A BLUEPRINT to PREVENT POLLUTION HAVENS by EXTENDING NAFTA's UNHERALDED "Eco-DUMPING" PROVISIONS to the NEW WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION
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Exorbitant Privilege and Exorbitant Duty∗
Exorbitant Privilege and Exorbitant Duty∗ Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas Hel´ ene` Rey Nicolas Govillot University of California at Berkeley London Business School Direction Gen´ erale´ du Tresor First dra: August 2010. is Version: October 25, 2017 Abstract We provide a quarterly time series of the historical evolution of US external assets and liabilities at market value on the 1952-2016 period. e center country of the International Monetary System enjoys an “exorbitant privilege”, a sizeable excess return of gross external assets over liabilities that signicantly weakens its external constraint. In exchange for this “exorbitant privilege” we document that the US provides insurance to the rest of the world, especially in times of global stress. We call this the “exorbitant duty” of the hegemon. During the 2007-2009 global nancial crisis, wealth transfers from the US to the rest of the world amounted to about 19% of US GDP. We present a stylized model that accounts for these facts and links the shrinking size of the hegemon in the world economy to the decline in the world real rate of interest. ∗We are very grateful to our discussants Jesus Fernandez Villaverde and Fabrizio Perri. We also thank Hanno Lustig and Adrien Verdelhan as well as 2017 NBER Summmer Institute participants for useful comments. Pierre- Olivier Gourinchas acknowledges nancial support from the International Growth Center grant RA-2009-11-002. Contact email: [email protected]´ ene` Rey is grateful for the funding of the European Research Council (grant number 695722). Email: [email protected] 1 Introduction Understanding the structure of the International Monetary System is an important task. -
HVPE Prospectus
MERRILL CORPORATION GTHOMAS// 1-NOV-07 23:00 DISK130:[07ZDA1.07ZDA48401]BA48401A.;44 mrll.fmt Free: 11DM/0D Foot: 0D/ 0D VJ J1:1Seq: 1 Clr: 0 DISK024:[PAGER.PSTYLES]UNIVERSAL.BST;67 8 C Cs: 17402 PROSPECTUS, DATED 2 NOVEMBER 2007 Global Offering of up to 40,000,000 Shares of 1NOV200718505053 This document describes related offerings of Class A ordinary shares (the ‘‘Shares’’) of HarbourVest Global Private Equity Limited (the ‘‘company’’), a closed-ended investment company organised under the laws of Guernsey. Our Shares are being offered (a) outside the United States, and (b) inside the United States in a private placement to certain qualified institutional buyers (‘‘QIBs’’) as defined in Rule 144A under the U.S. Securities Act of 1933, as amended (the ‘‘U.S. Securities Act’’), who are also qualified purchasers (‘‘qualified purchasers’’) as defined in the U.S. Investment Company Act of 1940, as amended (the ‘‘U.S. Investment Company Act’’) (the ‘‘Global Offering’’). We intend to issue up to 40,000,000 Shares in the Global Offering. In addition, we intend separately to issue Shares to certain third parties in a private placement in exchange for either cash or limited partnership interests in various HarbourVest-managed funds (the ‘‘Directed Offering’’ and, together with the Global Offering, the ‘‘Offerings’’). We will not issue, in the aggregate, more than 85,000,000 Shares in the Offerings. The Shares carry limited voting rights. No public market currently exists for the Shares. We have applied for the admission to trading all of the Shares on Euronext Amsterdam by NYSE Euronext (‘‘Euronext Amsterdam’’), the regulated market of Euronext Amsterdam N.V. -
Following the Money: Lessons from the Panama Papers Part 1
ARTICLE 3.4 - TRAUTMAN (DO NOT DELETE) 5/14/2017 6:57 AM Following the Money: Lessons from the Panama Papers Part 1: Tip of the Iceberg Lawrence J. Trautman* ABSTRACT Widely known as the “Panama Papers,” the world’s largest whistleblower case to date consists of 11.5 million documents and involves a year-long effort by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists to expose a global pattern of crime and corruption where millions of documents capture heads of state, criminals, and celebrities using secret hideaways in tax havens. Involving the scrutiny of over 400 journalists worldwide, these documents reveal the offshore holdings of at least hundreds of politicians and public officials in over 200 countries. Since these disclosures became public, national security implications already include abrupt regime change and probable future political instability. It appears likely that important revelations obtained from these data will continue to be forthcoming for years to come. Presented here is Part 1 of what may ultimately constitute numerous- installment coverage of this important inquiry into the illicit wealth derived from bribery, corruption, and tax evasion. This article proceeds as follows. First, disclosures regarding the treasure trove of documents * BA, The American University; MBA, The George Washington University; JD, Oklahoma City Univ. School of Law. Mr. Trautman is Assistant Professor of Business Law and Ethics at Western Carolina University, and a past president of the New York and Metropolitan Washington/Baltimore Chapters of the National Association of Corporate Directors. He may be contacted at [email protected]. The author wishes to extend thanks to those at the Winter Conference of the Anti-Corruption Law Interest Group (ASIL) in Miami, January 13–14, 2017 who provided constructive comments to the manuscript, in particular: Eva Anderson; Bruce Bean; Ashleigh Buckett; Anita Cava; Shirleen Chin; Stuart H. -
An Optimal Benefit-Based Corporate Income
An optimal benefit-based corporate income tax Simon Naitram∗ June 2020 Abstract In this paper I explore the features of a benefit-based corporate income tax. Benefit-based taxation defines a firm’s fair share of tax as the returns to the public input. When the government is constrained to fund the public input through the use of a distortionary tax on the firm’s profit, the optimal benefit-based corporate income tax rate is a function of three estimable elasticities: the direct public input elasticity of profit, the indirect public input elasticity of profit, and the (net of) tax elasticity of profit. Using public capital as a measure of the public input, I calculate optimal benefit-based tax rates. Under plausible parameters, these optimal tax rates are quantitatively reasonable and are progressive. I show that benefit-based taxation delivers inter-nation equity. JEL: H21; H25; H32; H41 Keywords: benefit-based taxation; optimal corporate tax; public input 1 Introduction There is no consensus on the purpose of the corporate income tax. This lack of consensus on the purpose of the tax makes it almost impossible to agree on the design of the corporate tax system. Without guidelines on what we are trying to achieve, how do we assess any proposal for corporate tax reform? This concern is expressed most clearly by Weisbach(2015): \The basic point is that we cannot know what the optimal pattern of international capital income taxation should be without understanding the reasons for taxing capital income in the first place... To understand the design of firm-level taxation, however, we need to know why we are taxing firms.” ∗Adam Smith Business School, University of Glasgow and Department of Economics, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill, St Michael, Barbados. -
Percentage Tax Designation Institutions. on Sugden's
International Review of Economics (2021) 68:101–130 https://doi.org/10.1007/s12232-021-00364-2 RESEARCH ARTICLE Percentage tax designation institutions. On Sugden’s contractarian account Paolo Silvestri1 Received: 12 September 2020 / Accepted: 27 January 2021 / Published online: 27 February 2021 © The Author(s) 2021 Abstract “Percentage Tax Designation Institutions”, also known as “Percentage Philanthropy Laws”, are fscal institutions through which taxpayers can freely designate a cer- tain percentage of their income tax to organizations whose main activity is of public interest: churches, third-sector organizations, political parties, etc. A comprehensive explanation of such systems is still lacking. In The Community of Advantage, Robert Sugden provides an original theoretical account of the Italian “8 × 1000” institution as one of those forms of regulation that “would be justifed as ways of expanding opportunity for mutually benefcial transactions” and, more particularly, as a lib- eral and “contractarian approach to the provision of public goods”. This article is an attempt to expand and deepen the understanding not only of the 8 × 1000 but also of the 5 × 1000 and 2 × 1000 institutions, by refecting on and possibly refning Sug- den’s contractarian account, at least with regard to the part that relies on and devel- ops the voluntary exchange tradition (Wicksell, Lindahl and Buchanan). To remain faithful to two normative premises of Sugden’s approach—the opportunity criterion and the correlated freedom of choice—we must introduce some theoretical adjust- ments to take into due account the way in which taxpayers’ freedoms—not only freedom of choice but also autonomy—are afected by default rules and the related redistribution procedures. -
Is Foreign Trade the Cause of Manufacturing Job Losses?
INCOME AND BENEFITS POLICY CENTER Is Foreign Trade the Cause of Manufacturing Job Losses? Stephen J. Rose April 2018 Many politicians and pundits blame foreign trade for the substantial declines in US manufacturing employment. In 1992, presidential candidate Ross Perot vividly described the upcoming “giant sucking sound of jobs leaving the country,” if the North American Free Trade Agreement passed. More recently, President Donald Trump and Senator Bernie Sanders agreed that trade deficits were devastating our economy. In this brief, the second in a series on manufacturing’s role in the US economy, I show the difference between the gross and net effects of trade on employment: the gross effect is the displacement caused by imports; the net effect is trade’s impact on total employment. The first section addresses the economics of trade and how it affects domestic employment. Although some think that trade deficits are bad for the economy, the US has had many periods of simultaneously high trade deficits and low unemployment. The second section traces trade and employment in specific manufacturing industries in three periods: 1960–80, 1980–2000, and 2000–2015. Finally, the third section presents estimates of how many manufacturing jobs the US would have if we had no trade deficit (i.e., if the value of total imports equaled the value of total exports). For this analysis, I use data from the long-form censuses of 1960, 1980, and 2000 and the 2015 American Community Survey.1 The Economics of Trade In Rose (2010), I started my discussion of trade with: On its surface, trade seems to be a rather benign exchange of things of equal value that expands the division of labor and increases overall output. -
American Economic Policy in the 1990'S
Retrospective on American Economic Policy in the 1990’s Jeffrey Frankel (Harvard University) * Peter Orszag (The Brookings Institution)** Abstract: This paper is based upon the Introduction to American Economic Policy in the 1990s, which will be published in the Spring of 2002 by the MIT Press. The book is the outcome of a conference held at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government in June 2001, which brought together leading policy-makers and economists with the goal of providing a preliminary history of U.S. economic policy-making during the past decade. The book is divided into 14 chapters, each examining a different area of economic policy: Monetary policy, fiscal policy, tax policy, international finance and crises in emerging markets, trade policy, information technology, industrial organization, energy policy, environmental policy, labor and education, poverty and welfare, health care and tobacco policy, Medicare policy, and the policy-making process. This paper, which is based upon the Introduction to the volume, includes a discussion of distinguishing characteristics of “Clintonomics” in historical perspective, a cataloguing of reasons for the good economic performance enjoyed by the country during the years 1993-2000, an explanation of the difficulties of apportioning credit for such outcomes, and some thoughts on the under- appreciated perils of excessive transparency in government. * Jeffrey Frankel is the James W. Harpel Professor of Capital Formation and Economic Growth at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. ** Peter Orszag is the Joseph A. Pechman Senior Fellow in Tax and Fiscal Policy at The Brookings Institution. Retrospective on American Economic Policy in the 1990’s Jeffrey Frankel and Peter Orszag Decades take on characteristics in our minds. -
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NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION DIRECTLY OR INDIRECTLY IN OR INTO THE UNITED STATES OR TO ANY U.S. PERSON IMPORTANT: You must read the following disclaimer before continuing. The following disclaimer applies to the attached prospectus (the ‘‘document’’) and you are therefore advised to read this carefully before reading, accessing or making any other use of the attached document. In accessing the document, you agree to be bound by the following terms and conditions, including any modifications to them from time to time, each time you receive any information from us as a result of such access. You acknowledge that this electronic transmission and the delivery of the attached document is confidential and intended only for you and you agree you will not forward, reproduce or publish this electronic transmission or the attached document to any other person. The document and the offer when made are only addressed to and directed at persons in member states of the European Economic Area (“EEA”) who are “qualified investors” within the meaning of Article 2(1)(e) of the Prospectus Directive (Directive 2003/71/EC) (the “Prospectus Directive”) (“Qualified Investors”). In addition, in the United Kingdom (“UK”), this document is being distributed only to, and is directed only at, Qualified Investors (i) who have professional experience in matters relating to investments falling within Article 19(5) of the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 (Financial Promotion) Order 2005, as amended (the “Order”) and Qualified Investors falling within Article 49 of the Order, and (ii) to whom it may otherwise lawfully be communicated (all such persons together being referred to as “relevant persons”). -
Ross Perot Was Ridiculed As Alarmist in 1992 but His Warning Turned
Ross Perot was ridiculed as alarmist in 1992 but his warning turned out to be prescient Harley Shaiken Salon, July 21, 2019 Perot become a household name after making an independent run for president in 1992 H. Ross Perot famously had a way with words that galvanized ordinary Americans and helped him become the most successful third-party candidate since 1912. He hurled one of his most well-known lines during a 1992 debate with Bill Clinton and George H.W. Bush when he assailed the North American Free Trade Agreement, which had just been tentatively agreed to by Canada, the U.S. and Mexico. He predicted Americans would soon hear a “giant sucking sound” as production operations and factories packed up in the United States and moved to Mexico. Perot said something similar a year later in a debate with Vice President Al Gore, the most high profile in a series of debates on the trade pact, a few of which I participated in as an adviser to key Democratic leaders in Congress who opposed it. Economists, business leaders, Clinton and most Republicans dismissed Perot’s worries as overblown. Despite the fact that most had never read the agreement, they argued free trade would create jobs, period. Over the objections of Perot, most Democrats in the House and other critics like me — NAFTA was ratified and went into effect on Jan. 1, 1994. A quarter century later, another populist billionaire is promoting an updated, expanded and renamed NAFTA, which he rebranded as the United States Mexico Canada Agreement in an effort to avoid any association with the “giant sucking sounds” many Americans experienced from “free trade.” 00:00 As it turns out, Perot, who died on July 9, had a point. -
Nafta Chapter 11 Tribunals and Their Impact on Signatory States: a Parallel Judicial System and Its Many Potential Dangers
NAFTA CHAPTER 11 TRIBUNALS AND THEIR IMPACT ON SIGNATORY STATES: A PARALLEL JUDICIAL SYSTEM AND ITS MANY POTENTIAL DANGERS ADNAN KAGALWALLA* Abstract NAFTA's Chapter 11 tribunals were created to protect foreign investors from undue interference by host States. These tribunals have considerable adjudicative power in their own right, power that is international in nature. Consequently, Chapter 11 tribunals allow private entities, even relatively small ones, to have a voice in the international legal forum. This Note uses a few major tribunal decisions as case studies to illustrate the potential problems arising from the NAFTA Chapter 11 tribunals and then points out that this leaves open significant opportunities for international expansion by foreign investors in the NAFTA bloc. I. INTRODUCTION Globalization is an ongoing process that is heavily promoted by some people, reviled by others, and misunderstood by many. It can be roughly defined as the increasingly free movement goods and services globablly.1 In the United States, the North American Free Trade Agreement ("NAFTA") has been perhaps the greatest symbol of globalization and its attendant "negative" effects, encapsulated most memorably by Ross Perot's "giant sucking sound" description. While organizations like the World Trade Organization have done considerably more to promote the interests of globalization and international economic efficiency, NAFTA is a much nearer phenomenon and therefore occupies more of the American public's * J.D. The Ohio State University Michael E. Moritz College of Law, expected May 2009. 1DANIEL C.K. CHOW & THOMAS J. SCHOENBAUM, INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS TRANSACTIONS 24 (Aspen Publishers 2005). 2 Ross PEROT WITH PAT CHOATE, SAVE YOUR JOB, SAVE OUR COUNTRY: WHY NAFTA MUST BE STOPPED-NOW! 41 (Hyperion Books 1993). -
Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States
1 Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States GA Res. 3281(xxix), UN GAOR, 29th Sess., Supp. No. 31 (1974) 50 The General Assembly, Recalling that the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, in its resolution 45 (III) of 18 May 1972, stressed the urgency to establish generally accepted norms to govern international economic relations systematically and recognized that it is not feasible to establish a just order and a stable workd as long as a charger to protect the rights of all countries, and in particular the developing States, is not formulated. Recalling further that in the same resolution it was decided to establish a Working Group of governmental representatives to draw up a draft Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, which the General Assembly, in its resolution 3037 (XXVII) of 19 December 1972, decided should be composed of forty Member States. Noting that, in its resolution 3082 (XXVIII) of 6 December 1973, it reaffirmed its conviction of the urgent need to establish or improve norms of universal application for the development of international economic relations on a just and equitable basis and urged the Working Group on the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States to complete, as the first step in the codification and development of the matter, the elaboration of a final draft Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, to be considered and approved by the General Assembly at its twenty-ninth session. Bearing in mind the spirit and terms of its resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI) of 1 May 1974, containing, respectively, the Declaration and the Programmed of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, which underlined the vital importance of the Charter to be adopted by the General Assembly at its twenty-ninth session and stressed the fact that the Charter shall constitute an effective instrument towards the establishment of a new system of international economic relations based on equity, sovereign equality and interdependence of the interests of developed and developing countries. -
Free Versus Fair Trade: the Dumping Issue Thomas Klitgaard and Karen Schiele
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF NEW YORK IN ECONOMICS AND FINANCE August 1998 Volume 4 Number 8 Free versus Fair Trade: The Dumping Issue Thomas Klitgaard and Karen Schiele Trade liberalization has had little effect on the use of antidumping tariffs—tariffs imposed on imports judged by a government to be unfairly priced. As more countries resort to such tariffs, questions arise about the merits of this form of trade protection, particularly when other remedies are available to industries hurt by import competition. In recent years, the international community has made and review the claims made for and against this type of significant progress in lowering trade barriers. The trade barrier. Although we cannot evaluate these claims Uruguay Round of trade negotiations, the North in detail, our analysis points to problems in both the theory American Free Trade Agreement, and the Information and the application of antidumping regulations. Technology Agreement are eliminating or sharply Following our discussion of these problems, we identify reducing tariffs and customs duties on imports in many alternative remedies available to industries coping with areas of the world. In addition, these agreements are unfair competition. dismantling nontariff barriers to trade, including quotas on exports of textiles and apparel and the export The Growing Use of Antidumping Tariffs restraints that protected such major U.S. industries as The use of tariffs to target specific imports began in steel and autos in the 1980s (see box). 1904, when Canada sought to discourage a U.S. manu- Although these agreements have removed many facturer from selling steel to the Canadian railroads.