KINSHIP • the System of Kinship, That Is, the Way in Which Relations Between Individuals and Groups Are Organised, Occupies a Central Place in All Human Societies
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Undertanding Human Relations (Kinship Systems) Laurent Dousset
Undertanding Human Relations (Kinship Systems) Laurent Dousset To cite this version: Laurent Dousset. Undertanding Human Relations (Kinship Systems). N. Thieberger. The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Fieldwork, Oxford University Press, pp.209-234, 2011. halshs-00653097 HAL Id: halshs-00653097 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00653097 Submitted on 6 Feb 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial - NoDerivatives| 4.0 International License Published as: Dousset, Laurent 2011. « Undertanding Human Relations (Kinship Systems) », in N. Thieberger (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Fieldwork. Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 209-234 The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Fieldwork Edited by Nick Thieberger Oxford University Press Laurent Dousset EHESS (Advanced School for Social Studies) CREDO (Centre de Recherche et de Documentation sur l’Océanie) 3 place Victor Hugo F – 13003 Marseilles [email protected] Part four: Collaborating with other disciplines Chapter 13 : Anthropology / Ethnography. Understanding human relations (kinship systems). Kungkankatja, minalinkatja was the answer of an elderly man to my question, 'How come you call your cousins as if they were your siblings?', when I expected to hear different words, one for sibling and one for cousin. -
'This Is How We Joke'. Towards an Appreciation of Alternative Values In
100 EBHR-41 ‘This is How we Joke’. Towards an appreciation of alternative values in performances of gender irony among the Gaddi of Himachal Anja Wagner What do we make of the jokes and irony that we encounter during our fieldwork, in particular in the realm of gender relations? Jokes and ironic performances have been a rather neglected field of anthropological inquiry. In an article on practices of flirting, teasing, and sexual joking, Caroline and Fillipo Osella have drawn attention to the significance of ambiguity, indeterminacy and ambivalence as values in the context of South Asian anthropology (Osella and Osella 2000). Their analysis of flirting by youth in Kerala, and of the joking involved therein as a form of play, offers an alternative to the established framework of hierarchy and hierarchical relations that commonly forms the basis for anthropological analysis in the South Asian context. The present article discusses this approach vis-à-vis the established approach of seeing performances that portray alternative values as discourses of subversion or resistance to dominant power structures. I thereby follow Osella and Osella’s focus on the recognition of ambiguity and irony as values in and of themselves in my investigation of performances of gender irony and joking by women in Northwest India. My argument draws on fieldwork conducted in the district of Kangra in the state of Himachal Pradesh between 2006 and 2009. Kangra women and their oral performances are known within anthropology through Kirin Narayan’s work on songs (1986, 1997), but here I am concerned with a different kind of performance and a different section of Kangra’s population, namely Gaddi women. -
Psychoanalytic Conceptions of Marriage and Marital Relationships 381 Been Discussing, Since These Figures Are Able to Reanimate Pictures of Their Mother Or Father
UNIVERSITY OF NIŠ The scientific journal FACTA UNIVERSITATIS Series: Philosophy and Sociology Vol.2, No 7, 2000 pp. 379 - 389 Editor of series: Gligorije Zaječaranović Address: Univerzitetski trg 2, 18000 Niš, YU Tel: +381 18 547-095, Fax: +381 18 547-950 PSYCHOANALYTIC CONCEPTIONS OF MARRIAGE AND MARITAL RELATIONSHIPS UDC 159.964.28+173.1+340.61 Zorica Marković University of Niš, Faculty of Philosophy, Niš, Yugoslavia Abstract. This work disclusses marital types and merital relationships as by several psychoanalysts: Sigmund Freud, Annie Reich, Helene Deutch, Knight Aldrich and Bela Mittelman. It analyzes kinds of relations hips, dynamics of interaction and inner mechanisms of interaction.Comparing marital types of the mentioned authors it can be seen that there is agreement among them and that they mainly represent further elaboration and "topic variation" of the basic marital types which are discussed by Sigmund Freud: anaclictic and narcissistic.Also, it can be concluded that all analysed marital types possess several common characteristics: 1. they are defined by relationships in childhood with parents or other important persons with whom a child was in touch; 2. dynamics of partner relationships is defined by unconscious motives; 3. same kinds of relationships and same type of partner selection a person repeats in all further attempts in spite of the fact that it does not give satisfactory results. Key words: psychoanalysis, marriage, partner, choice, relationships According to Si gmund Fr e ud , the founder of psychoanalysis, marital partner choice, as well as marital relationships, are defined much before marriage was concluded. Relationship with marital partner is determined by relationships with parents and important persons in one's childhood. -
Matrifocality and Women's Power on the Miskito Coast1
KU ScholarWorks | http://kuscholarworks.ku.edu Please share your stories about how Open Access to this article benefits you. Matrifocality and Women’s Power on the Miskito Coast by Laura Hobson Herlihy 2008 This is the published version of the article, made available with the permission of the publisher. The original published version can be found at the link below. Herlihy, Laura. (2008) “Matrifocality and Women’s Power on the Miskito Coast.” Ethnology 46(2): 133-150. Published version: http://ethnology.pitt.edu/ojs/index.php/Ethnology/index Terms of Use: http://www2.ku.edu/~scholar/docs/license.shtml This work has been made available by the University of Kansas Libraries’ Office of Scholarly Communication and Copyright. MATRIFOCALITY AND WOMEN'S POWER ON THE MISKITO COAST1 Laura Hobson Herlihy University of Kansas Miskitu women in the village of Kuri (northeastern Honduras) live in matrilocal groups, while men work as deep-water lobster divers. Data reveal that with the long-term presence of the international lobster economy, Kuri has become increasingly matrilocal, matrifocal, and matrilineal. Female-centered social practices in Kuri represent broader patterns in Middle America caused by indigenous men's participation in the global economy. Indigenous women now play heightened roles in preserving cultural, linguistic, and social identities. (Gender, power, kinship, Miskitu women, Honduras) Along the Miskito Coast of northeastern Honduras, indigenous Miskitu men have participated in both subsistence-based and outside economies since the colonial era. For almost 200 years, international companies hired Miskitu men as wage- laborers in "boom and bust" extractive economies, including gold, bananas, and mahogany. -
Outline of the Book I. the Glorious Position of the Body of Christ (1:1-3:21) A
EPHESIANS.43 P a g e | 1 Outline of the Book I. The Glorious Position of the Body of Christ (1:1-3:21) A. Greetings (1:1-2) B. The Believer’s “Astounding Station” in Christ, to the praise of His glory (1:3-14) --- The Grace of the Father (1:3-6) --- The Grace of the Son (1:7-12) --- The Grace of the Spirit (1:13-14) C. Paul’s Motivated Prayer & Praise 1 (1:15-23) D. The Believer’s Collective Transport (2:1-10) --- Dead in Trespasses (2:1-3) --- Made Alive with Christ (2:4-10) E. Unified in Christ (2:11-22) --- Brought Near by the Blood (2:11-13) --- The Cross Creates One New Man (2:14-18) a. By Abolishing the Law (2:14-15) b. By Reconciling Us to the Father (2:16-18) --- Fellow Citizens in the Household of God (2:19-22) F. The Mystery of the Gospel (3:1-3:13) --- Prayer Interrupted (3:1) --- The Dispensation of God’s Grace (3:2-5) --- The Gentiles are Fellow Heirs (3:6-13) G. Paul’s Motivated Prayer & Praise 2 (3:14-21) II. The Glorious Practice of the Body of Christ (4:1-6:24) A. A Worthy Walk that Promotes Unity (4:1-6) B. Measures of Grace for Equipping the Body (4:7-16) C. Exhortation to Put on the New Self (4:17-24) D. Conduct that Benefits the Body (4:25-32) E. Serious Calling/Serious Consequences (5:1-21) F. Serious Calling Explained (5:22-6:20) --- The Example of Marriage (5:22-33) --- Parental Relationships (6:1-4) --- Occupational Relationships (6:5-9) --- Spiritual Opposition (6:10-20) G. -
Title 30. Husband and Wife Chapter 1 Marriage
Utah Code Title 30. Husband and Wife Chapter 1 Marriage 30-1-1 Incestuous marriages void. (1) The following marriages are incestuous and void from the beginning, whether the relationship is legitimate or illegitimate: (a) marriages between parents and children; (b) marriages between ancestors and descendants of every degree; (c) marriages between siblings of the half as well as the whole blood; (d) marriages between: (i) uncles and nieces or nephews; or (ii) aunts and nieces or nephews; (e) marriages between first cousins, except as provided in Subsection (2); or (f) marriages between any individuals related to each other within and not including the fifth degree of consanguinity computed according to the rules of the civil law, except as provided in Subsection (2). (2) First cousins may marry under the following circumstances: (a) both parties are 65 years of age or older; or (b) if both parties are 55 years of age or older, upon a finding by the district court, located in the district in which either party resides, that either party is unable to reproduce. Amended by Chapter 317, 2019 General Session 30-1-2 Marriages prohibited and void. (1) The following marriages are prohibited and declared void: (a) when there is a spouse living, from whom the individual marrying has not been divorced; (b) except as provided in Subsection (2), when an applicant is under 18 years old; and (c) between a divorced individual and any individual other than the one from whom the divorce was secured until the divorce decree becomes absolute, and, if an appeal is taken, until after the affirmance of the decree. -
Muang Matrifocality
MUANG MATRIFOCALITY by Richard Davis* The rural Muang (Yuan, Northern Thai), who inhabit the lowland areas of the northernmost provinces of Thailand and number over three million people, exhibit a social structure dominated by female ties. The two salient features of this social structure are a mandatory initial period of matrilocal residence, and matriclan organization. Both of these principles are reflected in the structure of the typical Muang dwelling. The most important component of a Muang house, and the part most hedged with taboos regarding its use, construction and location, is that part called the huan (hidn). The huan area of the house comprises the sleeping area, plus an open chamber called the tern (t;;;)n) which serves as a reception area for guests in the daytime and evenings and as the sleeping quarters for unmarried males at night. The sleeping area of most present-day houses is composed of two chambers delimited by the position of the houseposts. The household head and his wife and small children sleep in the chamber nearest the tern. The other cham ber is for unmarried daughters or a married daughter and son-in-law. In former times the sleeping area was larger, containing more chambers to house several married daughters and their husbands. The invisible bipartition of the enclosed part of the huan into two chambers, one for the household head and his wife and one for their married daughter and son-in-law, mirrors an important and distinctive feature of the Muang residence pattern. In rural Nan there is an obli gatory initial period of matrilocal residence, which usually lasts a year or more. -
Procity," and Those Entering Into It "Clan Reciprocals."
CLANS AND THE JOKING-RELATIONSHIP AM.fONG THE PLATEAU TONGA OF NORTHERN RHODESIA E. Colson Formalized joking between clans has been reported from many tribes in British Central Africa(1), Tew has attempted to place the joking be- tween clans within the wider context of the funeral friendship which exists in one form or another from the Zambezi River in the south to Lake Tanganyika in the north and from the east ooast to the Luangwa river(2). Radcliffe-Brown has also dealt with the subject in his analysis of the general nature of joking relationships(3),. The Tonga are thus not unique in practising such jloking. This paper does not report any new phenomenon, nor shall I attempt within it to develop any new theory of the nature of joking relationships. I am limit- ing myself to a description of the relationship as it exists among the Plateau Tonga. Despite Tew's suggestion that "tfuneral friendshiptt should be adopted as a descriptive term to cover the phenomenon as it occurs in this area, I shall use the old form "clan joking relationship" since among the Tonga the funeral is only one, and perhaps not the most important, situation in which the relationship operates. Indeed,' one could cavil at either term, since neither joking nor funeral duties effectively define. the relationship. In many situations clans perform reciprocal services for each other. One might therefore call the institution, "clan reci- procity," and those entering into it "clan reciprocals." The Plateau Tonga are a Bantu-speaking people living in what is now the Mazabuka District of the Southern Province of Northern Rhodesia. -
Gender Inclusive Language Building Relationships
Gender Inclusive Language Building relationships Gender-inclusive language signals that your service and space welcomes diversity. Greet everyone new without using gender markers. Once you know the words people use to describe their families and themselves, use their words in a respectful and professional manner. Did you have a nice time with June and their parents? Yes! Her moms took us to the park. Fun! I'm happy you had a nice time with June and her moms. Individuals Family Members Instead of Singular Plural Singular Plural assuming Person People Spouse Spouses Wife Individual Individuals Partner Partners Husband Someone Some people Significant other Significant others Girlfriend Group member Group Sweetheart Sweethearts Boyfriend Client Clients Date Dates Patient Patients Family Families Wife / Husband Applicant Applicants Family member Family members and kids Care provider Care providers Child Children Daughter Support worker Support workers Kid Kids Son Attendant Attendants Parent Parents Mother Team member Team Guardian Guardians Father Staff member Staff Care Giver Care Givers Employee Employees Grandparent Grandparents Grandmother Grandfather Grandchild Grandchildren Granddaughter Grandson Sibling Siblings Sister / Brother www.transcarebc.ca Nibling Niblings Niece / Nephew ii Pronouns (using they in the singular) If you are in a setting where your interactions with people are brief, you may not have time to get to know the person. Using the singular they in these situations can help to avoid pronoun mistakes. subject They They are waiting at the door. object Them The form is for them. possessive Their Their parents will pick them up at 3pm. adjective possessive Theirs They said the wheelchair is not theirs. -
Code of Ethics of the Family
Code of Ethics of the Family WANGO Copyright ©2010 by World Association of Non-Governmental Organizations (WANGO) Code of Ethics of the Family Preface The family is the core unit of society. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, enacted without dissent by the United Nations in 1948, notes this in stating that “the family is the natural and Stresses of urbanization and modernity have placed strains on the family and on marriage. This Code fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State.” If society is designed to provide a frame of reference of those common features that help make successful were to be compared to an organism, families would be the cells. It is in the state’s interest to protect families. the family because, as the cornerstone of society, healthy families lead to a healthy society, analogous to healthy cells being necessary for a healthy organism. Developed under the auspices of the World Association of Non-Governmental Organizations (WANGO), in partnership with many organizations, the Code of Ethics of the Family was formulated Essentially, the family is the training ground of the heart and a textbook in which the husband by an international committee representing the broad spectrum of societies from all regions of the and wife are joint authors. It is in the family where we learn to care for others beyond ourselves, world. The original founding vision was provided by H.E. Dr. Abdelaziz Hegazy, former Prime to sacrifice ourselves for others, to love others. The most natural environment for a child to grow Minister of Egypt, and the Pennsylvania Family Coalition was the original founding partner providing mentally and spiritually from a state of selfishness and selfish behavior to unselfishness is the family practical assistance with the development of the Code. -
An Essential Dichotomy in Australian Kinship Tony Jefferies
11 Close–Distant: An Essential Dichotomy in Australian Kinship Tony Jefferies Abstract This chapter looks at the evidence for the close–distant dichotomy in the kinship systems of Australian Aboriginal societies. The close– distant dichotomy operates on two levels. It is the distinction familiar to Westerners from their own culture between close and distant relatives: those we have frequent contact with as opposed to those we know about but rarely, or never, see. In Aboriginal societies, there is a further distinction: those with whom we share our quotidian existence, and those who live at some physical distance, with whom we feel a social and cultural commonality, but also a decided sense of difference. This chapter gathers a substantial body of evidence to indicate that distance, both physical and genealogical, is a conception intrinsic to the Indigenous understanding of the function and purpose of kinship systems. Having done so, it explores the implications of the close–distant dichotomy for the understanding of pre-European Aboriginal societies in general—in other words: if the dichotomy is a key factor in how Indigenes structure their society, what does it say about the limits and integrity of the societies that employ that kinship system? 363 SKIN, KIN AND CLAN Introduction Kinship is synonymous with anthropology. Morgan’s (1871) Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family is one of the founding documents of the discipline. It also has an immediate connection to Australia: one of the first fieldworkers to assist Morgan in gathering his data was Lorimer Fison, who, later joined by A. -
Max-Planck-Institut Für Ethnologische Forschung Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology
Stand: 20/11/02 Max-Planck-Institut für ethnologische Forschung Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology Workshop: Friendship, descent and alliance. New perspectives on social integration and dissociation in changing African societies 16th - 18th December 2002 Venue: MPI for Social Anthropology, Halle/Saale List of abstracts (in alphabetical order) Mario I. Aguilar (University of St. Andrews) From age-sets to friendship networks: The continuity of soda among the Boorana of East Africa Within the anthropological study of kinship and friendship there is the danger of stressing one or the other following anthropological fashions. Thus, if from the beginnings of social anthropology as a social methodology kinship was over stressed, the contemporary study of friendship can also become a fashionable subject. In this paper that follows my previous study on friendship among Boorana high- school students (Aguilar 2000) I attempt to locate the study of Boorana and indeed African friendship within the development of social structures of descent and alliance. The Boorana had a very strong system of kinship structured through age-sets and age-grades within a structural sociability known as the gada system. While the system is not any longer viable within politics it permeates relations between male and female, kin (soda) and enemies, Boorana and non-Boorana. Therefore this paper locates the relation between kinship and friendship in a parallel stream of sociability in which the Boorana perceive the two social categories as identical, while outsiders perceive them as different. The paper’s conclusions argue that (i) if friendship is a culturally constructed category that develops through social action, any study of its social manifestations requires the methodological assumption that any study of social performances of friendship also require a diachronic study of kinship; and (ii) friendship is part of an extended social structure that allows social integration for members that have experienced dissociation.