january 1934

Ireland Since the Treaty

Stephen Gwynn

Volume 12 • Number 2

The contents of Foreign Affairs are copyrighted.©1934 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution of this material is permitted only with the express written consent of Foreign Affairs. Visit www.foreignaffairs.com/permissions for more information. IRELAND SINCE THE TREATY

By Stephen Gwynn

IONG before the first ten years of the Irish Free State's exist ence were a over, those who had prophesied demonstration ^ were to of unfitness for self-government reduced rueful were silence; even old nationalists amazed by the swiftness with a men out which handful of inexperienced young evolved order of two chaos. Within the last years all this has changed; the proph are ets of evil chuckling "we told you so;" many nationalists are discouraged; while friendly lookers-on exchange the tone of one to so admiration for of sympathy. I shall attempt explain a after so remarkable a brusque relapse recovery. a Ireland attained self-government after revolution prolonged over a out century, and carried stage by stage against the resist ance a To the in of great power. have revolutionary temper worst grained through generations is the conceivable preparation at for using that freedom which is the goal of revolution. Yet each stage revolution justified itself by concessions obtained: equal rights before the law for Catholics; ending of the landlords' ab solutism; and finally, autonomy. The British electorate and House of Commons had conceded autonomy before August 1914; nothing remained but the resistance of the House of Lords, and that would have been withdrawn at once had we been content to accept Home Rule for 26 counties. What were called constitu ? as tional methods practised by O'Connell, Parnell and Red ? as mond had succeeded against the methods of the Secret never Society. Yet Ireland had wholly shaken off faith in violence and in the end it was by the methods of the Secret Society and guerilla warfare that much better terms were attained in the Treaty than ever offered to the Constitutionalists. once more was a Yet England offering compromise: for Ire a land's demand had risen to complete independence and Re was public. Or rather, this the demand of the Secret Society, to which had acquired the title speak for Ireland. It was, like all a to violent revolutions, minority movement, which owing the character of the struggle acquired general popular support. But were when the terms of the Treaty made known the voice of was Ireland overwhelming for acceptance. Decision, however, had to an be made by assembly, elected inmid-struggle, which repre

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was sented only the Secret Society and pledged to the Republican a formula. Many argued that the claim had been bargaining a a demand. "Ask for Republic and you'll get good Home Rule was a seven a Bill." When acceptance decided by majority of in House of 125, Mr. de Valera refused to accept the decision. Sinn was to Fein split from top bottom. One part of it, headed by a car Griffiths and Collins, formed provisional government and ried on. The other part was (without Mr. de Valera's consent) to was pushed into resistance this government, which denounced as war a the tool of England; civil followed. Within few weeks of the first shots, Griffiths was dead of heart failure and Collins an a killed in ambush. Authority passed into the hands of group men were to of young whose characters and faces unknown the mass a to of Irish people who had for century been used follow were names that flags to them?O'Connell, Parnell, Dillon, man name was a Healy, Redmond. The only surviving whose flag was Mr. de Valera; and he was now in the traditional Irish nationalist position of being against the government. Methods of were new the Secret Society used against the rulers: when the to a two Parliament elected frame Constitution met, of its leading men were shot in the center of Dublin on the way to it. The answer was given by the immediate execution without trial of four as were leaders of the insurgents (Irregulars, they called) who were in jail. Some months later General Mulcahy, then Minister measure success: for Defense, justified the lawless by its attempts to terrorize members of the D?il had not been renewed. But as war General Mulcahy Chief of Staff in the guerilla against the British had issued orders for many ambushes; and the men who were shot so summarily had been the close associates of him and other members of the which sentenced them. ministry " war In the many books dealing with the against the Black and Tans" and the Civil War, written by men who took part in both, was it is universally agreed that the bitterness of the Civil War by on far the fiercer. Thus, although the work of administration went was no or with swift efficiency, there admiration sympathy in Ireland for the Irishmen who conducted it. They had restored an a order and created excellent unarmed police in country which over when they took it had all its communications cut, road and rail out over alike. But they had carried 77 executions, and above the were a deaths in action. In the D?il they party without opposi a were tion; for though considerable number of Republicans IRELAND SINCE THE TREATY 321 as to returned such, these refused recognize the assembly by was even more attending and taking the prescribed oath. It of moment that a country which from 1919 to 1923 had been used to the terrorism of the Secret Society was prepared to accept any orders from those who had guns. The Government was virtually a ? a dictatorship in commission very able dictatorship carrying out useful reforms without caring whose toes suffered. For a man was or to instance, if found exporting stale dirty eggs to was England, his license export taken away. The Irish egg acquired new credit, but the Government made many enemies: so on and in endless ways. People voted forMr. Cosgrave's party because they were afraid that to put Mr. de Valera in would a new war was one bring about with England; and there no else to vote a for. Labor had very minute following. The old National ist Party had virtually disappeared, except in the person of John Redmond's son; but in all the constituencies there were thousands as a of voters, Redmondite by sympathy; and they rule disliked the Cosgrave section mofe than the de Valera section. Mr. de : Valera could afford them fair words Mr. Cosgrave, friendly and to generous the old Unionist Protestants who represented im no portant interests but had appreciable voting strength, treated as a the old Nationalists possibly formidable opposition and gave was worst them (it his mistake) less than fair play. The Govern ment never really had behind it the active support of more than a part of the old Sinn F?in party. Neither had Mr. de Valera. But mass the of the populace kept Mr. Cosgrave in for fear of what went out. might happen if he were Moreover, the ministers overwhelmed with work. Every to to an thing had be reconstructed. They had first improvise army of 50,000 and then reduce it to 10,000 and absorb the discharged. In order to give employment and to occupy the minds of sums on Ireland, they spent very large providing first-class roads, and they harnessed the Shannon for electric power. More was in to done five years modernize Ireland's equipment than been in of had done fifty British rule. Their agricultural policy was conducted a Mr. and some by young man, Hogan, after five years Sir Horace Plunkett pronounced him to be the best Minister of in were too Agriculture Europe. But they occupied to with administration have time for electioneering; moreover, the absence of a regular opposition made them disregardful of public feeling. They made things, but they made mistakes. 322 FOREIGN AFFAIRS war The civil officially ended inMay 1923 when Mr. de Valera issued a cease fire order. But he did not call for a surrender of once more arms; and the Secret Society went underground, though making plain that it maintained its defiant attitude. Mr. was was de Valera vague, but he plainly against fighting; and in as was 1926 Sinn F?in, the opposition still called, split; the men majority followed its leader, but the physical force refused a obedience. Ireland grew impatient of politician who would neither use nor and Mr. de Valera to concen guns parliament, began on a trate demand for removal of the oath of allegiance which was as formally enjoined part of the Treaty, contending that was to a con this the chief obstacle general acceptance of stitutional methods. a On the other hand, Mr. Cosgrave's rule had received rude shock in 1925. The Treaty arrangement had left various loose was ends hanging. One the British claim that Ireland should war shoulder its proportionate (but undefined) share of the debt. The other was connected with that partition of Ireland which was and is the most detested part of the compromise. It was laid down on that the boundaries of Northern Ireland should be readjusted mean or equitable terms. Nationalists took this to that towns a counties in which Nationalists held majority should be handed over to the Free State. This would have given the Free State was Derry city and Tyrone and Fermanagh; and it believed that so cease to a Northern Ireland, reduced, would be practicable was unit. In 1924 a Boundary Commission set up; the British named a chairman, Mr. Justice Feetham, English-born and a educated, but leading member of the South African bench: the an Irish chose Professor MacNeill, Ulsterman by birth. But Northern Ireland refused to accept the possibility of any altera and nominate no one. A Act was ena tions would special passed to name a who was an bling the British third member Ulsterman, Mr. Fisher. Evidence was taken all along the border, and at the end of 1925 it became known that the chairman had construed so as to his terms of reference exclude all but small adjustments, a and that the report would actually propose transference of some was a Free State territory to Ulster. There fierce explosion of from was passion. Professor MacNeill retired the Commission; it evident that the smallest transfer in either direction would lead to violence; and the British and Irish Governments came to a settlement. The was to remain and Ireland boundary unchanged, IRELAND SINCE THE TREATY 323 was war to be relieved of all responsibility for debt. But nobody in the Free State had contemplated paying this debt; nearly on everybody had counted wresting much territory from Protes was to tant Ulster. The Cosgrave administration held have been into a surrender. duped was Yet in fact the financial concession important. It consoli dated in permanence the position first established in 1923 that the no one Free State?having national debt beyond about year's revenue ? as as could borrow cheaply Great Britain, and raise to the money in Ireland. Economies had made it possible reduce income tax below the British rate; the country was quiet; rich men to return to began it for sport, bringing money with them. over But and above the odium of the border, uncompromising a legislation gave much offense, especially drastic temperance new was to bill. Mr. de Valera in his attitude less frightening the at an on electorate, and election held July 7,1927, Mr. Cosgrave's was to as following reduced 46 against 44 for Mr. de Valera. But a were all the other fractions in House of 150 for the Treaty; and the main opposition still abstained from attendance. on 10 was Then July the country horrified by the murder of Kevin O'Higgins, Vice-President of the D?il and by far its ablest was a to member. He shot in Dublin suburb going alone unarmed mass on a The assassins The I.R.A. Sunday morning. escaped. officially disowned the deed, Mr. de Valera denounced it. Mr. a Cosgrave introduced and carried Public Safety Act of the most to an stringent character. Moreover, end the situation of oppo not a measure sition that would face debate he introduced oblig to to ing every candidate for election pledge himself accept the a new qualifying oath. Having done this, he held suddenly general now election at the end of August. Mr. de Valera decided that the as an oath could be regarded empty formula and could be taken as such. The reactions of the electorate were curious. explicitly Both of the main parties increased their numbers; Mr. Cosgrave was to an had 61; Mr. de Valera 57. It therefore possible form to a administration replace Mr. Cosgrave, and coalition between son Labor and the few Nationalists led by Captain Redmond, of was none the old leader, proposed for office. This failed narrowly; vote of the minor parties would for Mr. de Valera; and Mr. came in Cosgrave again. more an In 1928 the position became defined. Mr. de Valera came nounced that he and his if they into office would accept the 3^4 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

as an to Treaty inheritance and seek change it only by peaceful menace war. negotiation. This removed the of On the other hand, Mr. Blythe, the very able Finance Minister who had succeeded as O'Higgins Vice-President, made his party's declaration: "We believe that within the British Commonwealth of Nations this can country enjoy greater freedom and security than outside it. remove Our policy within the Commonwealth is to anomalies in the relations of its different members." Much had already been done in this direction. In 1923 the Free to State had been admitted the League of Nations and had as an promptly registered the Treaty international agreement. At succeeding conferences of the dominions, Kevin O'Higgins had an as one shown ability marking him of the clearest brains in the Empire, and Ireland in close alliance with South Africa had on pushed step by step the assertion of complete equality be tween dominion and dominion. After his death this task fell to Mr. McGilligan, another brilliant young man, to whom legal train was a not a ing help, hindrance. America led the way in recogni new a at tion of the status by establishing legation Dublin; in at 1928 the Free State set up legations Rome, Paris and Berlin, on a and from 1930 the Pope had Nuncio and France and Ger many had Ministers in Dublin, in addition to the consular staffs. to was now Add this that the Shannon supplying electricity all over so the Free State, and that peace appeared thoroughly was no one established that the Public Safety Act repealed. But to answer had been made for the murder of O'Higgins; and during a debate in the D?il one of Mr. de Valera's followers uttered an observation that spoke volumes. He had been condemning the us was murder. "Will you help to find the murderers?" he chal "Do take me for an informer?" was his answer. That lenged. you was a the attitude toward the law ingrained in Ireland by century a of revolution in which the Secret Society always played part. as a to as Ireland had not yet nation learnt regard the law its law, to the expression of its will, be defended by every citizen. On the contrary, the offender must be protected, at least passively. was Nobody would support the government because it the Government. came a In 1930 there premonitory shock. Mr. Blythe, always a to to rigid economist, refused raise old age pensions the British must rate, holding that the taxes be paid in the main by Irish were Mr. farmers who feeling the agricultural depression. de IRELAND SINCE THE TREATY 325 as Valera on the other hand posed the champion of the poor and on Mr. with Labor backing he beat the Government this issue. was in his as Cosgrave resigned: Mr. de Valera proposed stead President, but Labor would not vote for him; the Labor leader was Mr. resumed in turn proposed and rejected; and Cosgrave its in office. His Government abated nothing of high-handedness same domestic affairs; at the time, it pressed successfully its till was that the in points against Great Britain it admitted King Ireland must act on the advice of Irish ministers and this advice as should be tendered to him directly and not before through the Colonial Minister. was a new Meanwhile Mr. de Valera pushing bid for popularity. Since 1903 it had been established in principle that Irish land to its lords should be bought out, and the land transferred occupy rent a of annuities ing tenants, who in lieu of paid series spread over a created a period of 6^ years. The British exchequer special was land stock from which this huge transaction financed; it received the annuities and transmitted them to the holders of land stock, which stock had the British guarantee. These annuities rent were in every case less than the previously paid and the Land was was Purchase Measure for which Mr. Wyndham responsible as a measure. quoted by Nationalists generous and conciliatory as an Payments were maintained scrupulously, each marked in to Mr. convinced creasing title freehold. de Valera, however, was himself and convinced some lawyers that when Ireland absolved from all share in the British national debt she was to He absolved from this also: the annuities belonged Ireland. proposed to collect them, but apply them for the benefit of Irish Mr. answered that a had agriculture. Cosgrave special agreement been made between his Ministry and the British by which the as to land stock had been treated separate: Ireland agreed col lect the annuities and transmit them to the British who would ay the landholders. Mr. de Valera answered that the agreement ad never been ratified by the D?il. The Irish farmers in large numbers drew the conclusion that payment of annuities could be escaped. new to A instance of severity had added the unpopularity of the Government. Since the repeal of the Public Safety Act, the arms was fre I.R.A. had grown increasingly bold. Drilling with an a quent. In the mountains, hour's walk from Dublin, couple of a civilians were ordered off and then fired on; great dump of 326 FOREIGNAFFAIRS was to explosives and weapons found nearby and traced certain were persons. But juries intimidated by threatening letters; who a witnesses who were jurors gave verdict, gave evidence, so assassinated; although the law had been changed in 1929 that nine jurors in twelve could decide the verdict, convictions could not an be obtained and terrorism spread. Mr. Cosgrave brought in cases natures to to a Act enabling of various be referred military to one. tribunal, which could award penalties up the capital No were sent to executions took place, but many of the I.R.A. jail. was was Order restored, but the country offended by these meth a was ods. When general election held in 1932 Mr. de Valera got a 72 members in House of 151 against Mr. Cosgrave's 65. Seven men were to Labor able and willing put the Republican leader at a on last into power, though with shackle him. no a Mr. de Valera lost time. He immediately introduced bill to remove was the Oath, the formula of which stipulated in the was was Treaty. His contention alternatively that the Treaty or signed under duress, that, since by admission all partners in the were no British Commonwealth of equal status, England had to concern a matter. right itself with purely Irish The Senate, however, refused to accept this reasoning and the oath remained in force for the 18months beyond which the second chamber cannot veto. was impose its In 1933 repeal completed. The payment of land annuities due in June 1932 was withheld, as were sums which under the arrangement made with Mr. Cosgrave's govern were on ment still payable (being mainly instalments local loans advanced for the joint exchequer). Mr. de Valera and his lawyers contended that Ireland was liberated from the British national was debt and that these were part of it. The British reply that the matters Treaty must be observed and that in financial between states a new government was bound by the bargains made by its to financial predecessors. They offered, however, submit the claim to a court selected from within the Commonwealth. Mr. de Valera answered that the Boundary Commission had proved that Ireland could not look for to such tribunal and offered justice any ? to accept arbitration at the Hague. The British refused from case the standpoint of the single unwisely and inconsiderately; to were but they had consider that if this conceded their whole to the same position in India might by inference be referred adjudication. was At the moment when all this passing, the British dominions IRELAND SINCE THE TREATY 327 were meeting in conference at Ottawa to arrange for the first on an time important scheme of mutual imperial preference. In to enter new view of the facts, England refused into any bargain with Ireland. Canada, Australia and New Zealand were all com ? petitors with Ireland in the British market the only market in which Ireland could dispose of her large surplus products of food new were stuffs. These dominions gained advantages. Attempts no one made at the Conference to settle the Irish difficulty, but as to a has yet been able conclude bargain with Mr. de Valera; and no Ireland retired from Ottawa having secured privileges. Mean while the British, to reimburse themselves for the withheld five a on millions, had put special tariff all goods coming from the at 20 was on Free State: it began percent and raised most articles to 40. as Mr. de Valera welcomed this, however, forcing the Irish to people be economically self-sufficient. Instead of producing were to cattle for export they grow grain. The production of beet was sugar, introduced by the Cosgrave Government, to be extended. The system of "selective protection" introduced by on was to a Mr. Blythe from 1926 be replaced by general tariff, with clauses discriminating against English coal, woolens and other merchandise. It was economic linked to a new war, theory of economic life for Ireland, which had been directing its effort in to the main producing horses, cattle, sheep, butter, poultry and was now to at eggs for the English market, and aim growing all it own needed within its boundaries. This change involved disre garding all experience of what suited the Irish climate. But Mr. de to to war Valera appealed the country back him in with the ancient enemy, and denounced as traitors those who said that to Ireland ought keep its bargains and pay its debts. Meanwhile excess was the production of butter and live stock disposed of as to a to before England, bounty equal the import duty being provided by the Irish taxpayers. But most of this remained with the not the exporter, producer. In general, however, Mr. de Valera made it felt that he was on man. was the side of the poor Ireland's wealth mainly in the war on hands of the larger farmers and the fell chiefly them. Mr. to a Cosgrave's aim had been make Ireland country living pros a perously in modest old-fashioned way; he had desired to attract rich people and sporting tenants; and the Governor-General's a center residence had been of pleasant hospitality. When the 328 FOREIGNAFFAIRS a new was Free State began, precedent established in the choice man of the first Governor-General; Mr. Tim Healy, "an old of one the people," of Parnell's ablest lieutenants, was chosen in a stead of the traditional English aristocrat. But Mr. Healy was on a strong royalist, and his retirement in 1927, after five-year a period, Mr. MacNeill, his successor, was Catholic Nationalist, a but also distinguished ex-member of the Indian Civil Service. Mr. Cosgrave's government maintained all the ordinary forms of ? was ceremony though it formally established that the King's na representative in Ireland should be saluted with the Irish on no tional anthem, "The Soldiers Song," and account with "God Save the King." On the other hand, Republicans refused to or recognize the King personally by deputy and denounced official ceremonies as wasteful and undemocratic. The silk hat a new became symbol. Accordingly under the r?gime Mr. Mac at Neill found his presence the Viceregal Lodge completely ig was more nored by the Government: this the marked because in a 1932 Eucharistie Congress in Dublin entailed great public receptions. Finally, having made public protest against acts of on discourtesy, Mr. MacNeill was called by the Irish Govern to so. was one ment resign, and did His place taken by of Mr. to com de Valera's partisans, Mr. Buckley, who agreed keep to pletely in the background and merely be there affix the sig to nature required by the Constitution public acts. Thus, although still technically within the British Common wealth, Ireland had exploited to the last point that freedom from British control which had been asserted by the Cosgrave govern ment. she was free to sever Mr. Undoubtedly the connection, and some de Valera expressed his intention to end it day, but not without the consent of the Irish people. Meanwhile all members of the I.R.A. who had been put in were jail by the previous government let out, and this private army continued to drill without interference; it was known to be arms to importing largely; and the opposition began doubt were to vote at a whether if Ireland asked general election, the not counter booths might be controlled by this organization. A was on organization of "Army Comrades" set foot by Dr. O'Higgins, whose brother Kevin (and his father also) had been new was murdered by Republican patriots. This body not to be armed; but it was to be ready to protect freedom and ordinary civic rights ?especially free speech. It spread. Meanwhile, there IRELANDSINCE THE TREATY was a movement towards coalition between the Cosgrave opposi tion and the various Two men had independent ? groups. young these Mr. son of become conspicuous among James Dillon, the old leader, and Mr. Frank MacDermot, whose brother, The was one MacDermot, head of of the old princely Gaelic families. men These stood out by ability and education: and the very a popular Lord Mayor of Dublin, Mr. Byrne, publicly proposed fusion. Before this movement could go further Mr. de Valera a new on sprang General Election the public. Contrary to expec tation he increased his following and returned with 76 members ? one more no than half the D?il. He had given pledge that he a was to so. would not declare Republic and free do was Yet nothing of the kind done. What affected the public was an first administrative change. General O'Duffy, head of the was Civic Guard, dismissed. This very able and popular organizer now at to so: was liberty join the Army Comrades and did Dr. O'Higgins resigned the presidency in his favor and he changed name to was as a the the National Guard. A blue shirt adopted distinguishing mark, and the organization grew rapidly. General some to O'Duffy publicly made pronouncements hostile the parliamentary form of democracy; Mr. de Valera declared that a was military coup d'?tat intended, and finally, using the Act to which Mr. Cosgrave had passed deal with the I.R.A., he pro as claimed the National Guard "a dangerous organization" and an turned out troops to prevent assembly of it. was to a new The result unite the opposition forces into organ was ization, "United Ireland," whose president General O'Duffy, as with Mr. Cosgrave its leader in Parliament and Mr. Mac as a Dermot his deputy. Mr. Dillon also had prominent place. were Mr. Cosgrave's former colleagues included, and Mr. Blythe and General Malcahy have acted in close concert. war The position at present is that the economic continues with results ruinous to the Irish farmers: but the smaller men, who are work their trade without hired labor, encouraged by the prom not an ise that land will be taken from those who do put approved to portion of it under tillage and will be given those who do this. or Meantime the bigger farmers have been unable unwilling to are pay their rates and the local finances everywhere in disorder. A were a group of these farmers brought before military tribunal on a was under the Special Act, charge of conspiracy: the result an and of acquittal, in those parts Ireland where the farming 33o FOREIGN AFFAIRS

was a community is generally well-to-do the result blow to the government. Mr. seven But in the D?il de Valera has the backing of Labor men to own reinforce his basic majority, and he has conciliated a Labor and the poorer classes generally by bill giving allow ances on a generous scale for the unemployed and their families. Meanwhile the National Guard has been fused with the new asserts to political organization and its right exist, which is vio lently opposed by the I.R.A. whose official organ announces "No Free Speech for Traitors." But in spite of violent attacks on upon his meetings General O'Duffy carries his campaign with at no great determination and courage. The police first made at to arrest the even when meant tempt interrupters, interruption a fusillade of stones. The I.R.A., however, are not content with as Mr. de Valera and have denounced his policy half-hearted. a Meantime bill has been introduced and passed virtually to remove without opposition through both houses various sym bols of external authority, including the need for the formal assent to of the Governor General legalize Acts, and also the right of to appeal from Irish courts the Judicial Committee of the Privy ? a as Council right recognized useful by the other dominions. cut. not as But the boat's painter is not Ireland has yet seriously faced the question whether to choose the sentimentally attractive a or to status of separate Republic, hold the advantages of being within the British Commonwealth. These advantages, supposing the economic war were include in the ended, already preference British market, for which no substitute has been found, and also the of Irishman to enter the British and right every ? public municipal services, where especially in medicine and nursing ? men women a career. many Irish and find But the opposition, not men yet fully consolidated, and containing many previously in active revolt against British rule, is afraid of the reproach of not English sympathy and dares raise the clear issue. Both parties are aware to a that declare Republic would destroy all hope of a bringing Protestant Ulster into united Ireland, which for both remains the supreme objective. Ireland thus seems destined to remain for some considerable time in a state of hesitation and to eco transition, unable shape any clear policy whether in the or nomic the political sphere.