing and drawing to express and explain his artistic visions.8
It was not until he was eighteen years old, that his parents, who did let him study music, allowed him to go to the theatre— and then only when he had to become acquainted with opera.9 This seems to mark an important step in the beginning of Appia’s career. At twenty, he left
Geneva to continue his musical studies abroad, and side
5 Adolphe Appia, "Theatrical Experiences and Personal Investigations," unpublished essay of about 1924, trans. Walter R. Volbach, the Appia Collection, Beinecke Library, Yale University, p. 355 of the typescript.
6 Walther R. Volbach, Adolphe Appia— Prophet of the Modem Theatre: A Profile (Connecticut, Middletown: Wesleyan University Press 1968), p. 21.
7 Adolphe Appia: Oeuvres Completes, p. 34.
8 Volbach, Appia— Prophet. p. 21.
9 Appia, "Theatrical Experiences and Personal Investigations," p. 355. 36
(Figure 2.2) Adolphe Appia in 1882 by side with music, he set himself to the study of theatrical technique and stagecraft in Dresden and Vienna.10 In the Fall of 1882, he entered the Leipzig Conservatory, and saw an original production of Wagner's
Parsifal at Bayreuth. Later on, he returned there three other times to see Tannhauser. Lohengrin. The Mastersingers. and The Ring. In fact,
Wagner's music held Appia's attention; in the music-dramas, Appia found what he considered the answer to all his needs— music and the theatre, but not without some disappointment caused by the conflict between his ideals, based on his own artistic education and his high expectations, on the one hand, and the inadequacy of presentation on the other.
Notably, Wagner’s music-dramas moved Appia and revealed to him a new dramatic form, whose marvelous beauty persuaded him to find an artistic solution to bring about a perfect synchronization between musical expression, which is addressed to the ears, and the performer’s movement, as addressed to the eyes. Moreover, Appia was trying to realize the dreams of his predecessors to relate the arts of time to those of space in one organized unity— a notion which will be discussed later in this chapter. In the same year (1882), Appia saw Le Songed* une nuit d'ete and Carmen, directed by Anton Hill.11
Appia's desire to study theatrical technique and stagecraft, was reinforced by the inadequate realization of all that he saw on the stage. His accurate observation did not fail to recognize what was missing on the stage, when he saw Faust by Gounod, for the second time, in 1881 at the Grand Theatre in Geneva:
10 Mercier, "Adolphe Appia: The Rebirth of Dramatic Art," p. 617.
11 Adolphe Appia: Oeuvres Completes I . p. 34. 38
I was conscious of the flimsiness of the settings and the flatness of the stage floor. I had assumed that a diversity of levels would improve the positions and the movements of the performers. I clearly sensed this, but could not precisely explain it...[The characters’] movements were so poorly arranged. Again, this was more felt than formulated...And seeing only the flat floor, I wondered why Valentine had to die at the same spot.12
In Paris, Appia enjoyed his stay, saw many productions beginning in
Spring 1984, and learned a great deal from his experience there.
The theatre taught me nothing except the advantage of numerous rehearsals and solid preparation. It was the precision of Parisian productions which for all their conventionality, seemed remarkable to me, primarily because they emphasized the actors, my own main interest.13
On the other hand, in Bayreuth, where the mise en scene was
conceived in the same fashion of the pictorial tradition of the
nineteenth century, Appia was impressed only by its unusual luxury.
However, he was attracted by the music and by the acting of the singers, whose presence on the stage had no harmony with the scenery. At that time, the Bruckners, and Joseph Hoffmann, of Bayreuth, and Rube and
Chaperon, at the Paris Opera, were the leading designers of the period.
Their work was a representation of nature or historical realism, painted on two dimensional scenery. Shaky flats, on which false perspective and landscape scenes of bright colors were painted, had no harmony with the flatness of the stage floor, the heavy platforms or the performers.
12 Appia, "Theatrical Experiences and Personal Investigations," p. 356.
13 Ibid., p. 357. 39
L®
(Figure 2.3) Music Composition by Appia in 1880-81 (Geneva) 40
The audience’s attention was dispersed by the accumulation of pseudo- historical detail by which the general impression— and the drama itself- -were swamped!14
Appia, dissatisfied with these conventional representations, and inspired by the Wagnerian music-dramas and artistic theory, began to analyze the theatrical elements in relation to the complete scenario and the dramatic action. In 1891, Appia began to publish his findings and the reforms he proposed for a revival of the lyric stage. His first book, Staging Wagnerian Drama (1891), was followed by a complete scenario of The Ring. Later, in 1895, he wrote Music and the Art of the
Theatre. which was published in 1899. This work, which contains Appia’s philosophy and artistic theory, is considered his most important written work, for it shows in full detail a radical reformation in staging, directing, and lighting.15 Appia proposed to find in the scores of
Wagner (of which Appia, as a musician, had a thorough and minute knowledge, line by line and measure by measure) the scenic solutions for the staging of the operas. He took the living actor as the point of departure, and placed him "not before, but in the midst of, planes and lines which are rightly intended for him."16 As these lines harmonize the space and music— as the varying lengths of musical sounds are realized in the space through rhythmic visible proportions— they also
14 Dennis Bablet, "Appia and Theatrical Space: From Revolt to Utopia," in Adolphe Appia (1862-1928) Actor-Space-Light (New York: Riverrun Press 1982), p. 11.
15 Jean Mercier, "Adolphe Appia: the Rebirth of Dramatic Art," p. 617.
16 Appia, The Work of Living Art. pp. 86-87. 41
harmonize the rhythmic movement in space which is proportioned and
measured by the human body.17
To coordinate musical rhythm and bodily rhythm, Appia proposed
reform in the education of the singers by demanding for them a special
training in "musical gymnastics". Jaques-Dalcroze developed his own
system of Eurhythmies from the same principle. Appia developed his
rhythmic spaces for Jaques-Dalcroze out of this same principle which he
had applied to Wagner’s music-dramas. As a result, the actor took
first place in Appia’s hierarchy; he acts out the drama, and his bodily
movements— rhythmic movement— will express music in time and space.
Then, space, with its three dimensions will be subordinated to the
performer, for whom it is created to support his dramatic action. After
that follows light— colored, living, and plastic— which harmonizes the
theatrical elements, and which can be made to correspond to a particular
musical rhythm. Appia, who first focused on music as the soul of the
drama at the beginning of his career, now turned to the hunan body— the
first means of expression— especially once he became acquainted with
Jaques-Dalcroze. As an artist-musician who proposed a reform in the
lyric stage, he used rhythm as a means of modifying his designs: "Rhythm
is the hyphen which joins time to space, the temporary life of sound to
the fleeting life of movement."18 Indeed, he used music todetermine
timing and the duration of everything that happens on
17 Ibid, p. 53.
18 Appia, "Man is the Measure of All Things," in The Work of Living Art. p. 128. 42
(Figure 2.4) A Water-Color Sketch by Appia in 1887 (Dresden) 43
stage: "it gives a unified rhythm to the theatrical elements which has
no relation to the everyday world."19
As many of Appia’s extant designs reflect his conception of the
theatre, his last book, The Work of Living Art (1921) illustrates his
development, especially after he became acquainted with Jaques-Dalcroze
and Eurhythmies. In fact, in this book Appia reorganized his aesthetic
theory, and devoted a large portion of it to explaining his basis for
the new art form he and his collaborator introduced to the theatre, as a
living art. One year before his death in 1928, Appia wrote that this
last book was "the most significant of his publications and that in his
view it most completely expressed his mature thought."20
Appia’s designs for the theatre emphasized specific features
throughout his artistic career. He meant to have his forms express
weight, simplicity, and stability: "volisne without weight seems about to
escape into the breeze, like a balloon."21 Monumentality is an
important feature represented in all Appia’s designs of elementary forms
and materials of lasting values— such as stone-like structures. Such
monumentality is of special interest for its opposition to the human
body, in terms of size and weight and form. To a great extent, there
are some desired spritual effects and stylization. The sense of monumentality combined with the exterior space of openness creates a dramatic atmosphere, a sensation of harmony and unity with space; a
19 Quoted from "The Staging of Tristan and Isolde" in Adolphe Appia: Actor-Space-Light, p. 29.
20 H.D. Albright, "Adolphe Appia and the Work of Living Art" in The Work of Living Art. p. xvi.
21 Appia, The Work of Living Art. p. 27. sense of movement and immobility at once, a feeling of mystery and communion with nature. The unknown height of most of Appia’8 forms, in addition to the unlimited space and the vast horizon, gives a sense of mystery when the material world, represented in these huge forms, meets the spritual one represented by this unlimited space in all directions— height, width, and depth where all the lines go either to the vanishing point in the horizon— or to the sky, where the material world and divine place are united. Such psychological reaction was obviously desired by
Appia in his theatrical space filled with dramatic, dynamic, and living light and shadows.
In conclusion, there is an organic relationship between Appia’s musical background and his concept of stage space of the lyric theatre.
The musically conceived rhythmic spaces reflect the qualities of fine groupings and proportions by which a perceptible and dignified rhythm is produced. It is, indeed, largely this rhythm that makes Appia’s work so different from the works before and after him. The reason is not arbitrary but rather a justifiable one. Rhythm has always been and always will be present not only in music, but in all arts— visual and auditory. It was Appia’s uniqueness and artistry and his unfailing sense of fine rhythm that made him able to create a new theatrical space of interrelated rhythmic features. The artist-muscian in him was able to conceive what others could not. Even though Appia’s attempts at a reform in staging and directing began long before his association with
Jaques-Dalcroze, it was not until the letter’s Eurhythmies opened
Appia’s eyes that he was able to master his own use of theatrical space.
The work of Appia, during his collaboration with Jaques-Dalcroze, is a 45
natural development of the man’s theory and practice, which relate
organically not only to his own musical background, but also to the work
of his collaborator. Music imposes its successive units of time on the
expressive movement of the performer, and Appia in creating a rhythmic
acting space, followed the same principle. He used music, which
controls the gestures and the movements of the performer, to create a
space most suitable for the dramatic action. This principle dictates the conception of the scenery by modifying the proportions of space as music modifies those of time.22 Appia’s theatrical ideas and solutions are
still applicable today with the use of the most advanced technology.
They are theatrical, practical, and economical. His work has inspired many generations of the theatre artists and continues to be fertile and fruitful area of research which needs more related studies, especially
in the technical theatre.
The following account of the writings of Appia (a total about seventy books, essays, treatises, and scenarios, etc.) calls attention to the great amount of writing done by this artist-musician— who became a man of the theatre— and may serve as a resource for those interested in further study and research.
22 Mercier, "Adolphe Appia: The Rebirth of Dramatic Art," p. 618. 46
THEATRE DESIGN EXHIBITIONS2 3 (in which Appia participated over a period of almost twenty years):
Darnstad (1909); Zurich (International Exhibition, 1914); Cologne (1914); Geneva (1918); Amsterdam (International Exhibition, 1922); London (International Exhibition, 1922); Milan (1923); Stockholm (1924); Basel (1924); Zurich (1925); Leipzig (1925); and Magdeburg (1927);
WRITINGS BY APPIA
(BOOKS)
La Mise en scene du drame wagnerien. 1892-1894. (The Staging of the Wagnerian Music Drama). Paris: Leon Challey. 1985.
La Musique et la mise en scene. 1894-1896. Berne: Theaterkultur Verlag. Schweizer Theater Jahrbuch. No. 38-39. 1963. Die Musik und die Inscenierung. Munich: Bruckmann. 1899. Music and the Art of the Theatre. Coral Gables, Fla.: University of Miami Press. 1962.
L'Oeuvre d ’art vivant. 1916-1920. Geneva-Paris: Edition Atar. 1921. The Work of Living Art. Coral Gables, Fla.: University of Miami Press. 1960.
(ESSAYS, ARTICLES, SCENARIOS)
Das Rheingold. Scenario, c.1891. (lost).
Die Walkure. Scenario, c.1891-1892.
Siegfried. Scenario. 1892.
Die Gotterdamerung. . Scenario. 1892.
23 Quoted from Albright, "Appia and the Work of Living Art," p. xvii. Notes de mise en scene pour 1 ’Anneau de Nibelungen. 1891-1892. (Comments on the Staging of The Ring of the Nibelung). Revue d ’Historie du Theatre. No.1-2.1954.
Parsifal. Scenario, c.1896. Der Tuermer. Vol.XVI. No.5. October, 1912. Neue Zurcher Zeitung, April 24, 1964.
Die Inscenierung von Tristan und Isolde. ( The Staging of Tristan and Isolde). (from Appendix, La Musique et la mise en scene). Theatre Workshop. Vol.I. No.3. 1937. The Art of Scenic Design. Lee Simonson. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc. 1950. Theatre and Drama in the Making. John Gassner and Ralph Allen (eds.). Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. 1964. Wagner on Music and Drama. Albert Goldman and Evert Sprinchom (eds.). New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc. 1964.
Cement reformer notre mise en scene, c.1900. (Ideas on a reform of our Mise en Scene). La Revue des Revues. Vol.I. No.9. 1904. Directing the Play. Toby Cole and helen Krich Chinoy (eds.). Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc. 1953.
Der Saal des Prinzregenten-Theater s. (The Auditorium of the Prinzregenten-Theater). Die Gesellschaft. Vol.XVIII. No.3. 1902.
Manfred. Scenario. 1903.
Introduction a mes notes personnelles. 1905. (Introduction to my Personal Notes).
Retour a musique. (Return to Music). Journal de Geneve. August 20, 1906.
Notes sur le theatre. (Comments on the Theatre). La Vie Musicale. Vol.I. No.6. 1909.
Response au questionnaire. (Answer to the Questionnaire). L'Essor, July 11, 1908.
Style et solidarite. (Style and solidarity). Le Rythme. Vol.I. No.6. 1909. Der Rhythmus. Vol.I. No.6. 1909. La Gymnastique rythmique et le theatre. (Eurythmics and the Theatre). Les Feuillets. Mo.14. 1912. Der Rhythmus. Ein Jahrbuch. Vol.I. Jena. 1911.
L'Origine et les debuts de la gymnastique rythmique. ( The Origin and Beginnings of Eurythmics). Les Feuillets No.5. 1911. Der Rhythmus. Ein Jahrbuch. Vol.I. Jena. 1911.
La Gymnastique rythmique et la lumiere. (Eurythmics and the Light). Le Rythme. No.34. 1932.
Du Costume pour la gymnastique rythmique. (About the Costume for Eurythmics). Die Schulfeste der Bildungsanstalt Jaques-Dalcroze. Jena. 1912.
Die Inszenierung als Ausdrucksmittel. ( The Mise en Scene as Means of Expression). Moderne Theaterkunst. Geleitworte. Katalog. Mannheim. 1913.
Die Musik und das Buehnenbild. (Music and the Setting). Theaterkunst Ausstellung. Katalog. Zurich. 1914.
En ecoutant 1 ’orgue a Saint-Pierre. ( While Listening to the Organ in Saint-Pierre). Journal de Geneve. October 8, 1914.
Fetes de 1 ’Institut Jaques-Dalcroze. (Festivals of the Jaques-Dalcroze Institute). Program. Dalcroze Institute. 1917.
Preface a 1*edition anglaise de Musik und Inscenierung. 1918. (Preface to the English Edition of Musik and Inscenierung).
Acteur, espace, lumiere, peinture. (Actor, Space, Light, Painting). Journal de Geneve (Abbreviated). January 22, 1954. Theatre Populaire (Abbreviated). No. 5. January-February, 1954.
Carmen. Scenario, fragment, c.1920.
Reflexions sur 1 *espace et le temps. (Reflections on Space and Time). Aujourd’hui. Vol.III. No.17. 1958.
L ’Art est une attitude, c.1920. (Art is an Attitude). 20th Century Stage Decoration. Walter Rene Fuerst and Samuel J. Hume. London: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. 1928. 4 9
L ’Ancienne attitude. c.1920. ( The Former Attitude).
La Mise en scene et son venir. c.1921. (Theatrical Production and Its Pi'ospects in the Future). II Covegno. Vol.II. No.4-6. 1923. Theatre .Arts >lonthly (Abbreviated). Vol.XVI. No.8. 1932. Theatre Arts Anthology (Abbreviated). New York: Theatre Arts Books. 1950. Cahiers de la Compagnie Madeleine Renaud-Jean-Louis Barrault. Mo.10. 1955.
Essai sur un probleme dangereux. 1921. (.4 Dangerous problem).
Formes nouvelles. 1921. (Mew Forms).
Le Ceste de 1 ’art. 1921. ( The Gesture of Art).
Apres une lecture de Port-Royal {Sainte-Beuve). 1921. {After Reading Port-Royal by Sainte-Veuve).
Art Vivant? ou nature morte? c. 1922. {Living Art or Dead Nature?). Wendigen. No.9-10. 1922. Bottega di Poesia. Milan. 1923. Theatre Annual. Vol.II. 19343. Players Magazine. Vol.33. No.4. 1962,
Le Sujet. 1922. ( The Theme).
L ’Intermediaire. 1922. (The Intermediary).
Monumentalite. 1922. {Monumentality). Revue d ’Esthetique. October-December, 1953.
Pittoresque. c.1922. (Picturesqueness).
L'Enfant et l ’art dramatique. (The Child and Dramatic Art). Pour 1 'Ere Nouvelle. January, 1923.
A Propos de 1 ’enfant et 1 ’art dramatique. Pour l ’Ere Nouvelle. April, 1923. 5 u
L'Homme est la measure de toutes choses. August, 1923. (Atan Is the Measure of All Things). La Revue Theatrale. Vol.VIII. No.25. 1954. The Work of Living Art, see Books.
Les Maitres Chanteurs. Scenario, c.1922. ( The tlastersingers).
Tristan et Iseult. Breve analyse du drame. 1923.
Introduction aux representations de Tristan et Isolde a la Scalade Milan. Direction A. Toscanini. 1923. (Introduction to the Performances of Tristan and Isolde under the Direction of A. Toscanini at la Scala in Milan).
La Preparation de 'Tristan' a la Scala. Journal de Geneve. January 22, 1924.
Tristano e Isotta a la Scala. La Semaine Litteraire. January 24, 1924.
Das Rheingold. Scenario. 1924.
Die Walkeure. Scenario. 1924.
Siegfried. Scenario. 1924. (lost)
Die Goetterdaeimerung. Scenario. 1923-1924.
Mise en scene pour Promethee. Scenario, fragment. 1924.
Le Reforme et le theatre de Bale. ( The Reform and the Theatre at Basel). (Appia also used the title A propos d'art scenique). Gazette de Lausanne. May 3, 1925.
Experiences de theatre et recherches personnelles. 1922-1924. ( Theatrical Experiences and Personal Investigations).
L'Art dramatique vivant. 1925. (The Art of the Living Theatre).
Richard Wagner et la mise en scene. (Richard Wagner and Theatrical Production).
Das Problem der Stilbuehne bei den Werken Richard Wagners. (The Problem of Stylized Settings for Richard Wagner's Works). Musikwissenschaftlicher Kongress zu Leipzig, 1925. (Abbreviated). Leipzig: Breitkopf und Haertel. 1925.
Iphigenie en Tauride, Scenario, fragment. 1926. 5 1
Lohengrin. Scenario. 1926.
Afacbe th. Scenario. (lost).
Fiction, c.1926.
Mecanisation. c.1926. (Mechanization).
Conference americaine. A draft, not finished. 1926. (A Lecture for America).
Avertissement pour 1 'edition de mes "Essais" en I volume. 1926. (Preface to the Edition of My Essays in Volume One).
Gothes Faust. Erster Teil. 1927-1928. (Goethe's Faust. Part Che). Bonn: Fritz Klopp Verlag. 1929. Theatre Arts Monthly (abbreviated). Vol.XVI. No.8. 1932.
Curriculum Vitae d ’Adolphe Appia par lui-meme. 1927. (Adolphe Appia's Curriculum Vitae written by himself). Szineseti Lexicon. Budapest. 1930. Musees de Geneve. No.29. October, 1962.
Quelques Pensees et citations. (Some Thoughts and quotes). Le Rhythme. No.37. August, 1934.
APPIA’S DRAWINGS & DESIGNS
Appia’s Portfolio (56 sketches), and other Designs from different sources in addition to his own books.
APPIA’S EXHIBITIONS
The Adolphe Appia Exhibition at O.S.U., Nov.26-30, 1984.
THE EXHIBITION CATALOGUE
Adolphe Appia (1862-1928): actor-space-light. Published by: Pro Helvetiee-Arts Council of Switzerland, 1982. CHAPTER III
THE APPIA/JAQUES-DALCROZE COLLABORATION
The collaboration of Appia and Jaques-Dalcroze and its artistic outcome are of special importance and interest to theatrical scholars and artists. Through their artistic union, in the early decades of this century, a significant step was taken toward realization of the m o d e m theatre in general, and the lyric stage in particular. Their first meeting of 1906, initiated by Appia and received with pleasure by
Jaques-Dalcroze, was not only a turning point in their own artistic careers, but also in the history of the m o d e m theatre. It was not until their meeting and collaboration that the two pioneers were able to realize their dreams and ideals, and achieve a fascinating degree of perfection in presenting the human body and its rhythmic movement in the best possible theatrical and rhythmic space. The artist-musician,
Appia, and the music composer and educator, Jaques-Dalcroze, took the plastic living body as object and instrument to visually express audible musical rhythms by bodily rhythmic movement in time and space.1 As a result, a new living art was b o m in a lyric atmosphere, and soon it became a nursery for one of the finest artistic movements in the history
1 Jean Mercier. "Adolphe Appia: The Rebirth of Dramatic Art," pp. 620-621.
52 53
of western theatre. Moreover, its influence has moved beyond the lyric
stage to reach the dramatic theatre as well.2
In May 1906, Appia*s curiosity led him to attend, for the first
time, an extended demonstration-lecture of Jaques-Dalcroze in a
municipal auditorium. In this new music educational experiment, which
attempted to transfuse musical rhythm into bodily rhythmic movement,
Appia found a realization of his dream: the living art of the body.3
At first, I found myself moved to tears, remembering how long I had waited. But soon I sensed the awakening of a new force utterly unknown to me! I was no longer in the audience, I was on the stage with the performers!4
Appia’s immediate impression was intense, and he found in the
Eurhythmies of Jaques-Dalcroze his own aesthetic homeland. In fact,
long before the beginning of Eurhythmies, as early as 1895, Appia had
foreseen this new "art of the body" and had written in his Music and the
Art of the Theatre that it was absolutely necessary to find a type of
"musical gymnastics" in order to train the performer in musical time and proportions. But he did not know how to proceed.5
"Dalcroze showed me the way, and from that day on I have had a clear vision of the road my development should take. For me the discovery of the basic principles of staging could only be a starting point. Eurhythmies determined my subsequent orientation.
2 Denis Bablet. "Adolphe Appia of Geneva, Great Friend and Collaborator of Bnile Jaques-Dalcroze, is the Creator of Mo d e m Staging," translated by Walther Volbach, The Appia Collection, Beinecke Library, Yale University, p. 1 of the typescript.
3 Appia. "The Origin and Beginning of Eurhythmies," p. 83.
4 Ibid.
5 Appia, "Theatrical Experiences and Personal Investigations," p. 381. 54
I was thereby freed of the restrictions attached to any particular, delimited work of art."6
As a matter of fact, during the first phase of his artistic career,
Appia was exclusively interested in Wagner’s music-dramas, in which he found the theatre of the future. The inspiration of music, in general, and of Wagner’s music and artistic views, in particular, led Appia to his profound study of Wagner's works and failures. From his study and analysis, Appia found that Wagner, who wished to unite and harmonize all arts in his music-dramas, and who wished to place the dramatic action on the stage through the medium of his music, failed to make his productions agree with his adopted dramatic form. On the one hand,
Wagner’s newly created form of music drama and his intentions were so different from their visual realization that his new ideas lacked harmony and aesthetic truth. On the other hand, the performer was placed before painted scenery of two-dimensional shaky flats. Appia found that there was no suitable physical expression in the living body of the performer, and the performer could not carry out the needed artistic expression simultaneously with music. Therefore, Appia, who sensed such contradictions between Wagner’s ideas and their realization, demanded the extemalization of the musical expression through sane kind of rhythmic movement that would serve as link and intermediary between the actor and the music.7
Finally, after eleven years, Appia found the answer to his passionate desire for synthesis and harmony in the Eurhythmies of
8 Appia, Adolphe Appia: Actor-Space-Light (Exhibition Catalogue), p. 79.
7 Appia, Music and the Art of the Theatre, p. 3. 5 5
Jaques-Dalcroze who was just beginning his new experiments. The day
following his attendance at Jaques-Dalcroze's demonstration, Appia,
filled with great enthusiasm, wrote to him:
After your performance of Saturday night, I would have liked to feel qualified enough to come to you. Instead, allow me these few lines. The extemalization of music (which is, after all, its rehabilitation!) is the idea with which I have been living for years... You will understand my enthusiasm better if I submit to you my belief: music, by developing without measure its technical resources while the object of its expression remains stationary, has arrived to a point that really looks like a solitary voice. Nothing can save it from its sumptuous decadence if not its extemalization; we have to spread it through space, with all the salutary limitations that implies for music... It is music that must free the body by imposing its discipline upon it... Your teaching makes music a thing that concerns the whole body...8
The following historic facts will explain Appia's feeling and his overwhelming gratitude. For a long time, Appia’s first interest in the theatre centered on music. Although he suffered for many years from a period of rather negative experience and artistic disappointment in the theatre, because of lack of harmony between the scenery and the performer, his observation taught him many lessons. In Paris, he had realized the advantages of solid preparation and numerous rehearsals with emphasis on the actor.9 At the same time, his visits to Bayreuth, where he saw Parsifal in 1882 under Wagner, showed him not harmony but rather conflict between Wagner’s artistic ideals and their realizations.
As a result, Wagner’s poetic ideas, dramatic forms, and musical expression persuaded Appia to undertake a study of how one might solve
8 Quoted by Stadler, "Emile Jaques-Dalcroze et Adolphe Appia," p. 417.
9 Appia, "Theatrical Experiences and Personal Investigations," pp. 356-357. 56 the problems of staging Wagner’s music-dramas in the service of music and its scope in the theatre.10
Through his intuitive sense of beauty, harmony, and unity, Appia began to look for an answer to the visualization of musical expresion.
In theory, he opposed and ridiculed the representational setting of natural or historic realism; as he states: "in the theatre we are not at the cinema."11 His point is that representing nearly everything on the stage means leading the dramatic art not only beyond its own limits, but also beyond the domain of art:
The Romans caused a river to pass through the Circus. The Duke of Meiningen bought museums, apartments, and palaces in order to realize two or three scenes. The results in both cases were artistically regrettable.12
Appia begins with the living actor— plastic and mobile— as not only the mediator between the author and the audience, but between music and space, accomplished through his rhythmic movement simultaneously with music. Therefore, for adequate synchronization, Appia called for training the actors in rhythmic gymnastics to perfect the human expression necessary for a harmonious union of theatrical elements.
This was the main task Appia was trying to accomplish until he discovered in Jaques-Dalcroze’s Eurhythmies the answer to his dream.
As soon as Jaques-Dalcroze received Appia’s letter, in which he expressed his enthusiastic support in addition to explaining his own views, he replied by a letter in which he thanked Appia and expressed
10 Appia, Music and the Art of the Theatre, pp. 28, 102-103.
11 Appia, The Work of Living Art. p. 42.
12 Ibid, pp. 42-43. 57 his frustration with those who did not offer any interest in his
research— namely, the authorities at the Conservatoire of Geneva, where he was teaching solfege. In addition, Jaques-Dalcroze invited Appia to
lunch, and the two exchanged their mutual views and dreams. Their friendship established, they began their artistic collaboration.
... I am happy to know you, and that with all my heart I hope we will see each other often. I need to see my attempts experimented by real artists. It is for them, I think, as well as for the sculptors that I write my method.13
Indeed, both artists found in each other the needed complement for the realization of their artistic dreams. The interrelation of their ideas and thoughts gave power to their previous attempts at a reformation in their particular fields— theatre and music education.
Now their effort was combined and projected toward one goal: the creation of a new living art in which the synthesis of and the harmony between music, movement, and space is inevitable.
It was not, however, until the spring of 1909 that this collaboration brought about the radical change in Appia's art of staging. After attending another demonstration, in reply to Jaques-
Dalcroze’ s invitation, Appia left the performance unsatisfied with its artistic solutions, based on the scenic arrangement. At home, Appia took paper and pencil and started to create his new architectural style, in which he envisioned an ideal rhythmic space for the Jaques-Dalcroze rhythmic exercises.
Every day I feverishly drew two or three spaces meant for rhythmic movement. When I had twenty or so sketches, I sent them to Dalcroze, along with a letter in which I told him that his pupils,
13 Quoted by Stadler, "Emile Jaques-Dalcroze et Adolphe Appia," p. 419. 58
who were still moving on a plane surface, reminded me of mountain climbers trying to climb the Matterhorn on a relief map lying flat on the gound!14
This was Appia’s new beginning, for his career and Jaques-
Dalcroze* s as well. In fact, Jaques-Dalcroze*s enthusiasm on seeing
Appia’s drawings was so great that he immediately wrote to him:
I am deeply impressed with the beauty, simplicity, and power of your conception; I have never seen or known spaces that were more rhythmic or more evocative of rhythms. My whole-hearted thanks for having shown me your masterpieces. I cannot express the deep feeling that the sight of them brought; let me simply state that it is the most beautiful music I have ever heard.15
Appia was convinced that he had succeeded, both for himself and for
his friend as well. A new style of rhythmic space for body and rhythmic
evolutions had been founded.16 His vision is based on creating a
physical rhythm to be imposed on the eurhythmic dancers to help them move rhythmically— without pretention— on real rhythmic physical forms
especially created for specific rhythmic movements in time and space.
Appia designed staircases, ramps, columns, walls, pannels, etc. out of
standardized forms and sizes, such as cubes and rectangular shapes, that could be vertically and horizontally arranged to create flexible acting
spaces most suited for choreography and rhythmic exercises. But yet, there was no permanent home for the Dalcroze Eurhythmies.
As a matter of fact, the Eurhythmies opened Appia’s eyes and showed him the right way to create his new style; Appia’s ideas of corporeal
14 Appia, Actor. Space, Light, p. 80.
15 Jaques-Dalcroze’s undated letter in Adolphe Appia: Actor. Space. Light. p. 26.
16 Appia, "Theatrical Experiences and Personal Investigations," p. 379. 59
space helped Jaques-Dalcroze experiment with the rhythmic space without
artificial movement, thus creating new possible choreographic
arrangements. The rhythmic spaces became a reliable guide for better
and more successful rhythmic movement, and became the foundation of
Dalcroze’s success and fame. In this respect, it is necessary to recall
some related facts and piece them together in order to understand how
the Appia/Jaques-Dalcroze collaboration developed and refined their
arts.
Jaques-Dalcroze began his first public demonstration in 1905, at
the Music Festival in Solothum, but his real recognition came only
after his artistic union with Appia. It was Appia’s help, advice, artistic solutions for many visual problems and, above all, his drawings which were behind Jaques-Dalcroze’s success:
"Happily, I have found in you the one who understands and encourages. You and God prove to me that I am in the true direction and go towards the beautiful; it is enough for me."17
It was Appia who, after meeting Jaques-Dalcroze in 1906, suggested that the bodies of Jaques-Dalcroze’s performers and their movements would be further enhanced if they were not on the same level as the audience. At that time, Jaques-Dalcroze was using a simple hall without any stage or levels for his rehearsals.18 Also, it was Appia’s
influence which brought Jaques-Dalcroze to extend his experiments to
involve entire groups of performers rather being limited to a few
17 Jaques-Dalcroze’s letter to Appia on Nov. 3, 1906. Quoted from Edmond Stadler’s "Emile Jaques-Dalcroze et Adolphe Appia," p. 422.
18 Paul Claudel, "The Hellerau Theatre." Quoted from Adolphe Appia: Actor, Space, and Light, p. 85. 60
individuals.19 Jaques-Dalcroze wets relying on Appia’s artistic advice
and his strong moral support, which led to their triumph at Hellerau.
However, the Hellerau project, which marked the realization of the
dreams of the two pioneers, was preceded by many projects upon which
Appia and Jaques-Dalcroze had collaborated. For example, Jaques-
Dalcroze, who was about to produce a production of Les Jumeaux de
Bergume at La Monnaie (a theatre in Brussels) in March 1908 asked Appia
in 1907 to design the setting for him, which he did. Upon receving
Appia’s designs, Jaques-Dalcroze wrote:
I can’t tell you how pleased I am with your scenery for the Jumeaux... I feel your scenery is indispensible to my work. Thank you with all my heart and brain for having understood me so well and for having taught me so well how to understand you!... With all • my enthusiasm and my conviction that you hold the truth in your hands, I would like to support your ideas and spread them, and thank you for opening my eyes. I would be happy if you would, from now on, keep me posted about your aspirations and works. I am happy to complete your movement scene in the light and I will have to share with you some ideas I have had for a long time but didn’t dare to express because they seemed (and still seem) like dreams— about corporal and musical moves and "luminous” vibrations in the theatre...20
In the same letter, Jaques-Dalcroze asks for Appia’s advice
regarding colors for the sceneries, the lighting, and other artistic
solutions for specific scenes and moments. Then, he ends his letter by
the following: "Yes, if you find the time to think about the staging, I would be grateful. Thanks again, see you Friday, my dear Master and
friend."
19 Volbach, "The Collaboration of Adolphe Appia and Emile Jaques- Dalcroze," p. 195.
20 Quoted from Stadler, "Emile Jaques-Dalcroze et Adolphe Appia," p. 423. 61
On March 20, 1908, Jaques-Dalcroze, who was in the middle of the rehearsals of Jumeaux in Brussels, sent Appia a letter in which he told him that "everything is working well, and the scenery will be exactly according to your ideas. So will be the costumes...and myself."
It is clear that Appia served his friend not only as a designer but also as adviser on artistic details. Prometheus is another example of this collaboration that preceded the Hellerau project and led to its great achievement in general, and the development of some ideas used in the realization of Orpheus. in particular.
At the time when Jaques-Dalcroze was planning a series of musico- plastic demonstrations in Geneva, where he rented a simple hall (Odier du Casino de Saint-Pierre) with insufficient space, he was preoccupied by the idea of producing Prometheus and inviting all the interesting m o d e m dancers, such as Isadora Duncan, Maud Allan, Ruth Saint-Denis, and Olga Desmond. Therefore, he sent a letter to Appia asking if he was interested in participating, and hoping to have the stage built where
Appia's drawings will be planted, and to experiment their own ideas.
...You would transform the stage of Geneva's theatre and I would prepare my students and stylize the rhythmic movement, and we could try there a few scenes of Prometheus before its final realization...1 believe that the project is feasible. We will talk about it in person on Sunday, if you can come, and we will be able to install our wants.21
Appia's responses were thoroughly studied by Jaques-Dalcroze who sent him a letter of approval and same suggestive ideas for consideration:
...Before you work on your first act, allow me to suggest the following idea: the backdrop is transparent. At the rising of the curtain..., one hears the orchestra describing Prometheus’ descent from the Mount Olympia. And suddenly one sees looming at the very
21 Quoted by Stadler, p. 426. 62
top Prometheus (or at least the fire— yes only the fire so that there is no repetition— that he holds in his hand protected by his shield) and descending the stairs of rocks which lead from the Mount Olympia to the earth (it is in the dark). The same stairs can be used later for ascending; from the bright light, Pandora will descend from Mount Olympia with the run (by intermittance, only between two images), which will later allow her to walk onto the stage. Only the stairs will absolutely differ totally from the final mountain of act III, and there is no means to assume that the men guided by Prometheus are going up to Mount Olympia.22
There are other corresponding letters related to the Prometheus project. These letters and Appia’s extant sketches (Figures 3.1, 3.2) represent some facts of special interest for the purpose of this study.
According to Jaques-Dalcroze’s letters, the work on this project began in 1909, and he expressed interest and enthusiasm for producing
Prometheus with his original music and Appia’s scenery. As previously mentioned, the project was intended for the Geneva theatre. Later, when
Hellerau appeared to be the future permanent home for Jaques-Dalcroze, they planned to execute Prometheus there, but unfortunately, for unknown reasons, it was never actualized. However, the Appia sketches for this project represent a middle period between the time when he accepted
Wagner’s romanticism and that of his freedom from it and his association with Jaques-Dalcroze. These sketches reflect a distinctive transitional period as a natural development of Appia’s artistic evolution. They also reflect, in addition to the exchanged letters between the two artists, the fact that they gradually became close friends who had begun to exert a strong influence on each other.
22 Jaques-Dalcroze’s letter of November 29, 1909, quoted by Stadler, p. 427. (Figure 3.1) Prometheus. Act I (The Workshop)
(Figure 3.2) Prometheus. Act III (The Workshop Destroyed) 64
...I want to tell you that deep inside me, for eight days, the luminous and radious vision that I owe you, my dear and genial friend, has been crystalizing. You never did anything as beautiful as this scenery of Act II. We were, my sister, my wife and I, completely moved...I feel that it will be impossible for me not to make beautiful music in this wonderful space, and impossible for the interpreters not to have beautiful movements.23
In fact, the creation of Appia’s new style had now begun. The
rhythmic spaces are now filled with dramatic and expressive light and
shadows. With Appia, the power of theatre lighting rested in the
concept of a luminous atmosphere. His study of theatrical space was
accompanied by infinite balance between forms and spaces as well as
between illumination and creative or plastic light, and shadows.
Jaques-Dalcroze’s dream of "luminous vibrations" found its realization
in the hands of Appia in the following years at Hellerau bringing forth
"luminous sound" by the luminous vibrations in space in a perfect
synchronization with musical vibrations.24 Appia’s new style played an
important role in his own artistic career as in Jaques-Dalcroze’s as well.
In the spring of 1910, Jaques-Dalcroze accepted an offer he had
received from the brothers Wolf and Harald Dohm, idealistic and enthusiastic men in the field of art and culture, to come to Hellerau— a newly created suburb of Dresden and the first Garden City in Germany— as
23 Jaques-Dalcroze’s letter to Appia, dated August 12, 1910, quoted by Stadler, p. 428.
24 Appia, "Eurhythmies and Light," transcribed by Walther Volbach, the Appia Collection, Beinecke Library, Yale University, p. 90 of the typescript. 65
director of an institute to be especially built for him and his work.25
On April 11, 1910, Jaques-Dalcroze wrote Appia a letter in which he told
him about the good news, and added:
I took the right to show your drawings to D o h m (I had to); he was enthusiastic and he understood you. He already thinks you are part of Hellerau and me too... the future is smiling to us...26
By the end of 1911, a full scale cultural center (Bildungsanstalt
Jaques-Dalcroze) was erected as both institute and training school of
Eurhythmies (Figures 3.3, 3.4).27 It was a true realization of Jaques-
Dalcroze’s dream to establish a permanent home for his Eurhythmies in a
model site.28 Also, it was a happy realization for Appia who had the
first real opportunity to actualize his work and to create and relate his rhythmic spaces to the rhythmic movements of Jaques-Dalcroze’s
students.
The great hall of the Jaques-Dalcroze School of Eurhythmies was a
lyric theatre of unique characteristics (Figure 3.3-3.9). The entire hall— a huge rectangle measuring approximately 43 meters in length, 16
25 Walther R. Volbach, Adolphe Appia Prophet of the Modern Theatre: A Profile (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan Univ. Press, 1968), pp. 87-88. Also see Frank E. Washburn Freund, "The Theatrical Year in Germany," The Stage Year Book, London, 1914, p. 93.
26 Quoted from Stadler, "Emile Jaques-Dalcroze et Adolphe Appia," p. 429.
27 Adolphe Appia (1862-1928): Actor-Space-Light. Exhibition Catalogue (New York: Riverrun, 1982), p. 84.
28 On November 3, 1906, Jaques-Dalcroze wrote to Appia: "...I work on so many things and I would like to give up everything in order to work as I want for one or two years without any other worry than the dream to realize." He continued, "There sire some moments when I wish I could win the lottery! How happy I would be then to install my method in model site, and to abandon all the dirty work that tires me and prevents me from giving myself completely and all fresh to my ideas." Quoted from Stadler, "Jaques-Dalcroze et Adolphe Appia," p. 422. 66
(Figure 3.3) The Jaques-Dalcroze Institute The Main Entrance (1912)
(Figure 3.4) The Ground Plan of the Institute 67 meters in width, and 12 meters in height— embraced both performers and spectators with an open space in the middle of the shining floor which could reveal or conceal a sunken orchestra pit. This open space could be covered over to become a natural extension to the floor space as needed according to each given performance. Such flexibility provided
Jaques-Dalcroze with an ideal performing space without separation between stage and auditorium. It was an indispensable element in this new revolutionary theatre— the first in modern history with a completely open, flexible stage, and without a proscenium arch.29 The same flexibility was provided by the ceiling through movable screens to allow the use of light projection— directly or indirectly— lending itself "to every imaginable combination of intensity, movement, and direction."30
The Hellerau architect was Heinrich Tessenow who together with Appia and
Salzmann designed the hall (auditorium, stage, and lighting).31
The theatre was part of a full scale cultural center for Jaques-
Dalcroze and his Eurhythmies. The whole building was both institute and training school. It included such facilities as rehearsal rooms, living quarters both for teachers and students from all over the world, a space for sunbathing, baths, outdoor field for physical exercises, and a
29 Oscar G. Brockett and Robert R. Findlay, A History of European and American Theatre and Drama Since 1870 (New Jersey, Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1973), p. 203.
30 Paul Claudel, quoted in Adolphe Appia: Actor Space. Light, p. 85.
31 All the related corresponding letters from Jaques-Dalcroze to Appia emphasize the fact that Tessenow*s plans were discussed in detail by the three of them in addition to Jaques-Dalcroze and Dahra— the founder of Hellerau. (Figure 3.5) The Main Auditorium of the Institute During a Demonstration (The orchestra pit is covered over)
(Figure 3.6) The Same Auditorium (with the sunken orchestra pit) 69 dining area. The building formed part of a vast garden city, the first on the European continent.32
The unit setting— consisted merely of movable steps practicables. sometimes supplemented by simple flats or screens and curtains in geometric compositions of planes and volumes— could be arranged almost endlessly and easily in a short time. In this regard, it is of special interest to look closely at Figures 3.5-3.10, 3.19-3.23 to realize the true value of the artistic outcome of the Appia/Jaques-Dalcroze collaboration, and the great work behind its establishment as a new artistic and aesthetic movement. The harmonious and close relationship between the performer and the audience became greater than ever. The new theatre architecture of a unified space for stage and auditorium was a new social and meaningful solution which brought about a direct living experience between the spectators and the living art before their eyes.
The lighting system was another radical element, which played an essential role at Hellerau theatre where 10,000 light bulbs were installed behind the translucent canvas covering the walls and the ceiling. Such a lighting system of highly sophisticated arrangement and flexibility not only allowed the use of both direct and indirect light to avoid any sharp break between stage and auditorium, but also allowed the light to correspond to any particular musical rhythm. These innumerable and invisible electric bulbs were actually arranged and circuited in such a manner to permit the use of music movement, and light simultaneously a a single living art form. As a result, light— colored and living— became, for the first time, a harmonious equilibrium
32 The Appia Exhibition Catalogue, p. 84. 7 0
(Figure 3.8) The Audience Area at the Other End of the Hall 71
unifying the audible musical rhythm, the rhythmic movement, and the rhythmic space. It became a new source of inspiration as well as an artistic means of expression: "light will have to join the game!"33 In short, the role to be played by light at the Hellerau theatre was dominated by musical rhythm to appeal to our sight with such creative plastic light as to bring forth "luminous sound."34
Between the time construction began on the Jaques-Dalcroze School and that when it was completed there was much preparation for the future. From October 1910 on the building was used for rehearsals until the end of 1911 when the school actually moved into the building
(ironically for only three years till the outbreak of the First World
War in 1914). During this time, everyone was doing his best assisting in preparations and planning for an exciting future. Jaques-Dalcroze was still very interested in producing Prometheus. On August, 24, 1910, he wrote Appia an interesting letter in which he assures Appia that he was not giving Prometheus up.
...Think about Prometheus. compose Prometheus, dannnnnnce Prometheus, in the noble and august sense of the term...And all the time I think about the sceneries, the light, the shadows, the movements, the stairs, the slight slopes, the stiff slopes, the rock, the temple, the mountain, the red sky, the blue sky, the "stop" and the "scene from the front"! And about you my dear art companion, who will do what I want, you whose ideas I will interpret faithfully. At last tjalm in Hellerau. The Tessenow plan is adopted.. .The important thing is that the building will be
33 Appia, "Eurhythmies and Light," trans. Walther Volbach, the Appia Collection, Beinecke Library, Yale University, p. 90 of the typescript.
34 Ibid, pp. 88-89. (Figure 3.9) Gluck's Orpheus and Eurydice (1912-13)
(Figure 3.10) Appia's Design (1926) 73
the one we like, and totally like we want. ..Bye my very dear friend, I count on you and you count on me...35
The designs Appia first made for his friend were still more or less oriented toward a spectacle presented to the eyes of others.36 Yet, none of his sketches are limited to, or made to fit any specific stage and dimensions in terms of height, width, and depth— which must be the first thing to begin with— as given limited space. But all his forms and proportions could be fitted into any theatrical space; such a fitting job was secondary to him and he did not bother himself with it and we have no clear reason for such a working habit. The only available sketch (Figure 3.10) which partially reflects specific dimensions is his sketch of 1926 for Orpheus. Yet, it does not provide complete detailed information needed for the foreground portions and the height. The fact remains that Appia's intention was to create the walls of his theatrical space (which he called the "study site") which would be similar to and match the various parts and constructional techniques of the stairs and platforms.37 To him, the weight and stability essential for the effect of such an arrangement based on movement is fundamental.
At Hellerau Alexander Von Salzmann played an essential role in actualizing the dreams of Appia and Jaques-Dalcroze and in materializing
Appia’s ideas. The three-dimensional units were Appia’s idea. They would be constructed, proportioned, and standardized to be fitted into
35 Quoted by Stadler, p. 431.
36 Appia, "Theatrical Experiences and Personal Investigations," p. 387.
37 Ibid, p. 388. 74
(Figure 3.11) Gluck’s Orpheus: Group of Mourning Women
(Figure 3.12) Gluck’s Orpheus: Orpheus in Hades, Act II, Scene I, A Rehearsal Photograph 75 all possible forms such as staircases, ramps, walls, columns, that would be combined with drapes, folding screens, and all could be covered with canvas of unified material.38 A study of all the Appia sketches for
Jaques-Dalcroze without exception show that Appia created all his designs according to this principle. These elements of standardized shapes and sizes were to be so light that they could be arranged vertically or horizontally easily and fast, and shifted by one or two students.39 Salzmann used his technical knowledge to perfect the new style of rhythmic space scenery which eventually influenced the theatre world.
Adolphe Appia first gave me the idea of evolutions on a staircase and the Russian painter Salzmann designed for my exercise a highly ingenious set of units, whereby a whole series of practicable staircases could easily and speadily be constructed. Distinguished producers such as Reinhardt, Granville Barker, and Gemier came later to adopt our methods. But only Gemier appears to me to have utilized them to really vital effect. Nowadays one sees staircases on all stages, but the producers do not know what to do with them, nor can the actors either perform or repose on them with ease.4 0
In the Hellerau production of Gluck's Orpheus (Figure 3.7) we find an excellent example of the utilization of Appia's ideas. The design illustrates the flexibility of the movable units which today meet the m o d e m producer's demands, all were originated by Appia.*1 Such flexibility is also available in all other theatrical elements including
38 Paul Claudel, Adolphe Appia (1862-1928): Actor, Space, Light (London: John Colder, New York: Riverrun Press, 1982), p. 85.
39 Appia, Theatrical Experiences and Personal Investigations, p. 388.
40 Dalcroze, Rhythm. Music, and Education, p. 203.
41 Claudel, p. 85. Also see Denis Bablet, "Adolphe Appia, of Geneva, Great Friend and Collaborator of Emile Jaques-Dalcroze, is the Creator of M o d e m Staging," p. 4 of the typescript. 76
architecture light, and music. It was Appia who supplied his
collaborator with detailed information regarding the sceneries and
lighting (in drawings and writings), but it was Salzmann with his
enormous previous experience, serving Hellerau as artist-technician, who
was a major power behind his success. Jaques-Dalcroze introduced
Salzmann to Appia:
...Be so kind as to bring your drawings. I will bring those that are at my place. Tessenow will show you his plans which I really like, and you will meet Salzmann, a Russian painter who admires you enormously, and who will be for you, in Hellerau, the ideal collaborator for the decorations...12
Another letter from Jaques-Dalcroze to Appia, dated November 1, 1912, adds more light on the production of Orpheus:
...I work on Orpheus, that I will play wholly. It is the scenery of the picture after the Elysian Fields that gives me a hard time. The rest is totally in my head. Our hell has been completely copied in Francfort, at the opera, and one talks about it .as a revelation showing the genius of a staging man.13
It is true that Hellerau offered the two pioneers splendid opportunities. The first festival in the summer of 1912 was a great success. Guests from many nations enjoyed the performances of Echo and
Narcissus. based on a poetic story by Jacques Cheneviere with Jaques-
Dalcroze’s music, as well as a scene from Gluck’s Orpheus and
Euridice.11 The lighting plot was devised by Salzmann and Harald Dohm, an engineer who handled the light console of forty-six curcuits. A shadow effect was used showing the silhouette of dancers
42 Quoted from Stadler, p. 439.
43 Ibid, p. 445.
44 Volbach, Adolphe Appia: Prophet, p. 89. (Figure 3.13) Paul Claudel's "Annunciation" designed by Salzmann (Production Photograph 1913) 78 playing behind a screen. In general, the performance was successful and harmonious. Light was dominated by music throughout the whole work of living art:
In space like this, the producer is naturally calm, without anything jolting. The soft, uniform, and slightly shifting light transforms the material reality of the construction into moving, gently rocking waves. Through the lighting, the characters share in this unreal atmosphere.45
In short, the two collaborators made full use of dramatic atmosphere and harmonious unity in such perfect synchronization that the majority of critics regarded Orpheus as the most striking experience in the m o d e m theatre.46 The most striking event at Hellerau was the
School Festival of June 1913, which was held in three series of two days each. That festival was intended to provide a complete picture about the Hellerau training program in all its stages, especially on the first day of each series. The second day was devoted to the production of
Gluck’s Orpheus. The attendance at the Festival exceeded five thousand.
The concept of using training in rhythmic movement in connection with the creation of rhythmic space aroused intense interest in the theatre world.47 A few months after the festival performances, Paul Claudel’s
Annunciation was performed. The setting was designed by Salzmann, who with Claudel and D o h m managed the production without
45 Appia (1921), quoted in the Appia Exhibition Catalogue, p. 83.
46 Volbach, Adolphe Appia: Prophet. p. 91.
47 The Eurhythmies of Jaques-Dalcroze, Introd. by M.E. Sadler (Boston: Small, Maynard 1918), p. 40. (Figure 3.14) "The June Festival", July 1914 "Rhythmic Space and Rhythmic Movement"
\7-'& . A---
• J . u
(Figure 3.16) "The June Festival", July 1914 80
Jaques-Dalcroze and Appia (see Figure 3.11).48 The latter’s comment on the design concept reflects his rejection and disappointment:
In Hellerau, the Societe Dramatique which has nothing to do with Jacques or his students, made a big flop with L"Annunciation” by Claudel. I must say I am not sorry. How stupid of them to want to use a room and an equipment that are the exact representation of a great idea and live only by and for it, to place in it the old declamatory game etc! It’s exactly like a piece of new cloth on an old cloth, but backward!49
On the outbreak of the first World War in August, 1914, the
Hellerau School closed its doors, and Jaques-Dalcroze moved to Geneva where in 1915, he founded a new school (The Institute Jaques-Dalcroze).
The Geneva Festival of 1914 was another notable experience for the two collaborators. This event was composed and staged by Jaques-Dalcroze who was in constant contact with Appia, seeking his artistic advice.
The presentation of the June Festival, in Geneva, was a grand patriotic spectacle, commemorating the entrance of Geneva into the Swiss
Confederation. The participants in this performance included 200 rhythmic students, who successfully interpreted the musical expression with majestic dramatic action of rhythmic movement and human expression.
"The two-fold action was a revelation, and was masterfully handled by the author and his collaborators.”50
Appia was deeply affected by the festival for many reasons. It was a grand scale example of an aesthetic phenomenon.
48 Volbach, Adolphe Appia: Prophet. p. 93.
49 Appia’s letter of October 21, 1913 to his cousin H. Qdier, quoted in Stadler, p. 448.
50 Appia, The Work of Living Art. pp. 64-65. (Figure 3.17) "The June Festival", July 1914 "Rhythmic Space and Rhythmic Movement
(Figure 3.18) "The June Festival", July 1914 82
While Jaques-Dalcroze brought about the simultaneity of music and
action, in time and space, of purely human expression, Appia succeeded
in bringing about another theatrical innovation. During the last poetic
lines of an ode to Lake Geneva, the light-colored curtains at the rear
wall of the stage opened to reveal the lake and mountains behind the
lake, on which boats were rocking gently (Figure 3.14). In the distance
appeared the boat carrying the Swiss toward the stage with the
passengers singing. When the boat finally reached the platform,
backstage, the soldiers came on stage to join people waving flags of all
the Swiss cantons. Their coming together in joyful action of a folk
festival created a thrilling moment of national response and feeling
(Figures 3.14-3.16).51
The entire event was a glorious achievement for all the participants, especially Jaques-Dalcroze and Appia whose dreams of bringing together the performer and a whole people, and to use free and open space in theatrical events, were triumphantly realized.52 There was a perfect balance between all elements; all the performers were thoroughly acquainted with their parts and their individual
interpretations were in harmony with the general effect not only from a vocal and scenic point of view, but also from that of unity of style.
The artistic union of Appia and Jaques-Dalcroze brought about a material realization of the relationships between musical rhythm and rhythmic movement on the one hand, and between rhythmic movement and rhythmic space, on the other.
51 The Adolphe Appia Exhibition Catalogue p. 87.
52 Volbach, Adolphe Appia: Prophet, p. 95. (Figure 3.19) Hellerau: Rehearsal Photograph
(Figure 3.20) Hellerau: Rehearsal Photograph 84
Timing was an important element in bringing about a perfect balance
between orchestra, movement, and space. The lighting, dominated by the
same musical rhythm, was a leading factor necessary to harmonize,
crystalize, intensify, and unify the general dramatic effect. No
detail was neglected. This collaboration introduced a new living art
form. It brought about a new style of staging through the lose of
standard units which could be arranged into any form— easily and
speedily— and thus become physical partners in the visual effects and in
the dramatic action as well. Such a style of rhythmic features is meant
to enhance the rhythmic value of stage space and its artistic success was due to the tireless efforts of Appia, Jaques-Dalcroze and Salzmann.
Other new elements they introduced included the new architecture of the theatre of Hellerau, a new lighting system, both direct and indirect, and a theatrical space which encouraged a direct social experience between the performer and the audience without separation and without illusion. Finally, and most importantly, out of this collaboration came
Appia*s most profound study and exploration of the theatrical use of stage space. 85
(Figure 3.21) Alexander V. Salzmann’s Sketch
(Figure 3.22) Alexander V. Salzmann’s Sketch (Figure 3.23) Hellerau: A Photograph CHAPTER IV
RHYTHMIC SPACE AND RHYTHMIC MOVEMENT
The Appia/Jaques-Dalcroze collaboration not only introduced to the
modern stage the Appian style of stage setting and the Jaques-Dalcroze
system of musical training, but also postulated specific and intimate
relationships between theatrical rhythmic space and rhythmic movements.
Appia*s drawings for the Eurhythmies of Jaques-Dalcroze are of major
significance and interest to theater studies, for they suggest a new
aesthetic value through their geometric forms and rhythmic relationships
intended for rhythmic movement and evolutions. As Eurhythmies was
designed to train students to react physically to the perception of
musical rhythm by rhythmic movement, Appia’s Rhythmic Spaces were
designed to set definite proportions, in a theatrical space, measured
according to the human body and its diversified movements. The body,
through its rhythmic movement, is used to interpret the music and
thereby dictate the proportions of the inanimate and inarticulate forms
in space. These forms are regulated by means of musical time-units and
share the rhythmic calibration, physically and visually, with the living
and moving human body.1 "We must walk, then stop, then walk once more, only to stop again. These stopping places will create a sort of rhythm
. . . Space is our life; our life creates space; our body expresses
1 Appia, The Work of Living Art. p. 25.
87 88
(Figure 4.1) Appia at his drawing board looking through the window. 89 it."2 Appia emphasizes that in his rhythmic spaces two planes can be distinguished: the first is intended for movement, the other serves to heighten the general effect of the body.3 Therefore, it is necessary that both planes express weight and stability in their structure and appearance. They must also oppose the human body either through straight lines or sharply defined angles offering resistance through the impression of the solidity and power which they give.4
"The triumphant demonstration of life is affirmed! The body, at the behest of music, commands and orders space ... all must be cut to its measure, all must adopt its pattern ... Is not man the measure of all things?"*
This remark reflects Appia’s philosophicaland artistic views on the creation of his new style in which he brings a rhythmic role to the scenic art of the theatre. It is safe to say that this would not have happened had it not been for the collaboration of the two pioneers.
This aesthetic concept is as artistic as it is rational and intellectual. The intimate relationship between space and movement, in general, is a natural and physical phenomenon. The addition of the artistic concept of calculated rhythm to an understanding of this phenomenon was not accidental.
To fully understand and appreciate Appia’s use of rhythmic space in relation to the rhythmic movements of Jaques-Dalcroze it is necessary to explain scientifically the simple and intimate relationship between
2 Appia, The Work of Living Art, p. 53.
3 Ibid, p. 25.
4 Ibid, pp. 25-30.
5 Appia, "Man is the Measure of All Things," p. 130. 90 space/form and movement in general. Moving a ball on a flat surface is not similar to moving it on an unevenly structured surface. For example, there is a great difference in speed, distance, and direction when moving the same ball with the same impulse in two opposite directions (upward and downward) on a raked floor. These differences are a result of resisting forces such as gravity, weight, and the unevenness of the surface which creates physical obstacles that limit the speed and affects the straight direction of the moving ball. While all these resisting forces work against the upward movement of the ball and, therefore, affect its speed, distance, and direction, the downward movement will be aided by the gravity and the weight of the ball to go faster and farther. The direction of the ball, however, is determined by how the surface is unevenly structured and angled.
Such basic understanding of this natural phenomena is essential to clarify the intimate relationships between space/form and movement. The next step is to understand the way in which the two pioneers used the relationship between movement and space in an artistic manner.
As described in Chapter I, Jaques-Dalcroze’s approach to rhythm, was based on his system of Eurhythmies, a system designed to create and develop an irresistible desire to move with music and express rhythm through bodily movement.6 Chapter III described Appia’s concept of staging for Jaques-Dalcroze’s experiments. Although Appia became acquainted with Jaques-Dalcroze and his work in 1906 , it was not until
1909 that he applied his knowledge of music and appreciation of audible
6 Henrietta Rosenstrauch, Essays on Rhythm. Music. Movement (Pennsylvania: Volkwein Bros., 1974), p. 10. 91 musical rhythms to the creation of visible proportions in space. This discovery was the result of Appia’s "burning desire to comprehend the incomprehensible relations between sounds and forms," at a time when
Jaques-Dalcroze was experimenting in a simple hall without a stage or levels.7
In 1906, Appia suggested the use of different levels and steps to enhance the performers’ plasticity and artistic movements.8 Appia * s use of levels for the performers, different from the level of the seated spectators, was not only designed for the performers to be better seen but for more artistic grouping and rhythmic movement. Relating the human figure as a plastic form with its rhythmic movement governed by music and specially created rhythmic space intended for the body’s presence is one of Appia*s great contributions to the theatre in general and to scenographic art in particular.
"... From my childhood, the living human body dominated my vision and decided my career. It was the driving force in my reform of the Wagnerian mise en scene, it led me toward the art of the human body, which was revealed to me by the Dalcroze method."9
Hie rhythmic nature of Appia*s "Rhythmic Spaces" and the artistic value of his work cannot be better described than by the words of his collaborator, Jaques-Dalcroze:
Thank you for your good advice. You are totally right. The movable elements (practicables) are invaluable to me and my training exercises— they allow us to discover new postures and attitudes in new conditions of balance... In each of your drawings,
7 Appia, The Work of Living Art. pp. 202-21.
8 Claudel, "The Hellerau Theatre," Adolphe Appia: Actor. Space. Light (London: Zurich and John Calder, New York: Riverrun Press, 1982), p. 85.
9 Appia, "Theatrical Experiences and Personal Investigations," p. 381. 92
we know exactly where your shadows are, the rays and the sheets of light ...10
Appia's revolutionary style of staging had now been born. His
ultimate goal was to assure the dramatic unity of all theatrical
elements, particularly, the actor, the space, and the light. Rhythm is
the major coordinating feature, felt in all physical forms, and seen in
space filled with colored light.
It is important to note that the use of color is totally absent in all Appia*s rhythmic designs, such an absence is not accidental; it is a rational intellectual decision. Appia’s philosophy was to use color only in light. He objected to painted scenery in general, and to
"painted light and shadows" in particular. He eliminated these dead- painted lights and shadows to focus the living light on the performer.
He then was free to use as many colors as he wished by the use of colored filters attached to the lighting instruments. This method offered many possibilities for instant projections, color changes, and tonalities. The entire space is under full control without being limited to one or more painted colors.
"We owe the dramatist a palette. This palette is alive no doubt and its life seems elusive... The task is to capture the mobility of life for his own use. Space alone is like canvas beside an empty palatte. The canvas needs colors— and, to life, color is movement, that is to say time."11
The artistic choice of using colored light is very economical, practical, effective and expressive, particularly when used as a
10 Emile Jaques-Dalcroze, undated letter to Appia between 1908- 1916, in Adolphe Appia: Actor. Space. Light, p. 26.
11 Appia, "Theatrical Productions and Personal Investigations," p. 146. 93
progressive medium. Such progression is important to support and unify
the dramatic progression of rhythmic space and rhythmic movement guided
by music. It is the presence of the living and moving performer guided
by music and illuminated by such vibrant and colored light that unifies
and harmonizes the arts of sound and those of space.
Before Appia, lighting had no such vital function; one of its main
purposes was to make the painted setting visible; but with Appia, light
took a dominant place in the theatre and the dramatic action of the
play. Appia was always concerned about the problem of bringing truth, beauty, and practicality to all elements of production. The obvious aesthetic clash between the living actor and the "dead nature" painted
on vertical flats with false perspective was the first fundamental conflict Appia tried to resolve. He gave his work a strong sense of
reality and actual depth and height, and right proportions most suited to the human body and its movement. The idea of progressive light with
its expressive shadows added artistic and dramatic dimensions to the art of staging. A review of the relationship between rhythmic space and rhythmic movement will demonstrate how Appia created his theatrical space and how his special talents as an artist-musician served the performer and rhythmic movement through functional rhythmic arrangement of space.
The following examples from Appia*s "Rhythmic Spaces" represent his study of stage space and its theatrical possibilities. Most reflect a variety of three-dimensional rhythmic structures, suggested by simple lines and forms of sharply defined angles. Others reflect a combination of different structures and techniques of theatrical elements. It is important to point out that all of Appia’s rhythmic spaces lack the
positive basis of specific drama, although some of them were adapted to
the dimensions of the great hall of the Hellerau School of Eurhythmies.
They are, according to Appia, "simple suggestions to the end of
establishing a style under the control of the human body— which is
itself stylized by music."12 When Appia began working on these sketches
in the years 1909-1910, he had no idea what or where the actual space
would be. However, he was always concerned about the problem of bringing truth, beauty, and practicality to all elements of production.
DEFINITIONS12
The following definitions are used in this chapter:
STEP: refers to one unit combined of tread (horizontal) and riser
(vertical) upright portion.
STAIRWAY: refers to a series of three or more steps not enclosed in a
well or cage.
FLIGHT: refers to one step or a succession of more steps between two
nearest landings and is always all or part of a stairway.
RAMP: refers to an inclined plane joining or "easing" two levels.
LANDING: refers to a platform between flights (at least 27 in. long and
the width of the stairway.
TOP LANDING: refers to the floor at the top of the stairway.
12 Appia, The Work of Living Art, p. 87.
13 The definitions used here are based on materials in NBS Building Science Series 108, "Safety on Stairs," pub. U.S. Dept, of Commerce, Nov. 1978, and Guy Cadogan Rothery, Staircases and Garden Steps (New York: Frederick A. Stokes). 95
BOTTOM LANDING: refers to the floor at the bottom of the stairway.
Appia’s sketch ("La clairiere") "The Clearing" or "Forest Glade.",
1909 is one of his few titled sketches. According to Appia, this sketch
is an example of a forest suggested by very simple means. The materials
used are cut draperies and a suitable arrangement of lighting,
projection, and special filters to allow the light to come through as
necessary and desired. The filtered light and shadow will fall on the
performers and will become mobile as a result of the rhythmic movements
of these performers throughout the whole space. It is an example of
modified and simplified nature— Appia’s prime source of artistic
inspiration— which he reforms, simplifies and purifies. It suggests a
forest by very simple means. Its importance lies in its artistic
solution based on clarity, practicality, and safety without giving up
the least degree of its majestic grace and beauty.
In this rhythmic space, Appia depends primarily upon the creativity
of light in addition to its basic illumination function. The light here
is obviously filtered through special cutouts or projections to approximate the dramatic and expressive use of light. Appia uses the moving living body and its authority over theatrical elements to create a living space and living art. When the shadows of filtered light strike the moving performer they will become mobile. Appia is obviously designing more than a scenic illusion or mere backgrounds; the space becomes atmosphere crystallized by the dramatic use of light. The performer attracts attention not only by his rhythmic movement but also 96
by moving in the lights and shadows to which the living presence of the
actor gives life and a sense of movement.
In this sense, Appia clearly indicates that the two primary
conditions for the artistic display of the human body on stage are: the
light which gives it plastic value, and the setting, which gives value
to its attitudes and movements.14 In terms of practicality, Appia left
the stage floor flat to provide the performer with a total flexibility
and freedom. To do so is to make the performer’s movement very easy and
secure. The filtered light and shadows on the floor as used in the
particular manner presented in this sketch is dynamic enough, especially
when these patches of light and shadow fall on the moving body of the
performer. The light will become mobile and also dynamic and
expressive.
14 Kenneth MacGowan, The Theatre of Tomorrow (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1921), pp. 83-84. (Figure 4.2) Rhythmic Space: The Clearing or Forest Glade.
(Figure 4.3) A Plastic Study by the Jaques-Dalcroz students. 98
"The lighting will no longer be absorbed by the painting to be visible, it will be able to spread out in space, imbuing it with living color and crating in it a shifting atmosphere with infinite variations— an atmosphere, moreover, which will serve the dramatist rather than the painter."15
The abstract design reflects a remarkable solution free of any pretense at reality. Appia’s focus here is on the movement and lighting; the vertical movement of the human body casting its horizontal shadow on the floor will give life to the whole space with a high degree of graceful unity and majestic beauty.
The flat floor in this sketch can best be suited to the choreographic movement and groupings of Jaques-Dalcroze (Figure 4-3).
It is safer and more practical to provide free and open space, as it is the case in nature, to focus on the dynamic gesture and the bodily movements of the dancing group. With such artistic modification of nature presented in the design, an impression can be obtained by having a movement by an individual rising gently out of the kneeling group.
According to Jaques-Dalcroze, it would create a greater effect if while one performer rises, those who remain kneeling bow themselves to the floor— "the effect will be increased ten-fold."16 The same strong impression can be gained by another carefully contrived contrasting movement. For example, an advancing performer, whose forward movement goes simultaneously in opposite direction with others who are retiring, would gain dramatic emphasis. Thus, the physical movement has its own expressive virtue within the whole theatrical space, scenery and lighting. But the synthesis can only be complete when unity and harmony
15 Quoted in Adolphe Appia; Actor. Space. Light, p. 56.
16 Jaques-Dalcroze, Rhythm. Music, and Education, p. 225. 99 go along with carefully prepared and expressed collective rhythmic action in relation to other successive movements.17
It is important to indicate that such a simple space of extraordinary vitality and beauty, which reflects a "new nature" can serve countless groupings and movement possibilities to produce the needed artistic effect, physically and visually. The lighting— through its special effects guided by music— furnishes a visual unifying force to the theatrical space, in which rhythmic movement and rhythmic space are physically related, and thus all theatrical elements become organically related in perfect synchronization.18
17 Ibid, p. 223
18 Ibid., p. 215. 100
Evening Round (La Ronde du soir, 1909) (Figure 4.4) is another
modification of nature with an open space of two main levels connected
by three deep and broad steps. This rhythmic space gives the impression
of a sea or ocean whose expanse meets the sky at the horizon; the top
horizontal level suggests the water surface, and the lowest one suggests
the shore where we are watching the sunrise or sunset being projected on
the back drop or cyclorama. The three steps suggest a set of three
rhythmic waves approaching us. With such a sense of active space,
expressive and plastic, simple and practical, the stage will come
forever closer to the plasticity of the human body, to enhance its
plasticity in space. There are no lifeless paintings on vertical flats
but living light. The result is total flexibility, freedom, and great
simplification and purification of nature.
This approach to designing is truly a triumphal use of theatrical
space for artistic movement. Appia knows how and where to focus our
attention. This rhythmic space is aesthetically moving, especially when
it is used by a group for dance movements which create a corresponding
physical and visual effect in realizing a particular musical rhythm.
Figure 4.5 represents one of the Jaques-Dalcroze rhythmic exercises, which can be matched to Appia's rhythmic space.
Expressing any given musical rhythm by physical rhythmic movement can be developed mathematically to realize every gradation of the rise and fall of a melody, as a regularly recurrent series of accented sounds. In this case Appia*s rhythmic space furnishes the (Figure 4.4) Eveming Round (La Ronde du soir), 1909.
(Figure 4.5) A Plastic Exercise, Geneva 1918. 102
inspiration for creating groupings parallel to the picture plane. The movement can be done alternately forwards or backwards in addition to the upwards and downwards movements. Lighting through the use of spotlights, projections, and special effects creates an artistic - expression, not merely visibility as often had been the case before
Appia.
Another example of a treatment combining nature with architecture in a very harmonious fashion is (Figure 4.6). While these purely architectural ramps of different angles and easy slopes seem solid and stiff, they are reflective of the natural rhythm apparent in the background which shows a clear view of the hills beyond. The tree trunks placed at different distances almost repeat their rhythm as they gradually move away in deeper planes. As these forms retreat deeper and deeper in different rhythms, they distance themselves considerably from the stiff solid wall on the right becoming more free forms, thus becoming mediators between free nature and pure architecture.
The importance of this sketch lies in its beauty and ease of movement in many directions all achieved parallel to the picture plane in a gradual rhythm. The ramps of easy slopes at different angles move the eye easily from one direction to another while the tonal grading gradually invites us on a journey in rhythmic space moving from one plane to another. We leave the strict and almost enclosed architectural space to enjoy open and free nature. Yet, there is no sharp distinction between nature and the Appian architecture inspired by nature. His use of light is gradual, dramatic and effective. 103
(Figure 4.6) A Rhythmic Space (1909-1910). 104
Through Appia’s use of light and shadow, especially when he indicates
more darkness in the foreground, one can imagine the majestic effect
produced by the light sources from the sides and upstage on the
performers downstage.
There are at least three different rhythmic movements seen in this
sketch. The most important is the moving line of the top of the ramps
in connection with the horizontal lines. The movement on these planes
parallel to the picture plane is not only closer to the spectator, but
definitely longer in terms of time duration which is further supported
through the slopes of the ramps. If we think about the moving actor on
these ramps, we logically think of fast or slow movements according to
the provided forms and their slopes or angles. At this point, we can
imagine the different rhythms of the moving performer when using ramps
of different angles in the upward direction (ascending order). Also, we
can imagine the same performer descending these ramps with different
rhythm at different speed. The difference in the speed and ease of
ascending or descending the same ramp represents natural and physical
phenomena discussed above. The best way to exhibit such rhythmic
changes is to use two lines of performers descending and ascending the
ramps at the same time. The simple explanation of this phenomenon is magnetism opposed by the weight of the performer, and by the degree of
angle in each ramp which determines its resistance and subsequently, the
ease or hardship of movement for the performer (See Fig. 1.2).
Opposing the rhythmic movement in this direction parallel to the picture plane is the movement in depth (on the left side of the sketch) at a right angle with the picture plane. This movement is done 105 simultaneously with the movement on the ramps. It creates a change of rhythm which adds richness and variety to the whole space (Fig. 1.3).
The lighting in this new aesthetic treatment plays a new role of substantial importance. Giving the foreground (downstage) a dark visibility, while the left side of the stage is being lit, makes it possible for a choreographic movement in both areas to be highly dramatic and meaningful. Such artistic choice invites the performers to experience the space, which suggests a partial physical opposition in one area and ease and comfort in the other— darkness against light. It is also an invitation to all parties involved to study such a theatrical space and use it effectively.
Rhythmic Spaces, according to Appia, exist meaningfully only during the live performance of the eurhythmicians. Their physical presence gives life to the whole space, and their rhythmic movement makes use of these rhythmic forms, making than more enjoyable. It should not be difficult, however, for the reader to visualize such movement while moving his eyes rhythmically from one form to another, and from one level to another, as if he himself is the moving performer controlled by music and the physical rhythmic spaces.
Rhythmic Space (Fig.4.7) suggests freedom in terms of direction and proportion and, consequently, of movement in many directions; it also suggests different and special uses of lighting in different areas. It demands the active and dramatic use of lighting. The rhythmic movements in each area will be enhanced when groups perform upstage and downstage at the same time effectively using the downstage large silhouette figures against the well-lit but smaller figures in the (Figure 4.7) A Rhythmic Space (1909-1910)
(Figure 4.8) A Plastic Exercise. 107
distant background. These two designs are open to endless artistic
suggestions for pictorial elaborations and technical development. This
openness to many uses is an important feature in understanding what
Appia was consciously planning to construct in relation to the human
body and its movement guided by music.
To experience this rhythmic space we acknowledge two primary
structures on the horizontal floor as well as two primary areas of
light, one bright, one dark. This not only suggests but rather dictates
different types of movement in and uses of each area.
While the lighted flat floor could be used for active and dynamic
rhythmic movement, especially by a dancing group entering the stage from
the two sides, the dark area with its apparent uneven structure can best be dramatically used by slower moving individuals. The connection between the two different areas and the actions in than is important,
especially if we suggest the use of the dancing group of Jaques-
Dalcroze’s students (Figure 4.8) or a similar activity upstage. The
focus will be on the dancers, especially at the moment they meet in the middle of the stage. The background will help magnify and intensify
this moment.
"The two primary conditions for the artistic display of the human body on the stage are these: a light which gives it plastic value, and a plastic arrangement of the setting which gives value to its attitudes and movements. The movement of the human body must have obstacles in order to express itself. All artists know that beauty of movement depends on the variety of points of support offered to it by the ground and by natural objects. The movements of the actor can be made artistic only through the appropriate shape and arrangement of the surfaces of the setting.19
19 Quoted by Kenneth Macgowan in The Theatre of Tomorrow (New York Boni and Liveright 1921), p. 84. The second group of Appia’s Rhythmic Spaces belongs to purely
architectural treatment. "The Three Pillars" (Le trois piliers), 1909
(Figure 4.9) is another new form of Rhythmic Spaces, which is
sensitively divided vertically by a row of three broad columns, and
horizontally by a staircase of one flight consisting of three wide
steps. Both the columns and the steps are parallel to the picture
plane. On the far left, there is a wall or another larger column which
makes a right angle with the other columns and the picture plane, and
leaves a space between itself and the nearby column which equals the
same space between each column. These spaces, in addition to the right-
side space which is considerably larger, allow the light from up and
backstage to come through, creating a rhythm with the cast shadows on
the floor. The creation of such unified space is achieved by the use of
monumental architecture in its simplest forms repeated rhythmically in
threes (columns and steps and their shadows), both vertically and
horizontally. It is further enhanced as this pattern is repeated
vertically through the columns of solid form and dark tones and the
lighter spaces in between than. The significance of this sketch lies in
its unique physical and practical treatment of the space as it relates
to all possible rhythmic movements and its aesthetic quality and
psychological effect.
This form is one of the simplest Appia ever produced. The horizontal space of two levels is a playable space with (Figure 4.9) A Rhythmic Space "The Three Pillars" (1909). 110
its three vast and easy-going steps. The columns vertical static
quality provide a meaningful rhythmic value to the whole space,
vertically and horizontally. While these columns associate themselves
with the vertical space, providing countless possibilities through their
static quality and weight to oppose and support the living and dynamic
quality of the body and its movement, they unify the whole space from
the top to the bottom through their physical structure, height, and weight. Further, their cast shadows make another deep connection and union with the horizontal space. This unity, echoed by the mutual
rhythm between form and space in all direction, is also strengthened by
the stone-like structure and the artistic use of light. While one
strong source of light is suggested by Appia to throw the shadows of all
forms, a wash light of low intensity is suggested to allow general
illumination for more details (without shadows). The quality of the main light will produce a sharp outline around the silhouette of the performers when they move in it. Ibis psychological quality adds a new dimension to the static and plastic values a sense of life to Appia’s living art in which the setting, the lighting and the spatial arrangement are directly related to the actor.20
"A new mentality will evolve, the old tastes will change the traditional conception of scenic exigencies will be modified and eventually people will wonder how it was ever possible that such a divorce should have been allowed to subsist between the stage and the orchestra, between musical conceptions and physical realizations."21
20 Appia, "Man is the Measure of All Hungs," p. 22.
21 Jaques-Dalcroze, Rhythm. Music, and Education, p. 206. Ill
It is essential to point out that the three sketches (Figures 4.9,
4.10, 4.11) reflect Appia’s new style of rhythmic spaces and aesthetic
values. They speak for themselves in terms of rhythms, forms,
functions, and constructional techniques and they represent Appia’s
practical and theatrical treatment, simply and firmly.
Appia always emphasized his special interest in expressing not only
the weight and stability of his suggested forms and materials, but also
the spiritual essence of his new theatre architecture which emphasized
the direct relationship between performer and spectator. He was
seeking an almost religious atmosphere, a "Hall which brings together
stage and auditorium," a divine union of music and the human body, to achieve a harmonic communion of all arts.
Sooner or later we shall achieve what will be known as the Salle, cathedral of the future, which, in a free, vast, and flexible space, will bring together the most diverse manifestations of our social and artistic life— the perfect place for dramatic art to flourish— with or without an audience.2 2
It seems clear that Appia’s monumental forms which provide endless theatrical possibilities, offer the performer an ideal performance space. These forms, and their particular arrangement designed to create rhythmic space, are meant not to exhibit themselves but to furnish a theatrical atmosphere for the living art of the human body in
22 Appia, Music and the Art of the Theatre, p. 5. (Figure 4.10) A Rhythmic Space (1909).
(Figure 4.11) A Plastic Exercise
(Figure 4.12) A Plastic Exercise. 113
its expressive presence and movement. They are meant to artistically
aid and compliment the performer’s rhythmic movement on the stage.
Figures 4.11 and 4.12 show two groups of eurhythmicians in plastic
exercises on a bare stage. Their particular poses (or two-fold action)
can best be enhanced by offering them Appia’s immobile pillars (Figure
4.10) whose definite structure and expression of weight and solidity can
provide a clear contrast and opposition to the living and mobile human
body.
... This contrast is in itself expressive. The body finally touches the column; the opposition is further accentuated. Finally, the body leans against the column, and the latter’s immobility offers a point of solid support: the column resists; it acts! The opposition has created life in the inanimate form; the space has become living!*3
It is important to emphasize another essential characteristic which
is common in this group of rhythmic spaces. The repeated rhythm in
threes is very apparent in the columns and the steps, hence in their cast and self shadows. These physically imposed rhythms in space clearly echo an audible musical rhythm which Appia must have had in mind at the time. He wrote: "The varying lengths of musical sounds are realized in visible proportions in space. "2« Rhythmic space design
is a beginning not an end. It can be inspiring to the conqposer, the choreographer, the parformer and the lighting designer as each relates a piece of music to the rhythmic space.
23 Appia, The Work of Living Art, p. 28.
2« Ibid, p. 21. (Figure 4.13) A Rhythmic Space "The Shadow of the Cypress Tree" (1909). 115
According to Jaques-Dalcroze, "the choreographic composition should be as carefully formed as musical or pictorial composition."25
These rhythmic spaces illsutrate Appia was trying to create a
flexible space, rhythmic and expressive, of a desirable theatrical order
to exhibit the "living art" of the human body to which all the inanimate
forms, whose structure and forms express weight and stability, must be subordinated. His use of light is essentially theatrical and dramatic.
To him, light, which possesses movement, rhythm, and psychological mood
is the technical element best able to express life. The fact that it can also be colored adds significance to its value. Colored light, defused in space, and controlled by musical rhythms, can fill the theatrical space with a new artistic life.
In the Shadow of the Cypress Tree (1909) (Figure 4.13), Appia chose to use a wall upon which to cast a shadow. This is a new artistic theme in Appia’s rhythmic spaces. It creates a new possibility for the dramatic use of light and shadow and reflects Appia’s tireless efforts to examine all possible relationships between forms, spaces, organizations, proportions, etc.. These endless investigations helped to elevate him to the first ranks of theatre artists.
The last sketch among this group (Figure 4.14) shows Appia’s continuing search for the ideal theatrical space and ideal theatrical lighting. This sketch presents an additional treatment; a wall opening with a possible new lighting position. Such treatment gives an additional value to the left side of the sketch where we see more
25 Jaques-Dalcroze, Rhythm. Music, and Education, p. 293. 116
(Figure 4.14) A Rhythmic Space (1909-1910). 117
space and feel more freedom. Theatricality is expressed by the thick
and heavy wall— not only through its width and suggested material, but
also by the relatively low height of the opening, and by the darkness in
the foreground.
The rhythmic space in this sketch seems more expressive and more
theatrical for it gives more possibilities for movement and direction.
The change of lighting position is highly effective and dramatic. It
seems to be a natural development of the previous treatment (Figure
4.13), but in the this treatment there is more expectation for more
dramatic action and rhythmic movement.
Hie third group of Appia’s rhythmic spaces is so sophisticated that
the viewer may not at first glance see some of the important rhythmic
and artistic features. Each sketch has emphasis on either movement or
lighting or both. This group includes examples of what Appia meant by
increasing or decreasing action by groups of performers. Appia*s
suggestive rhythmic space, vast or limited, clearly dictates direction
(movement circulation) and rhythmic movement, slow or fast.
"Echo and Narcissus," (Figure 4.15) was adapted to the dimensions
of the hall in the Jaques-Dalcroze Institute for the productions of June
1920.2 6 Hiis particular sketch is of great significance for many
reasons. First, it affirms the belief that Appia was strict in treating his forms architecturally but at the same' time freely and rhythmically.
2 6 Appia, The Work of Living Art. p. 108. 118
r*S3?
(Figure 4.15) A Rhythmic Space "Echo and Narcissus" (1909-1910). 119
To be architecturally sound, one must follow its science and its
systematic order, especially when dealing with staircases of the same
nature within the same place. Appia intentionally set about to create
rhythmic spaces of a theatrical nature rather than purely architectural
ones.
In this sketch, the space is divided into three main levels
connected with three staircases. The lowest and middle levels are
connected by the wide steps from one side to another. The top level is
connected with the middle one by two sets of staircases.
Architecturally, these two staircases must be mathematically treated the
same way in terms of dimensions, and especially the number of steps
involved in each set as long as they are in the same space of one unit and are joining the same levels. But this is not the case in this
sketch, for Appia’s solution is based on a different function— a
theatrical one, and more specifically, rhythmic. The number of steps,
therefore, is intentionally different; eight steps in one set and only six steps in the other. This is a rhythmic solution for a theatrical
function which creates different rhythm.
This supports the position that Appia’s designs are of a more rhythmic and theatrical nature than purely architectural. The architect must remain consistent with the dimensions of the staircases, for the safety of the users who usually become accustomed to the height and depth of the first two steps. Any abrupt change in the elevation or run may be hazardous. In short, such irregularity within the same unit and space is architecturally unsafe. However, this is a rhythmic space meant for rhythmic movement. It suggests a natural scene and the 120 presence of water where there is no place for regularities in natural forms: "A strange thing but a natural one: no one could doubt the presence of water, even though he clearly saw the floor of the hall at the foot of the rock."27 According to Appia’s scenario, the designer must have in mind those performers who are going to use these two different staircases of different rhythm. Also, this sunken part of the stage floor is theatrically meaningful, suggestive, and expressive.
"Moonlight" or "Clair de line" 1909 (Figure 4.16) is one of Appia*s most artistic designs of theatrical space filled with powerful and dramatic lighting effect. Its title provides sane clues and meaningful atmosphere. Its design reflects Appia’s dedication to creating supportive theatrical space and lighting. Artistically, with such suggestive setting and lighting, we are offered endless possibilities of simple and highly sophisticated treatment at once.
The back wall, which Appia indicates only by his use of the stone structure, is not connected with the floor as it appears to be at first glance. It leaves a larger gap or distance to be used for many dramatic actions as a trap opening.
The staircase is uniquely rhythmic and highly dramatic; the form and proportions, the light and shadows await the expressive action of the performer to give both life and theatrical meaning. The scene before our eyes suggests at least three levels: the main level on which the staircase is located, the lowest for the trap, and the highest level is right at or above the wall height. The whole scene is very suggestive. The space is sunk in semi-darkness; it is silent and
27 Appia, The Work of the Living Art. p. 108. 121
(Figure 4.16) A Rhythmic Space "Moonlight" (1909). 122 yet waiting for something to happen— sound or movement. Movement on each level of this set can be highly effective when the light and shadow are well used. Movement on the floor from side to side would be of great dramatic effect when the light hits the performer's head which then disappears in the shadow. A similar effect would be obvious when moving up or down the stairs. The first two steps are meaningful if well used. Movement on the walls gives different psychological and visual effects further enriched by the moving shadow or only part of the moving performer on the front wall. The possibilities are limitless.
Looking at another sophisticated sketch (Figure 4.17), we find a clear example of building up forms and movements of all kinds in all directions. Here, we deal with the idea of progression, of rhythm, and of movement in monumental space. This huge structure cannot be built in the theatre; we must assume that Appia knew this— before anyone. But the idea is just a beginning; the structure can be simplified, as he actually did for most of his rhythmic spaces.
This sketch can be looked at as related forms of different proportions and each part or portion can be rhythmically used. We can learn what Appia himself learned from such complex work; how to reduce complexity to a minimum. This sketch is one of Appia’s first attempts towards the creation of his new style. Such colossal effect is more cinematic in our world, but for Appia it represents his attachment to 123
(Figure 4.17) A Rhythmic Space (1909-1910). 124 ancient aesthetics and spiritual atmosphere. Huge numbers of performers are needed in such monumental space.
Comparing such complex form as Appia*s "The Staircase" 1909 (Figure
4.18) to "The Lane" (1909-1910) (Figure 4.19), we find a world of difference in treatment and artistic solution. In order to appreciate the rhythmic and theatrical qualities in these sketches, it is important to relate Appia*s visual art to his theory, based on his musical background and the work of his collaborator. It would be difficult even for an architect with a well-practiced eye to understand and accept
Appia’s Rhythmic Spaces, specifically, Appia’s use of irregularity in some of his staircases. Such irregularity could be seen as hazardous.
Yet this irregularity is most suitable to support— physically, visually, and theatrically— the bodily rhythmic movement. The theatrical space is designed to exhibit simultaneously with dramatic use of light a rhythmic movement corresponding to a particular musical rhythm. Thus Appia’s use of rhythmic space in Figure 4.18 with its irregular arrangement of steps and landings to express rhythm and to exhibit rhythmic movement in highly theatrical fashion is brilliantly justified.
It is interesting to note Appia*s intentional creation of different rhythms through groups of steps of ten risers (see Figure 4.19) and groups of steps of three risers (see Figures 4.10, 4.20, 4.21). These rhythmic spaces, although they have no specific indication that they were designed for a particular work clearly suggest an interpretation which is dictated by their specific features. 125
(Figure 4.18) A Rhythmic Space "The Staircase" (1909). (Figure 4.19) A Rhythmic Space "The Lane" (1909). 127
(Figure 4.20) A Rhythmic Exercise (1909). 128
(Figure 4.21) A Rhythmic Exercise (1909). 129
For example, when a specific rhythm is apparent in a particular count and somehow repeated in the same place, there is no way to ignore
such a rhythm created both visually and physically by a talented artist- musician. To achieve unity and harmony the movement of the performer must be designed in relation to such meaningful realization of rhythm in space.
According to Appia, the work of an architect, although a modification of natural forms, must not lose sight of the proportions of the living human body and its diversified movements.28 This statement underscores his consistent, habitual way of designing. He told a pupil to "design with your legs, not with your eyes."29 This is undoubtedly one reason for his sensitivity to proportion and the intimate relationship between dramatic movement and space.
Appia’s objective is the creation of the most expressive space possible filled with dramatic atmosphere. This theatrical space was not meant to be a dominant element but rather supportive of the practical and theatrical demands of the uiece.
Figure 4.22 is another example of a design without a particular title which nevertheless does speak for itself as to how it could be physically and visually used by the performer.
28 Appia, The Work of Living Art. p. 23.
29 Jessica Davis Van Wyck, "Working with Appia," in TAM, vol. 8, #2, December 1924, pp. 817-818. (Figure 4.22) A Rhythmic Exercise (1909-1910). 131
There are four different structures parallel to the picture plane,
and each one has a unique rhythm which imposes itself on the performer.
These four massive structures have various gaps or cut-outs (one per wall) which work like magical rhythm. This rhythm is created by the
irregular height not only of each wall and the different angle of the
slope of each ramp, but the depth of the cut-outs and the stiff heights of the sides of each cut. This theatrical design becomes highly expressive as the performer walks, leaps, or runs on the top of the walls or in between than.
The importance of Figure 4.22 lies in its influence and
inspiration. It inspired successful works by some of the most notable designers of our day, particularly the numerous settings designed by
Josef Svoboda.30
Appia’s design of Gluck’s Orpheus: The Elysian Fields (Figure 4.23) is another remarkable example of rhythmic spaces. This sketch was drawn between the years 1909 and 1914, reflecting the same quality and features of Appia’s work done during that period. It is more likely that Appia’s first sketch goes back to the years 1909 and 1910, when he was creating his Rhythmic Spaces for an open and free space. However, comparing Appia’s first sketch and his other sketch dated 1926 (Figure
3.10) for the same opera first performed in 1912, we find substantial changes not only in the last sketch but in the realized setting as well
30 Examples of Svoboda *s settings influenced by the same sketch are Das Rheingold. scene 4 (Geneva 1975), Die Walkure. Act 1 (Geneva 1975), Siegfried. Act 1 (Geneva 1976), and Gotterdammerung. Act 1, scene 1, 2 (Geneva 1977). Ironically, Svoboda, who denies being influenced by Appia, seems so fascinated by Appia’s idea that he used almost the main theme of 1909 and reproduced it in Geneva, Appia’s homeland, in the 1970s, and in other cities all over the world (See Figure 5.5). 132
wm:
(Figure 4.23) A Rhythmic Space "Gluck’s Orpheus and Eurydice" (1909-1911). 133
(Figure 3.9). These changes are as follows: the first sketch has one staircase, the second has four flights of stairs, each leads to the other. While the first seems more horizontal, the second is more vertical and of more definite space, length, and width. These changes, however, create the following questions:
- Was Appia aware, at the time of his design, of the offer of the
Hellerau project that Jaques-Dalcroze received in 1910?
- If yes, why did he use such an endless space for his first artistic
choice? As open-door stage? Why did he change?
- Were there any other sketches which may suggest additional scenes for
the same production? If so, where are they?
If Appia knew about Hellerau’s dimensions at the time of his drawing, why would he make such a free space sketch as if he ignores completely the dimensions of the place into which his work was to be fitted? Did he dislike covering the walls by the translucent materials for lighting, as he suggests in the sketch of 1926?
Examples of Appia’s designs for other productions which he meant to revise prove that he never changed his original ideas, but rather he refined and simplified his details within the already existing outlines.
There are many examples, such as Appia’s revision of his sketches for
Wagner’s music dramas. In his later sketches, Appia kept his revisions within almost the same shapes of his original forms, but they were more architecturally refined and rhythmically ordered. The Orpheus sketch dated 1926 supports his original decision by keeping his stone-like structure. 134
Because Appia reworked and revised his ideas, it can be assumed
that his sketch for Orpheus follows his habit of revision and refinement
in seeking perfection. Such logic assumes that there should be an
original sketch which is somehow similar to this one, but it must be
lost along with so many others. The fact remains that there are
substantial differences between the extant sketch dated 1926 and the
production photographs of 1912 and 1913.
- Appia insists on having architectural walls without coverings of any
other material.
- The stairs are different; they are engulfed by two side blocks on
either side to the walls in the sketch.
- The lines of Appia's sketch represent a technical way of constructing
stone-like structure, while the production photographs reflect more
practical technique devised by Alexander Von Salzmann. While Appia*s
lines look natural, they are less economical in comparison to their
realization which proves that it was not Appia*s technical
understanding but rather Salzmann*s which dominated much of the final
construction.
In conclusion, Appia was a talented artist-musician who entered the theatrical world through music. He devoted himself to a reformation of the lyric stage, designing everything on the stage as it relates to music.31 His rhythmic spaces were intentionally designed to be part of the physical rhythmic process by enabling the performer to coordinate musical and bodily rhythm. Appia put himself in the performer’s place, using his sense of time and space and his own experience to create a
31 Mercier, "Adolphe Appia: The Rebirth of Dramatic Art," p. 617. 135
space of rhythmic values in which that space becomes physically and
practically a partner in the theatrical event. The physical partnership
is achieved by creating functional rhythmic forms of a theatrical and
practical nature. These forms are specifically proportioned and arranged
to help unify and harmonize the total presentation as offered through
the living presence of the human body.
In all of Appia’s rhythmic spaces we recognize a scheme of
"irregular" accentuation in his rhythmic groups. This "irregularity" is
indeed the element which makes better quality of fine grouping and proportion, both in music and visual arts. It heightens emotional effects and symbolic suggestions.32 Each composition of Appia’s rhythmic spaces has different rhythmic treatment and are reflections of
Appia’s never-ending search for the most effective stage space and its theatrical possibilities. His conscious decision was to take the plastic, mobile, and living body both as object and as instrument, and to create an architectural rhythmic style in which everything was subordinated to the human body and its dramatic rhythmic movement— "the great unknown and the experience of beauty."33
It is important, however, to recognize that Appia’s "Rhythmic
Spaces" were a further development of the same principles he applied, during the first phase of his career, to Wagner’s music-dramas. He had sought in the music of these dramas visual evocative space, in which he placed the performer in the midst of planes and lines rightly created
32 Percy A. Scholes, The Oxford Companion to Music. Ninth Edition (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1960), pp. 880-81.
33 Appia, The Work of Living Art, p. 68. L36 for him.34 But unlike Wagner’s music dramas, the Eurhythmies of Jaques-
Dalcroze allowed Appia more freedom for they lacked the positive basis
(such as time, location, social, historical features) of a specific drama, thus he eliminated whatever did not relate directly to the living body and its rhythmic movement. It was Eurhythmies which opened Appia’s eyes to discover his new style of spatial arrangements based on unit setting, thus creating flexible acting areas of endless shapes and proportions. For him color and light became the dramatic expressive medium he could use to fill the entire space with atmosphere. He could do this with constant change, simultaneously with musical rhythm, centralized in the human figure as the unifying element.
34 Ibid, p. 87. CHAPTER V
CONCLUSION
The intimate relationships existing between rhythmic movement and rhythmic space have been emphasized in the works of Appia and Jaques-
Dalcroze. Their musicianship and common goal were inseparable. Their ideas and their collaboration inspired by music and the human body, were their first important steps toward a new artistic movement which has influenced the m o d e m stage in the areas of acting, directing and designing (setting, lighting, costumes). Their contribution to theatrical studies lies in their theories of a living art inspired by music and animated by the living presence of the human body in time and space. The artistic outcome of this collaboration— including the creation of Appia’s radical "Rhythmic Spaces", the Hellerau new theatre architecture, the introduction of the unit setting with its flexibility and practicality— would not have come about had it not been for the close relationship between the two pioneers and the interaction of their ideas.
The two artists, each who tried to portray a sort of visual music, came to many of the same conclusions. Each had distinctive ideas, developed along different lines but both wanted to relate rhythmic movement to rhythmic space. Their autistic association was aimed at blending the arts of time (music, poem, songs, etc.) to those of space
137 138
(movement, forms, volumes, etc.) in a new living art form wherein the
intimate relationships between musical rhythms and bodily rhythms, sound
vibrations and light vibrations have been organized, interrelated, and
transfigured.
It was Appia who, on meeting Jaqeus-Dalcroze for the first time in
1906, suggested the use of different levels for the performers. Also,
it was Appia’s idea to construct the unit settings out of standardized
forms of different shapes and sizes. The chronology of his writings, sketches, and Jaques-Dalcroze’s letters— all clearly support the fact that Appia was the creator of the new ideas of not only his "Rhythmic
Space" but the new theatrical reforms at Hellerau. The new theatre architecture, and the lighting system were suggested by Appia who was always consulted from start to finish about all the artistic aspects of the program.
Hellerau was a true palace of Rhythm for three years— a gallery of living art— in which rhythmic movement and rhythmic space were related in joy and at ease. The Hellerau experiment came to an end with the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. Before it closed, Appia and
Jaques-Dalcroze were able to achieve a fascinating degree of perfection, presenting the human body and its diversified rhythmic movement in a rhythmic and theatrical space. It was a true beginning of a new artistic career. It was also the beginning for a new lyric and dramatic art of the theatre, based upon the intimate relationships existing between rhythmic movement and rhythmic space.
The whole work of living art was a direct result of this collaboration. Although the two artists began their explorations as 139
attempts to reform their particular fields (the lyric theatre and music
education), it was only after they met each other, exchanged artistic
views, and combined their efforts that they were able to extend and
refine their arts and realize their dreams.
Salzmann was a strong cornerstone in the technical realization
achieved at Hellerau. It is safe to say that without his contribution
to this collaboration the final product would not have been the same or
even close. It is no exaggeration to state that it was Salzmann’s
technical and practical experience in staging which made possible
Appia’s ideas of unit setting. In effect he was the third artist in the
Appia/Jaques-Dalcroze collaboration. None of Appia’s sketches were
accompanied by detailed working drawing sheets or drawn to scale. Appia
used comnon sense and artistic vision to create his sketches, relying on
his feeling for movement in rhythmic sequence as well as an intuitive
sense of form. His designs are practical for rhythmic movement (in a
theatrical sense) but not for purely architectual and civil or domestic
use. The reason is simple. Appia*s concept of visual and physical
irregularity is calculated not for mechanical use or customary
application, but to impose rhythm upon the performer’s movement through
physical forms. Yet, he does not lose sight of safety or aesthetic proportion of the whole theatrical space. He focuses on exhibiting the movement of the performer by creating greater opportunity for circulation in all directions before the spectator’s eyes. These designs present new relationships between elements. Each design represents different arrangements of forms, proportions, changes
in lighting positions, intensities, and view points (ninety degrees from 140 one sketch to another). His famous advice to one of his pupils, Jessica
Van Wyck is indicative of his approach: "Design with your legs, not with your eyes."1 His interpretation of the dramatic space is based upon the dramatic action of the performer. He uses the human figure as the only measure for his designs; he borrowed Protagoras' philosophy as one of his own principles "Man is the Measure of All Things." The study and analysis of all the available designs of Appia prove his unfailing sense of theatrical practicality. His work reflects his understanding of human abilities as well as limitations, and the theatrical requirements which acknowlege those conditions. Other artists, especially those who imitate him, do not acknowledge his philosophy and its implications.
It would be difficult not to see this imnense staircase [Figure
5.3] as the synthesis and epitome of all the staircases designed by
Appia. Aside from their distinctive originality and the fact that half a century has passed, both Appia and Svoboda affirmed the importance of integrating the stage space and the actor, and the unique role of lighting in their productions.2
A look at examples of Josef Svoboda*s work suggests Appia’s influence on him. An examination of Svoboda's work in comparison to that of Appia explains their differences, which are meaningful. Figure
5.1 is a production photograph of Orpheus at Hellerau as based on
Appia’s idea and as realized by Salzmann. Appia's perception and
1 Jessica Davis Van Wyck, "Working with Appia," Theatre Arts Monthly. 8, no. 2, 1924, pp. 817-818.
2 Denis Bablet, The Revolutions of State Design in the 20th Century. (New York: Leon Amiel 1977), p. 51. 141
solution reflect his sense of human life and scale, and his common sense
of nature and man's ability and comfort. He employs steps as Svoboda
does in his Oedipus Rex (Figures 5.2, 5.3), almost the same number of
approximately 60 steps. But his solution is more human, more practical,
and more logical than the solution of Svoboda (who has a degree in
architecture). Appia's setting of about sixty steps, is divided into
four major flights and four landings. This very human solution is easy
to move on and to rest upon by use of the transitional landings.
Besides, descending and ascending these steps, the performer will be
forced to change directions— which is very dramatic and theatrical.
In comparison, Svoboda, the architect, uses the same number of
steps in only one flight which is illogical, impractical, unsafe and beyond the human sense of secular architecture. In other words, it
looks good visually but when there is any mistake by a performer
this mechanical solution can be deadly. Such a solution loses sight of
the proportion of the human body and its diversified movement.
Figure 5.4 is one of Appia's Rhythmic Spaces which still influences
theatre designers as seen in one of Svoboda's productions for the opening scene of the Geneva Rheingold (1975). These are only a few examples of many works by Svoboda which have been influenced by Appia.
His and many other's designs from all over the world remind us that the
Appia/Jaques-Daleroze collaboration was a significant step toward the creation of a new aesthetic movement which has strongly influenced the theatre in general, and scenography in particular. For reasons unknown (Figure 5.1) The Hellerau Production of Orpheus
(Figure 5.2) Svoboda’s Setting for Oedipus (The Final Scene)
(Figure 5.3) Svoboda’s Setting for Oedipus (Prague 1963) 143 the collaboration ended in 1923. There is no doubt that Jaques-Dalcroze relied heavily on Appia’s artistic views and creation. Almost all the extant correspondence reflects this fact (regrettably all Appia’s letters to his collaborator were destroyed). While Appia was very generous in providing voluntarily his artistic advice, help, ideas and sketches, Jaques-Dalcroze was hesitant to give him "official" recognition as a collaborator. But in spite of the lack of a clear endorsement by Jaques-Dalcroze of Appia's contribution to his work, the evidence is clear that Appia was the genius behind the success of these experiments.
...Even if— contrary to Jaques-Dalcroze's wishes— Appia’s name does not appear in the programs and is barely mentioned in the accounts • of the performances given there, the Hellerau theatre is really Appia’s...3
According to Bablet, "Appia is the originator of scenic construction and of movable unit as the modern producer demands."4 Lee Simonson asserts.
The lighting of any mo d e m production, whether Jones’s Richard III, or Geddes’ Hamlet, Reinhardt’s Danton’s Death or Jessner’s Othello ( and I could add the names of a hundred others that I have seen as well as my own), are dramatized with light and shadow in ways that repeat, however much they may amplify, Appia*s original methods and effects— the same use of shadows to dignify and to envelop form, to translate emotion into atmospheric moods, to define by suggesting...Appia’s light-plot is now an accepted part of every modem production.5
3 Paul Claudel, "The Hellerau Theatre," quoted in the Adolphe Appia Exhibition Catalogue, p. 85.
4 Bablet, "Adolphe Appia, of Geneva, Great Friend and Collaborator of Emile Jaques-Dalcroze, is the Creator of M o d e m Stage," in Le Rhythme (Geneva, April 1963), trans. Walther Volbach. "W. Volbach’s Collection of Appia at Beinecke Library, Yale Univ., p. 4 of the typescript.
5 Lee Simonson, "Appia’s Contribution to the M o d e m Stage," Theatre Arts Monthly. XVI, no, 8, 1932, p. 638. 144
(Figure 5.4) Appia, Rhythmic Space (1909)
(Figure 5.5) Svoboda’s Setting for Rheingold (Geneva 1975) 145
Appia did receive a long delayed recognition for his work that came
near the end of his life. He died in 1928. Jaques-Dalcroze lived
another twenty-two years, long enough to enjoy the credit given him for
his contribution to performance theory and music education. Appia
"was less fortunate," says Volbach, "many of our stage directors and
designers were inspired by his theories, but nowhere does his name
appear as the originator of their new approach."6
6 Volbach, "The Collaboration of Adolphe Appia and Emile Jaques- Dalcroze" in Paul A. Pisk: Essays in His Honor, ad. John Glowacki (Texas,: Austin, Univ. of Texas Press, 1966), p. 201. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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.ARTICLES AND ESSAYS, NEWSPAPERS, PERIODICALS, AND MANUSCRIPTS
Berichte der Dalcroze Schule, No.3, August-September, 1913.
"Das Claudel Programm Buch," Hellerau, 1913.
“Echos de partout-Tristan a la Scala," La Semaine Litteraire, October 6, 1923.
“La Fete de Juin," Tribune de Geneve, July 5,6, 1914.
"50th Anniversary of the Theatre du Vieux Colombier, French news," French Information Service, no.2, December, 1963.
“Hellerau Schulfest," Dresdener Anzeiger, June 29, 1912.
"Lohengrin," Journal de Geneve, February 15, 1899.
"The Moscow Art Theatre Musical Studio of Vladimir nemirovitch- Dantchenko," Souvenir (Oliver A. Sayler, ed.), New York, 1925.
“Obscure Pioneer of the Newest Art in the Theatre," Current Opinion, August, 1916. "L’Oeuvre d ’Art Vivant," Tribune de Geneve, January 2, 1922.
"Programm hefte," Stadttheater Basel, 1924-1925.
"Prometheus," Basler Nachrichten, February 12, 1925.
"Prometheus," Basler Volksblatt, February 12, 1925.
"Das Rheingold," National Zeitung, November 22, 1924.
"Das Rheingold," Schweizer Vorwaerts, November 25, 1924.
"Das Rheingold a Bale," Gazette de Lausanne, November 28, 1924.
"Stadtheater" (editorial), Rundschau-Buergerzeitung, April 9, 1925.
"The Staging of Wagner’s Tristan and Isolde by A. Appia in Milan," The Weekly of Academic Theatres, Leningrad, 1924.
"Tristan" (editorial), L ’Avanti, December 21, 1923.
"Tristan” (editorial), II Secolo, January 11, 1924.
"Die Verkuendigung," Dresdener Anzeiger, October 20, 1913.
"Die Walkuere," Schweizer Arbeiter Zeitung, February 6, 1925. 1 5 7
Aber, Adolf. "Das problem der Stiibuhne bei den Werken R Wagners,: Musikwissenschaft. Kongress der deutschen Musikgesellschaft, Leipzig: Breitkopf und Haertel, 1925.
Albright, H. Darkes. "Appia Fifty Years After," The quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol.35, nos.2/3, 1949.
Appia, Henri. "Notes sur Adolphe Apia," Manuscript. Appia Institute.
Bab, Julius. "Dalcroze," Die Schaubuehne, no.19, 1912.
Bablet, Denis. "Adolphe Appia of geneva, Great Friend and Collaborator of Emile Jaques-Dalcroze," Le Rythme, April, 1963.
. "Technique, espace, lumiere," Le Theatre, January 15, 1964.
. "Adolphe Appia, la musique et la mise en scene," Le Mesure de France, February, 1964.
Babenchikov, M. "From Appia and Craig to the Theatre of the future," New Studio, Moscow, 1912.
Barnes, Hugh. "The Life and Work of Adolphe Apia," Manuscript.
Barba, Eugenio. "Theatre Laboratory 13 Rzedow," Tulane Drama Review, Vol.IX, no.3, 1965.
Beacham-RC. "Adolphe Appia and the Staging of Wagnerian Opera." Opera Quarterly, Vol.l, N'o.3, pp.114-139. 1983.
. "Letters-Reply (Stage Designs of Adolphe Appia)." Opera Quarterly, Vol.2, No.3, pp.226-227. 1984.
. "Adolphe Appia and Eurhythmies." Maske Und Kuthurn, Vol.29, No.1-4, pp.141-152. 1983.
Beck, Gordon, "Adolphe Appia. His Life and Work," Players Magazine, Vol.33, no.4, 1962.
Bekker, Paul. "Die Opemszene," Frankfurter Zeitung, August 22, 1913.
Bentley, Eric. "Copeau and the Chimera," Theatre Arts Monthly, Vol.32, no.l, 1950.
Berthoud, D. "L’Oeuvre d ’ art vivant," Suisse Liberale, February 2, 1922.
Bie, Oscar. "Zur Inszenierung der Walkuere in Basel," National Zeitung, no.56, 1925.
Bonifas, Henry C. "A Propos des Fetes d ’Hellerau," La Semaine Litteraire, June 29, 1913. 1 5 8
. "A Propos des Fetes d ’Hellerau,” La Semaine Litterairem, June 29, 1913.
. "La Gymnastique Rythmique," L ’Essor, September 25, 1915.
. "La Renovation scenique et les travaux d ’Adolphe Appia," Ecrits Nouveaux, June, 1918.
. "Le Temps viendra," (no data available).
. "Richard Wagner a Bale et la mise en scene d ’Adolphe Appia," La Semaine Litteraire, November 29, 1924.
. "Adolphe Appia," Eulogy, Manuscript.
. "Adolphe Appia," Le Rythm, no.23, June,1928.
Bonifas, Paul A. "Quelques Souvenirs a propos Adolphe Appia et Henry Charles Bonifas," 1961. Manuscript.
Bottomley, Gordon. "The Theatre Work of Paul Nash," Theatre Arts Monthly, Vol.8, no.l, 1924.
Bridel, Gaston. "Sur Adolphe Appia," Gazette de Lausanne, March, 1928.
C.G. "La Prima di Tristano e Isotta," Corriere Della Sera, December 21, 1923.
Cheneviere, Jacques. "L’Oeuvre d ’art vivant," La Semaine Litteraire, December 24, 1921.
Cheseaux, Rene. "Adolphe Appia et l’art dramatique de demain," Pages d ’Art, Vol.Ill, no.10, 1917.
. "L’Oeuvre d ’art vivant," Gazette de Lausanne, March 27, 1922.
. "Tristan et Iseut a Milan," Gazette de Lausanne, January 20, 1924.
Caludel, Paul, "le Theatre d ’hellerau." La Nouvelle Revue Francaise. September, 1913.
Clurman, Harold. "Conversations with Two Masters." Theatre Arts Monthly, Vol.XIX, no.11, November, 1935.
Combe, Ed. "L’Art de la mise en scene," Wissen und Lebel, October 10, 1914.
Conrad, Herbert. "Mit Appia nichts zu schaffen ...," Bayreuther Tageblatt, Festspielneichrichten, July 26, 29, 1966. 159
Copeau, Jacques. "L’Art theatral moderne." La X'ouvelle Reive Francaise, January, 1911.
• "Le Theatre du Vieux Colombier," Le Theatre, September, 1913. Educational Theatre Journal, Vol.XIX, no.4, 1967.
. "Ur> Essai de renovation dramatique," La X'ouvelle Reive Francaise, September, 1913.
. "Le Reouverture du Vieux Colombier," La X'ouvelle R e w e Francaise, November, 1919.
. “Accord Jacques Copeau-Louis Jouvet," Comoedia, September 17, 1924.
. "A’Art et 1 ’oeuvre d ’Adolphe Appia," Comoedia, March 12, 1928.
. "Lettres de Jacques Copeau a Louis Jouvet," Cahiers de la Compagnie Madeleine Renaud et Jean-Louis Barrault, Vol.I, no.2, 1950.
. "Lettres de Jacques Copeau a Adolphe Appia," Theatre Populaire, no.5, January-February, 1954.
. "Adolphe Appia et l’art de la scene," Cahier de la Compagnie Xladeleine Renaud et Jean-Louis Barrault, Vol.XIII, no. 10, 1955.
. "Visites a Gordon Craig, Jaques-Dalcroze et Adolphe Appia, 1915," La Revue d ’Histoire du Theatre, October, 1963.
Corradini, Enrico. "Una Lettera di Enrico Corradini ad Adolfo Appia," II Secolo. January 19, 1924.
Crommelin, Armand. "Hellerau," Bayreuther Blaetter, Vol.VII, no.192.
Cron, Joseph. "Das Rheingold," Basler Volksblatt, November 23, 1924.
. "Die Walkuere," Basler Volksblatt, February 2, 1925.
Curjel, Hans. "Moderne Buehnenbild Typen," Das Werk, Vol.31, no.2, 1944.
Dalcroze, Gabriel. "Appia et Jaques-Dalcroze," Journal de Geneve, June 20, 1962.
Denes, Tibor. "Georges Pitoeff a Geneve," Tribune de Geneve, September 9, 1961.
. "La correspondence de Georges Pitoeff et de Matthias Morhardt," La Revue d ’Histoire du Theatre, December, 1961.
. "N'ous honorons Appia, pionnier du theatre actuel," Journal de Geneve, May 26, 1962. . "Adolphe Appia jusqu a nos jours," Journal de Geneve, October 20 1962.
. "Adolphe Appia vu par lui-meme," Musees de Geneve, no.29, October, 1962.
. "Bilan d ’une amitie fameuse," Journal de Geneve, July 3, 1965.
Butour, Alfred. "La musique et la mise en scene," Journal de Geneve, July 9, 1899.
Ed. "L’Oeuvre d ’art vivant," Tribune de Geneve, January 2, 1922.
Elder, Judith. "The Cartel of Four," Theatre Annual, Vol.I, 1942.
Engel, Fritz. "Paul Claudels ’Verkuendigung'," Das Theater, Vol.V, no.4 1913.
F. "M. Denis Bablet evoque 1’oeuvre et 1’action d ’Adolphe Appia," Journal de Geneve, April 27, 1964.
F. "L’Oeuvre d ’art vivant," Journal de Geneve, December 21, 1921.
Feraud, Ernest. "Paul Claudel, Verkundigung," Wiener Fremdenblatt, October 6, 1913.
Ferriere, A. "La reforme scenique d ’Adolphe Appia," La Suisse, May 29, 1903.
. "Les dessins d ’Adolphe Appia." Journal de Geneve, May 18, 1929.
Fischel, Oskar. "Adolphe Appias Werk," Das national Theater. Vol.Ill, no.2, 1931.
Forel, Oscar. "A la memoire d ’Adolphe Appia," Journal de Geneve, March 1, 1929.
. "Appia reformateur de la mise en scene," Gazette de Lausanne, October 10, 1962.
. "Adolphe Appia," Memorandum, Manuscript.
G.M. "L’Oeuvre d ’art vivant," (no date available; La Semaine Litteraire).
Gatti, Carlo. "Tristan a La Scala," Illustrazione Italians, December 30 1923.
Gessler, Dr. "Prometheus," National Zeitung, February 12, 1925.
Granville-Barker, Harley. "Letter to Jacques Copeau," Theatre Arts 161
Monthly, Vol.XIII, no.10, April, 1929.
Guiral, M. "Return of Jacques Copeau," Living Age, no.346, April, 1934.
H.S. "Der Weinbauer," Neue Zurcher Zeitung, April 10, 1896.
Haj. "Adolphe Appia. Eine Gedenkausstellung," .Veue Zurcher Zeitung, October 16, 1962.
Herzog, Friedrich H. "Adolphe Appia in Basel," Das Theater, Vol.VI, no.9, 1925.
Hewitt, Barnard. "Gordon Craig and Post-Impressionism,” The Quarterly of Speech, Vol.30, no.l, 1944.
Hille, Gertrude. "Adolphe Appia und sein Werk," Neue Zurcher Zeitung, June 7, 1929.
Huis, Franz. "Das rheingold," Basler Anzeiger, November 22, 1924.
. "Die Walkuere," Basler Anzeiger, February 3, 1925.
. "Prometheus," Basler Anzeiger, February 12, 1925.
Ingham, Percy. "The Jaques-Dalcroze method," The Eurythmics of jaques-Dalcroze, London: Constable & Company Ltd., 1912.
Jacobi, Johannes. "N'eu-Bayreuth und die Vorgaenger," Die Zeit, November 30, 1962.
Jaques-Dalcroze, Emile. "La Technique corporelle et les movements continus," Le Rythme, no.23, 1928.
Jordan, Margarethe. "Adolphe Appia tel que je l’ai connu," Manuscript.
Kaucher, Dorothy. "Adolphe Appia’s Theories of Production," The Quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol.XVI, no.3, 1954.
Kempler-CA. "Letters-Comnent (Stage Design of Adolphe Appia).” Opera Quarterly, vol.2, N3, p.226. 1984.
Kemodle, George. "Wagner, Appia, and the Idea of Musical Design," Educational Theatre Journal, Vol.XVI, no.3, 1954.
Keyserling, Hermann von. "Die Erste Verwirklichung von Appias Ideen zur Reform der Buhne," Allgemeine Zeitung, April 6, 1903.
Kurtz, Maurice. "Homage Paid to Copeau," The new York Times, November 17, 1963.
L.t.h. (Dr. Luethy?) "Siegfried," National Zeitung, September 23, 1920. 162
Lert, Ernst. "Staging The Ring of the Nibelung," The Wagner Quarterly, Vol.I, no.l, 1937.
. "Some Pertinent Remarks on the Psychology of Conducting," The Wagner Quarterly, Vol.I, no.4, 1937.
Lualdi, Adriano. "Tristano e Isotta," II Secolo, December 21, 1923.
Marotti, Ferruccio. "II Teatro Moderno Nella Conzezione e Nell’ Opera di Adolphe Appia," Critica d ’Arte, Vol.XI, September/October, 1964.
Marsop, Paul. "Bayreuth, die Zeitenwende und das Reich,” Die >fusik, Vol.XVII, no.l, 1925.
Matter, Jean. "Le ’Parsifal’ d ’Adolphe Appia au Grand Theatre de Geneve," Gazette de Lausanne, May 9-10, 1964.
Mauricheau-Beaupre. "Adolphe Appia," Polybiblion, 1929.
Melchinger, Siegfried. "Adolphe Appia, der Utopische Prophet," Stuttgarter Zeitung, October 20, 1962.
Mercier, Jean. "Adolphe Appia. The Rebirth of Dramatic Art," Theatre Arts Monthly, Vol.XVI, no.8, 1932.
• ”L ’Avenir du Theatre Lyrique," Gazette de Lausanne, February 2, 1945.
. "Adolphe Appia," Memorandum, Manuscript.
Merian, Wilhelm. "Siegfried," Basler Nachrichten, September 24, 1920.
. "Das Rheingold,” Basler Nachrichten, November 22, 1924.
. "Die Walkuere," Basler Nachrichten, February 2, 1925.
Meyerhold, Vsevelod. "Meyerhold Orders Music," Theatre Arts Monthly, Vol.20, no.9, September, 1936.
Mitchell, Lee. "Appia’s Influence on Modem Stage Artists," Manuscript.
Mitchell, Roy. "Dynamic Scene: The Theatre of Wheel," Theatre .Arts Monthly, Vol.14, Jan-June, 1930.
N.R. "Zumm Gedaechnis eines grossen Buehnenbilders. Appia Ausstellung in der Landesbibliothek," Der Bund, September, 1962.
Odier, Henri. "Adolphe Appia," Le Mondain, December 8, 1928.
. "Adolphe Appia," Le Rythme, no.25, March, 1929.
Paumgartner, Bernard. "Festspielregie in der Mozartstadt Salzburg," Maske und Kothurn, Vol.VIII, no.2, 1962.
P.G. "Une exposition. Adolphe Appia a la Bibliotheque Nationale," Journal de Geneve, October 12, 1962.
P.R. "L’Oeuvre d ’art vivant," St. Galler Tagblatt, February 24, 1922.
Poertner, Paul. "Adolphe Appia-Wegbereiter des modernen Theaters," Seue Zurcher Zeitung, July 21, 1959.
Poesio, Paolo Emilio. "In una mostra a Venezia due profeti del Teatro Modemo," La Nazione, September 12, 1963.
Ponti, Gioro. "II Teatro di Appia— L ’Opera d ’Arte Vivente," II Covegno, Vol.IV, no.l, 1923.
. "II teatro di Appia," Domus, 1929, .
Povoledo, Elena. "Stage Design in Italy," World Theatre, Vol.XI, no.2, 1962.
Radice. "Appia alia Scala quarant’ anni dopo," Corriere Della Sera, October 22, 1963.
R.E. "Das Rheingold, National Zeitung, November 22, 1924.
. "Die Walkuere," National Zeitung, February 2, 1925.
Raff [Raffaele Calzini?]. "II caso Appia," II Secolo, January 11, 1924.
Rauscher, Ulrich. "Hellerau," Die Schaubuehne, Vol.IX, no.41, 1913.
Reyle, Karl. "Das Rheingold in Basel," Berber Tagblatt, December 6, 1924.
. "Die Walkuere in Basel," Berner Tagblatt, February 5, 1925.
. "Erinnerungen an Adolphe Appia," Der Bund, February 3, 1961.
. "Als der ’Appia Ring’ Zersprang," National Zeitung, November 18, 1962.
. "Adolphe Appia-Wegbereiter der Modernen Inszenierung," National Zeitung, August 25, 1962.
. "Adolphe Appia," Neue Zurcher Zeitung, August 26, 1972.
. "Adolphe Appia and the New Stage," The American-German Review, August-September, 1962.
. "Eine Kuenstlerfreundschaft im Dienste des Theaters," Tagesanzeiger fuer Stadt und Kanton Zurich, September 1, 1962. 164
. "Ein Reformator der europaeischen Buehnenkunst," Oltner Tagblatt, September 1, 1962.
• "Adolphe Appias Basler ’Ring’," Basler Nachrichten, September 2, 1962.
• "Adolphe Appia als Kuenstler und Mensch," Opernwelt, Vol.Ill, no.7-8, 1962.
. "Besuch bei Edward gordon Craig," Neue Zurcher Zeitung, January 13, 1963.
. "Adolphe Appia und Jacques Copeau— eine Kuenstlerfreundscaft," St. Galler Tagblatt, September 1, 1963.
. "Parsifal’ nach Adolphe Appias Ideen," Tages-Anzeiger, May 4, 1964.
• "Appias ’Parsifal’ in Genf," Der Bund, April 17, 1966.
. "Briefe von Adolphe Appia," A/eue Zurcher Zeitung, April 17, 1966;
. "Edward Gordon Craig," Neue Zurcher Zeitung, August 14, 1966.
. "Adolphe Appia und Edward Gordon Craig," Basler nachrichten, August 28, 1966.
Roeder, Ralph. "Copeau 1921," Theatre Arts Monthly, Vol.V, 1921.
Rogers, Clark M. "Appia’s Theory of Acting, Eurythmics for the Stage," Educational Theatre Journal, Vol.XIX, no.4, 1967.
Roth, Mart. "Staging the Master’s Works: Wagner, Appia and Theatrical Abuse," Theatre Research Internation. Vol. 5(2), pp.138-157, 1980.
Rotzler, Willy. "Ahnherr der abstrakten Buehne," Die Weltwoche, October 26, 1962.
Rufolohorhager-D. "Adolphe Appia/Monumentalite/and Peter Stein Schaubuhne," Theatre Research International, Vol.9 Ni., pp.29-38.
B.,S. "L’Oeuvre d ’art vivant," Journal de Geneve, December 21, 1921.
Saint-Denis, Michel, "Le Cinquentenaire du Vieux Colombier," Premieres Modiales, Vol.XIV, no.38, 1963.
Salzman, A. von. "Hellerau," Der Rhythmmus, Vol.II, 1912.
Sarton, Mary. "Copeau in Florence," Theater Arts Monthly, Vol.XIX, no.9, September, 1935. 165
Saylor, Oliver M. "The Moscow art Theatre Goes in for Opera," Vanity Fair, June, 1925.
. "The Moscow Art Theatre Musical Studio and Its Work," Theatre, September, 1925.
. "Ultra-Modem Art in Relation to the Theatre," Arts and Decoration, December, 1925.
Scharrer, Eduard. "Adolphe Appia im Muenchner Theater Museum," Rheinisch-Westfaelische Zeitung, August 30, 1929.
Scheffler, K. "Buehnenkunst," Kunst und Kuenstler, Vol.V, no.6, 1907.
Schulltze-Malkowsky, E. "Neue Illustrationen zu Wagners ’parsifal'," Dekorative Kunst, Vol.IX, 1906.
Seelmann-Eggebert, Ulrich. "Wegereiter des Modernen Buehnenbildes," Badische Neuste nachrichten, November 15, 1963.
Sembranti, Paolo. "Appia e Gordon Craig in vertrina sulla Laguna," Nazione Sera, September 12, 1963.
Simonson, Lee. "Appia’s Contribution to the Modem Stage," Theatre Arts Monthly, Vol.XVI, no.8, 1932.
. "Principles of Appia Applied to Wagner," The Wagner Quarterly, Vol.I, no.2, 1937.
Stadler, Edmund. "Adolphe Appia," Maske und Kothurn, Vol.V, no.2, 1959.
. "Die Musik und die Inscenierung," Der Bund, August 31, 1962.
. "Rene Morax," Neue Zurcher Zeitung, January 11, 1963.
. "Adolphe Appia und Oscar Waelterlin," Neue Zurcher Zeitung, May 26, 1963.
. "Le Festspiel Suisse, Adolphe Appia et Emile Jaques-Dalcrozen" Revue d*Histoire du Theatre, Luly, 1963.
. "Adolphe Appia und Emile Jaques-Dalcroze," Maske und Kothurn, Vol.X, no.3-4, 1964.
Storck, W.F. "Die Kuenstlerische Inszenierung des ’Parsifal’," Die Szene, June, 1914.
Toni, Alceo. "Tristano e Isotta," II Popolo d*Italia, December 21, 1923.
Thoriz, Enrico. "Scenarii," II Secolo, January 29, 1924.
Valjean, Pierre. "Une Tentative de reforme scenique," La Semaine 166
Litteraire, May 23, 1903.
Van Vechten, Carl. "Adolphe Appia and gordon Craig," Forum, Vol.54, October, 1915.
Van Wyck, Jessica Davis. "Working with Appia," Theatre Arts Monthly, Vol.VIII, no.12, 1924.
. "Designing ’Hamlet’ with Appia," Theatre .Arts Monthly Voi.IX, no.l, 1925.
Veinstein, Andre. "Redecouvrons Adolphe Appia," Cahier de la Compagnie Madeleine Renaud et Jean-louis Barrault, Vol.XIII, no.10, 1955.
. "Redecouvrons Adolphe Appia," Heptagone, Vol.I, no.2, 1958.
Villegier, Jean-marie. "Scenes pour Adolphe Appia,” M Jeu 14 (May 1974).
Vogt, Karl. "Neue Buehnenkunst," Allgemeine Musik-Zeitung, Vol.35, no.15, 1908.
Volbach, Walther R. "Appia’s Productions and Contemporary Reaction," Educational Theatre Journal, Vol.XIII, no.l, 1961.
. "Beginnings of a Genius," Players Magazine, Vol.33, no.4, 1962.
. "Profile of a Genius," Educational Theatre Journal, Vol.XV, no.l, 1963.
. "Jacques Copeau, Appia’s Finest Disciple," Educational Theatre Journal, Vol.XVII, no.3, 1965.
. "Adolphe Appia und Houston Stewart Chamberlain," Die Musikforschung, Vol.XVIII, no.4,1965.
. "The Collaboration of Adolphe Appia and Emile Jaques-Dalcroze,“ Paul A, Pisk. Essays in his Honor. Austin: College of Fine arts, The University of Texas, 1966.
. "Time and Space on the Stage," Educational Theatre Journal, Vol.XIV, no.2, 1967.
Waelterlin, Oskar. "Adolphe Appia und die Inszenierung von Wagners ’Ring’," National Zeitung, no.540, November, 1924.
. "Das Rheingold am Stadttheater Basel," National Zeitung, no.552, November, 1924.
. "Die Walkuere am Stadttheater," National Zeitung, no.55, February, 1925. 1 6 7
. "Prometheus am Stadttheater," National Zeitung, no.73, March, 1925.
Wagner, Friedlind. "De Bayreuth a Paris," Nouvelles Litteraires, October, 1955.
Wolkonsky, Serge. "Conference sur Appia," Apollon, Vol.Ill, no.6, 1912,
Wyck, Jessica Davis Van. "Working with Appia," Theatre .Arts >lonthly, Vol.8, no.2, 1924.
. "Designing Hamlet with Appia," Theatre Arts Monthly, Vol.9, no.l, 1925.
Zeiss, Karl. "Die Neue Szene," Jugend, no.3, 1923.
Zinsstag, Adolphe. "Zur Neu-Inszenierung des Nibelungenringes," Rundschau-Buergerzeitung, January 23, 1925.
. "Die Prostitution eines Kunstwerkes am Basler Stadttheater," Rundschau-Buergerzeitung, February 6, 1925.
. "Via Appia," Rundschau-Buergerzeitung, February 27, 1925.
. "Kunstfeindliches aus Basel,” Rundschau-Buergerzeitung, April 9, 1925.
DISSERTATIONS ON APPIA
Moore, Arthur U. Art, Community, and Theatre: A Study of the Theories of Five Nineteenth Century Artists: Tolstoy, Wagner, Nietzche, Appia, Rolland. Ph.D. Dissertation, Cornell University, 1936.
Mahler, Lynn. Modem American Musical Theatre Form: An Expressive Development of Adolphe Appia’s Theories of Theatre Synthesis. Ph.D. Dissertation, The University of Wisconsin, 1973.
Reboli, John Patrick. The .Artist as Coordinating Intelligence: The Aesthetic Methodologies of Paul Cezanne and Adolphe Appia. Ph.D. Dissertation, Ohio University, 1973.
Davis, Donald Sinclair. The Evolution of Scenography in the Western Theatre. Ph.D. Dissertation, Southern Illinois University at Carbondale, 1982.