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Cultic Contexts for Elegiac Performance

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Cultic Contexts for Elegiac Performance OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 16/1/2016, SPi 1 Cultic Contexts for Elegiac Performance Ewen Bowie (Corpus Christi College, Oxford) A scattering of testimonia in Greek texts, mainly of the Hellenistic and imperial period, had always made it clear that elegy was used in the archaic and early classical eras for substantial narrative poems.1 That evidence was not given much attention until I argued in the 1980s for the existence of a body of such elegiac poetry which constituted an important genre or form distinct from that of the shorter elegiac songs composed for and transmitted by performance in symposia.2 The publication in 1992 of papyrus fragments of elegiac poems by Simonides on the battles of Plataea and Artemisium seemed to some extent to support this claim, though a poem on a single battle, even if a poem of several hundred lines, is rather different from what I had proposed as the nature of Mimnermus’ Smyrneis, Tyrtaeus’ Eunomia, or Xenophanes’ two thousand lines on the foundation of Colophon and emigration to Elia in Italy.3 One of 1 I am very grateful to the editors for their suggestions for improvement of this paper, and also to Claude Calame, who made helpful proposals for improvement of a shortened version of the paper which will appear in French in Calame and Ellinger (forthcoming). 2 Bowie (1986). I do not wish here to enter the debate whether the terminology ‘genre’, used by Rossi (1971), or ‘form’, proposed by Calame (1974), is more apposite. 3 For the Simonides poem see Boedeker and Sider (2001); for my own reflections in the light of the Simonides and Archilochus papyrus fragments see Bowie (2001a), (2010a), (2010b); for a critique of the categorization of such poetry as ‘historical elegy’ see Sider (2006). For the fragility of my hypotheses concerning Tyrtaeus and Mim- nermus see Grethlein (2010), whose arguments against the existence of a long narrative elegy by Tyrtaeus entitled Eunomia seem to me stronger than those against such a Smyrneis by Mimnermus. Iambus and Elegy. Laura Swift and Chris Carey. © Oxford University Press 2016. Published in 2016 by Oxford University Press. OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 16/1/2016, SPi 16 Iambus and Elegy: New Approaches many questions raised by the fragments of Simonides’ Plataea poem was the context and location of its first performance. That question must also be asked of Archilochus’ recently published elegiac narra- tive of Telephus’ rout of the Achaeans.4 If, as I shall argue, one persuasive interpretation of the fragmentary lines is that they are part of a self-standing narrative poem involving Telephus and his father Heracles, might it then be worth exploring the possibility that both this and Archilochus’ other known narrative involving Heracles, his Deianeira,5 were composed for first performance in connection with one of Thasos’ most important cults, that of Heracles? After examining this possibility I shall return to the Plataea poem of Simonides and suggest that for it too a premiere in a cultic context should be considered. That long elegies were composed for performance in cultic con- texts is not in itself a new idea. The public festivals of archaic Greece, which in 1986 I had proposed as the performance location of long elegies, were all conducted in honour of a divinity, both those at the great international sanctuaries at Delphi, Olympia, Nemea, the Isthmus, and Delos, or those mounted by a city in honour of its own gods like the Panathenaea and Dionysia at Athens, or the Carneia and Hyacinthia at Sparta. Some sung (or danced and sung) performances at such festivals were competitive, like citharoidia and (for its brief appearance) auloidia at Delphi, or like dithyrambs, tragedies, and comedies at the Athenian Dionysia. Others, such as prosodia, paeans, and other types of hymn, were not performed in the framework of an agon but by choral groups sent by participating cities. On the basis of our limited evidence poetry entered in a formally structured agon was neither required nor perhaps even expected to give a high profile to the god in whose honour the festival was being held, though Dionysus does appear occasionally as a character in tragedy and comedy, and it may be noted that in auletice, pipe-playing, the Pythian nome (νόμος Πυθικός) credited to Sacadas presented a sort of ‘tone poem’ that was thought to give a musical representation of the different stages in Apollo’s battle with the Python. On the other hand choral hymns, including paeans, regularly gave prominence to 4 Obbink (2005) etc. For a full bibliography of discussions from 2006 to 2012 see Swift (2012). 5 Archil. frr. 286–9 W, cf. Bowie (1986) 33. OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 16/1/2016, SPi Cultic Contexts for Elegiac Performance 17 the deeds of the god addressed, as of course did hexameter hymns by solo performers. What remains quite uncertain is to which of these two broad categories the performance of long elegiac poems regularly or more often belonged. If the competition in auloidia at Delphi in 586 BCE—a competition that the Amphictyons abolished after it had happened only once—was for elegy, as I argue elsewhere, then we have at least one case from the sixth century of an agonistic framework for elegiac performance;6 and if, as I there suggest, a poem entered for that competition was Sacadas’ Ἰλίου πέρσις (Sack of Troy), then we seem to have an example comparable to those from fifth-century Athens where the subject of the competitive poem has nothing to do with the cultic context of the festival, in this case the Pythia.7 If the suggestions below are correct, however, we would have some cases of elegiac poems which did give an important place to the god honoured by the festival in which they were first performed—either a place in a narrative, in the case of Archilochus, or a place in an opening invocation, in the case of Simonides. This would add complexity to our picture if we believed the context of their performance to have been agonistic, or would corroborate the prevalence of a pattern if we do not. In either case, however, it must be conceded that the hypoth- eses I offer are built upon very slender evidence and are accordingly extremely fragile. But in a subject where evidence of any sort is very hard to come by, every detail that is available should be brought to bear and the inferences that might be made on its basis should be exposed for scrutiny. 1.1. ARCHILOCHUS’‘TELEPHUS’ Archilochus’ Telephus poem was published in 2005 by Dirk Obbink. A photograph of the papyrus can be found on the Oxyrhynchus papyri website.8 I print below the text as printed by Obbink (2006) and my translation of lines 1–25. 6 Paus. 10.7.4–5. 7 See Bowie (2014). 8 http://www.papyrology.ox.ac.uk/POxy/. OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 16/1/2016, SPi 18 Iambus and Elegy: New Approaches Text of P.Oxy. 4708 fr. 1 lines 1–25: ..... ] ....[ εἰ δὲ].[....].[.]..θεοῦ κρατερῆ[ς ὑπ’ ἀνάγκης οὐ χρῆ ἀν α λ κείη ν και κακότητα λέγει ν ] __[ ]_[ ]_ _ _ [ · π ήμ α τ’ εὖ εἵμ εθα δ ῆι α φυγεῖν φεύγ ειν δέ τις ὥρη. ]_ _[ ]_ __ [ ] _[ ] · [ καί ποτ[εμ]οῦνος ἐὼν Τήλεφος ‘Αρκα[σίδης (5) ‘Αργε_ίων__ _ἐφ_όβησε πολ_ὺ_ν στρατ_ όν ο _ἱ δὲ_φέβοντο _ _[ ,] _[ άλκιμ[οι,] ἦ τόσα δὴ μοῖρα θεῶν ἐφόβει, αἰχμητ_ αί_περ_ ἐό_ντε_ ς ἐϋρρείτης δὲ Κ_άϊκος__ _ __ [ .] _ [ π]ιπτόν_των νεκύων στείνετοκαὶ [πεδίον Μύσιον _ο_ἱ_ _δ_’ ἐπὶ θῖνα πολυφλοισβοι_ ο θαλάσσης _ ____, _ __ _ _ [ (10) χέρσ’] ὑπ’ ἀμειλίκτου φωτὸς ἐναιρό[μενοι προ τροπάδην_ ἀπέκλινον ἐϋκνήμ ιδες ‘Αχαιοί ]_ _ _ _ _[ · ἀ]σπάσιοι δ’ ἐςνέας ὠ[κ]υπόρ[ο]υς [ἐσέβαν παῖδέςτ_’ ἀθανάτων καὶ ἀ_δελφεο_ί_ οὓς _‘Αγαμ_ έμνων _ _ _ _ __ __,[ Ἴλιον εἰς ἱερὴν ἦγε μαχησομένο[υς· (15) ο ἱ δὲ_τότε βλαφθέντες ὁδοῦ παρὰ θ _ῖν’ ἀφίκοντο ]_ _ _ _ [ · Τε]ύθραντος δ’ ἐρατὴνπρὸςπόλιν [ἐ]ξ[έπεσον· _ _ _ _ ἔ]νθα [μ]ένος πνείοντε_ς ὁμως α_ὐτο[ί τε καὶἵπποι _ _ _ ___ _ __ __ ἀ]φρ[αδί]ηι μεγάλως θυμὸν ἀκηχέ[δατο· φ άντο γ_ ὰ_ ρ ὑψίπυλον Τρώων πόλιν εἰσ__ἀναβαίνειν ]_ __ _ _ [ (20) αἶ]_ψα· μ[ά]την δ’ἐπάτεον Μυσίδα πυροφόρο[ν. _ _ __ _ _ Ἡρακλ]έης δ’ ἤντησ[ε] βοῶν ταλ[α]κάρδιον [υἱόν, οὖ _ρον_ _ _ἀμ__εί λ_ικ τον δη_ ίωι_ ἐν πολ έμ ωι ] _ _[ ]___ [ ] [ ]_ _[ Τ]ήλεφον ὃς Δαναοῖσι κακὴν [τ]ό[τε φύζαν ἐνόρσας _ _ __ _ _ _ ἤ]ρειδε [πρό]μαχος, πατρὶ χαριζόμ[ενος. (25) _ _ _ _ ..._ ] ... ... ...[.].....[ ...].[.]...[ ... ...]..[ ...] ....[... ...].θα .[ ..... [but if] of a god through overpowering [compulsion [one ought not] to call it lack of valour and cowardice. [Well did we hasten] to flee our [hostile woes]: [there is a right time] to flee. Indeed once, though alone, Telephus of the stock of Arcasus (5) terrified into flight a large host of Argives, and they fled in fear, valiant men—indeed so much fear did the gods’ destiny bring— and spearmen though they were: and the broad stream of the C[aicus was choked with corpses as they fell, as was the p[lain of Mysia: and they to the strand of the sea with its many breakers (10) being slaughtered by the hands of a man without mercy OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 16/1/2016, SPi Cultic Contexts for Elegiac Performance 19 turned their course pell-mell, these Achaeans with fine greaves, and gladly climbed into their swift-travelling ships, the sons and brothers of immortals, [whom Agamemnon was leading to holy Ilion to fight.
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