1

POLITICS AND EDUCATION:

THE DEMOCRATISATION OF THE

GREEK EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM

by

Apostolos Markopoulos

Thesis Submitted to the Institute of Education, University of London for the Award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

February 1986 CONTENTS

ABSTRACT

ABBREVIATIONS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 7

CHAPTER I DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION 8

CHAPTER II GREEK EDUCATION 1828-1949 17 Section 1 Greek Education 1828-1832 17 Section 2 Greek Education 1832-1862 18 Section 3 Greek Education 1863-1909 26 Section 4 Greek Education 1910-1935 29 Section 5 Greek Education 1936-1940 40 Section 6 Greek Education 1941-1943 41 Section 7 Greek Education 1944-1949 44 Section 8 Summary 48

CHAPTER III EDUCATION AND STABILITY 50 Section 1 The Liberal Parties in Power (1950-1952) 50 Section 2 The Conservative Party in Power (1953-1963) 53 Section 3 The Ideology and Programmes of the Political Parties 59 Section 4 Politics in Education 63 Section 5 Summary 95

CHAPTER IV THE LIGHT OF RENAISSANCE: THE REFORM OF 1964 97 Section 1 Introduction 97 Section 2 The Socio-econirnic Situation in Greek Society 97 Section 3 Political Conflicts: The Liberal Party in Power 100 Section 4 Debates Outside Parliament on the Educationan Reform of 1964 103 Section 5 Debates Inside Parliament on the Educationan Reform of 1964 110 Section 6 The Education Act of 1964 113 Section 7 Description of the Educational System after the Reforms of 1964 114 Section 8 Responses to the Implementation of the Reform 116 Section 9 Evaluation of the 1964 Reform 123

CHAPTER V EDUCATION ON A BACKWARD COURSE: THE PERIOD OF DICTATORSHIP 1967-1974 127 Section 1 Greece under the Military Junta 127 Section 2 Educational Policy of the Regime 132 Section 3 The Reform of 1967 136 Section 4 Supporters of the Reform 137 Section 5 The Reform of 1970 139 Section 6 A Reversion to the Situation Prior to the Reform of 1964 141 Section 7 A Critical Assessment of the Reforms of 1967 and 1970 143 Section 8 Educationasl Plan for Reform of 1973 146 Section 9 A Commentary on the Reform Plan 150 Section 10 The Students' Movement 152 CHAPTER VI EDUCATION IN A HOPEFUL LAY: THE RESTORATIOR OF DEMOCRACY 1974-1981 158 Section 1 The restoration of Democroy 158 Section 2 The Reforms of 1975-1977 165 Section 3 Debates Outside Parliament on the Educationan Reforms of 1975-1977 166 Section 4 Debates Inside Parliament on the Educationan Reforms of 1975-77 179 Section 5 The Proposals for the Reform of Vocational Education of 1977 189 Section 6 A The Education System of 1977 194 Section 7 Other Legal Measures on Education 198 Section 8 A Critical Assessment of the Reforms 198

CHAPTER VII CONCLUSION 204

Notes 210

Appendix Extracts from Constitutions dealing with Education 235 Statistical Tables on the Greek Educational System 240

Bibiography 244

Legal Documents relating to Greek Education 254 Lit

ABSTRACT

This thesis is a study of the developLent of tne Greek educational system, from the foundation of the modern Greek State in 1828 to 1981. In that period, Greece underwent a series of changes in political organisation. Greece was a monarchy, a republic, a democracy and a dictatorship, was occupied by foreign powers and suffered a civil war. These political changes were of great significance for the educational system of Greece, and the development of education in each period must be seen as closely related to the peculiar political situation in each period.

The thesis traces the increasing polarisation of educational politics in Greece which was linked to the violent shifts in political power in the country as a whole. It gives detail of the debates on education which centred on the question of which form of the Greek language to use as the medium of instruction in schools, and the structure and method of selection for the secondary cycle of education. However, the history of Greek education also illustrates the failure to implement important reforms.

While education has been an important issue in Greek politics, exercising both politicians and the general public, many areas, especially rural areas, have remained without adequate educational provision, insufficient resources have been provided for education, and illiteracy rates have remained disturbingly

high.

This thesis also reveals an increasing convergence on the part of politicians from different parts oi the political spectrum with regard to educational policy. Despite the vigorous debates, the areas about which there now exis s , conoensus are considerable.

The only conclusion which can be drawn from this is that if education were removed from some of the political pressures to which it has been subject in the past, and if adequate resources were to be made available, substantial improvements could be made in educational provision on the basis of broad agreement. Since education and political development are closely linked, this is also a possible way of securing the future of democratic Greece. 6

ABBREVIATIONS

DOE 'Didaskalike Omospondia Hellados' Primary School Teachers' Union

DOLME 'Deltion Omospondias Leitourgon Meses Ekpaedeuseos' Bulletin of the Secondary School Teachers' Union

EA 'Enomene Aristera' United Left

EAM National Liberation Front

EDA 'Eniaia Demokratike Aristera' Left-wing Party

EDE Workers' International Union

EDES Greek Democratic National League

EK 'Ephemeris tes Kyverneseos tes Hellenikes Democratias' Gazette of the Government of Greek Democracy

EK 'Enosis Kentrou' Liberal Centre Party

EKKE Greek Communist Revolt Party

EK-ND Centre Union Party

ELAS National People's Liberation Army

ERE 'Ethnike Rizospastike Enosis' Conservative Party

KEDE 'Kentro Erevnon kai Demosieuseon' Research and Publicity Centre

KKE Greek Communist Parties (Interior and Exterior)

LDE Popular Democratic Union

ND New Democracy (Centre Right Party) replaced ERE

OLME 'Omospondias Leitourgon Meses Ekpaedeus.os' Secondary School Teachers' Union

PASOK 'Panellenio Socialistiko Kinema' All Greek Socialist Movement 7

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to express my gratitude to Professor Brian Holmes, Head of the Department of Comparative Education for his methodical and successive encouragement, assistance, advice, and the unfailing support which he offered me at all times during the preparation of this thesis. His wisdom, scientific research and experience gave new orientation to my way of thinking, and a better understanding of educational problems.

I wish also to express my gratitude to Dr.David Turner, Lecturer in the Department of Comparative Education, for his considerable assistance and advice. His scholarly and critical comments on my work helped me to reconsider and complete some points, and he made a great contribution to my work.

In addition, I would like to thank Miss Dorothy Vernon, Secretary of the Department of Comparative Education, and Miss Barbara

White, for their consideration and help during my period of study.

Lastly, thanks are due to my colleagues, all the M.Phil./Ph.D. students of the Department of Comparative Education, for their works and discussion, which helped me to reach a better understanding of the educational problems of their countries. 8

CHAPTER I

DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION

J.S.Mill on one occasion remarked that, "the Greeks were the beginners of nearly everything") This is certainly the case of democracy, which was first established in the city state of

Athens. The Greeks were also the first in the Western world to undertake the task of education systematically, and no history of education would be complete without them. The Greeks also saw that there was a link between their aspirations for education, and their aspirations for democracy.2 Both systems aim at the development of the citizens of the state.

In spite of the early recognition of the importance of education and democracy in Greek society, the history of Greece does not represent a uniform progress towards either an enlightened political system or a universal educational system. When the modern state of Greece was established in 1828, education was underdeveloped, and the majority of the population were illiterate.3 The first rulers of the new state were autocrats, although they were not always without a vision of society which incorporated a universal, free and compulsory system of education. However, in spite of many attempts to introduce legislation which would reform education in Greece, the actual level of provision remained disappointing.4

During the Second World War, and in the Civil War which followed, the division between those who wanted to see Greece move towards egalitarian socialism and those who wanted to preserve the traditional Christian culture of Greece hardened. Both sides in 9

this dispute saw education as forming an important part of their programme. But disagreements over what constituted an appropriate education meant that while there was considerable debate on issues connected with education, not enough was done to increase provision, or to make the educational system available to all, whether they came from the town or the country, or whether they came from the families of the wealthy or the the families of workers and peasants.5

This thesis traces the history of education in Greece, from the foundation of the modern state in 1828 to 1981, and demonstrates a mixture of high ideals and inactivity in practice. Having given the world the concepts of democracy and education, ideas which are now widely accepted and embodied in the constitutions of nations such as France or the USA, or in the charter of the

United Nations, Greece has attempted to recover them and put them into practice in the last one hundred and sixty years.6 On the one hand, many Greeks have looked to the ideas of democracy and education to guide the radical transformation of their country into a modern state. On the other, many have retained the old ideas with a renewed conservatism in an attempt to preserve as much as possible of their ancient heritage.

This conflict in approaches to the ideas of democracy and education has led to many, often futile, debates over what should or should not be included in the curriculum. Political parties have spent more energy on the issue of what should be the language of instruction in the schools than on the basic task of reforming the provision of education. The situation is 1 0 complicated by the fact that the Ancient Greek traditions are not homogeneous, including both the hierarchical organisation of

Sparta which inspired Plato, and the democratic Athens which inspired Pericles.?

In order to understand the history of Greek education, even modern Greek education, it is necessary first to review some of the traditions of Ancient Greece as these still inform many modern debates.

The Ancient Greeks had noted the close connection which exists between the educational system and the political system of the city state. Pericles' funeral oration contained praise of the democratic system of government of Athens:

"Our constitution is named a democracy, because it is in the hands of the many and not the few .- our laws secure equal justice for all in their private disputes, and our public opinion welcomes and honours talent in every branch of achievement -. we give free play to all in public life -. in our public acts we keep strictly within the control of law .- we are obedient to whomsoever is set in authority, and to the laws -. ours is no work-a-day city only. No other provides so many recreations for the spirit -. beauty in our building to cheer the heart and delight the eye We are lovers of beauty without extravagence, and lovers of wisdom without unmanliness .- our citizens attend both to public and private duties, and do not allow absorption in their own various affairs to interfere with their knowledge of the city's -. We are noted for being at once adventurous in action and most reflective before-hand -. In a word I claim that our city as a whole is an education to Greece, and that her members yield to none, man by man, for independence of spirit, many-sidedness of attainment, and complete self-reliance in limbs and brain."8

It is clear that he was suggesting that the purpose of the political system was to enable citizens to develop wisdom and artistic appreciation. In suggesting that the city of Athens was an education for the whole of Greece he was claiming that the way of life of a people could stimulate their personal development. 11

Plato noted, not only that the political system had a direct impact on the education of citizens, but also the converse relationship, that education enables individuals to take their place in the political system. When he described the ideal city state, in The Republic and The Laws, he was effectively describing the institutions which were to be found in Sparta at that time. He gave education a major place, for he believed that only by the proper training of carefully selected young men and women could good rulers be produced:

"If the state is to be preserved it must take care of the young, control their education in a state system independent of the whims of parents and the power of wealth, and place their training in the hands of teachers".9

Within the group of selected rulers, private wealth or position were not to be allowed to give advantages to some citizens over others.

Aristotle's views on education were similar to Plato's, in that he stressed that,

"Education was too important to leave to the whim of parents, or to the resources of private enterprise, and he closely associates training in citizenship with the moral qualities of the good individual".10

He therefore concluded that education should be a state function, and that it should be equally available for all.

Both Plato and Aristotle argue that the individual must be educated for the good of the state. Aristotle's argument is based on the idea that the state is essential to the individual, and therefore the individual's first duty is to the state.

"Man is a political animal because he is a rational animal, because reason requires development through character training, education and cooperation with other men, and 12

because society is thus indispensible to the accomplishment of human dignity".11 Starting from considerations of what sort of being a man is and what sort of society he lives in, Aristotle reached conclusions about the way in which children should be educated. Because man is "born for citizenship"12 and because the state came into existence "for the sake of life"13 and "exists for the sake of the good life"14, he concludes that citizens should be educated to suit the way of life of the state or 'polis' in which they live.15 From this argument he arrives at two conclusions, namely that children should be trained to be good persons as well as citizens, and that education should be "one and the same for all". 16

Neither Plato nor Aristotle, nor even Pericles, upheld democracy in its modern form. Aristotle described democracy as "the rule of

many".17 This is not exactly the same as the rule of all, as

there were many who were excluded from citizenship in the city state of Athens, notably the slaves and women. Even Pericles, who claimed that all were capable of judging policy, excluded these groups from those who could judge. What the Ancient Greeks described as democracy must therefore be consider/fed a rather limited form of democracy. Within the elite group of citizens

there were to be no distinctions as to prestige and political

power, but the rest of society were to be excluded from the

political process. Thus, although there are differences in emphasis, Plato, Aristotle and Pericles all advocated a form of limited democracy.

The ideas which they put forward were gradually extended to 13 produce a notion of democracy which meant not the rule of many but the rule of all. The French and American Revolutions were particularly important in that through them the ideas of philosophers such as Condorcet found practical expression in 18 political systems.

The motto of the French Revolution encapsulated the components of democracy as they were understood in the eighteenth century:

Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, or rather, to translate more freely and more accurately, Liberty, Equality and Brotherhood.

Liberty and equality become unreal abstractions unless they are linked with the idea of brotherhood. Democracy was not taken to

mean that all men were equal in their capacities, physical, intellectual or moral, but that they were equally members of the

brotherhood of mankind.

The Constitution of the United States of America enshrines the

basic tenet of democracy as it is now understood, that "all men

are created equal".19 It should be noted however, that even at

that time "all men" included only that elite group of citizens,

and excluded many, particularly the slaves.

By 1948, when the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights was

signed by the member states of the UN, the principles of

democracy, of free, compulsory and equal education for all

provided as a state function, and of universal human rights for

all men had found wide acceptance.

"The General Assembly proclaim this Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education 14

to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance, both among the peoples of Member States themselves and among the peoples of territories under their jurisdiction" .20

Again it should be noted that the concepts of democracy and education for democracy are intimately linked in this declaration.

These developments of the ideas of democracy took place outside of Greece. In 1828 when the modern state of Greece was established, the new country faced the difficulty of re- assimilating the ideas to which it had given birth. The political and educational institutions were practically non-existent. The majority of the population were illiterate and there was not a recent tradition of political democracy even in limited form. The

Ancient Greeks had given the world the ideas of democracy and education, but those ideas had found fuller application elsewhere. Should the modern Greeks look for inspiration in the writings of the Ancients, where they had some special access on account of the similarities of modern Greek to Ancient Greek, or should they look to those countries where the ideas of the

Ancients had found most perfect application? And in that case, should they look to Prussia, where the state educational system was much admired, or to the United States of America, where a model of modern democracy could be found? These issues were bound to raise considerable conflict in Greece. Different groups would emphasise different aspect of development, and in 1828 internal political differences could be helped or exacerbated by pressures from external states, particularly Russia, Britain and France.

This thesis is a history of attempts by the Greeks to take hold 15

once again of the various aspects of social order which had first been put forward by the Ancient Greeks. It is not a history of uniform progress towards an agreed goal, but of repeated shifts in the balance of power between various competing groups. These changes in the relationships between the groups have often been violent. Periods of liberal democracy have been interspersed with periods of autocracy and dictatorship. Each change in direction in the political process has made its own mark on the process of education. Thus the developoment of the education system, and of the debates which surrounded it, must be understood in connection with the particular political circumstances of the time.

The major theme of the history is one of increasing polarisation between the liberal democrats, who increasingly sided with the left-wing, and the conservatives. Although both sides came to profess a desire to advance the education of all children in

Greece, and were critical of each others' provisions for the education of all children, they saw this development very differently, and became involved in increasingly violent disputes, especially over the language of instruction and the organisation of secondary education.

This concentration on issues which are, in many ways, secondary issues in Greek education has proved an obstacle to the solution of the real problems of Greek education, which include high levels of illiteracy among the adult population, shortages of school buildings, and a failure to train and employ enough teachers. Given the close link between democracy and education, this failure to provide all Greek children with the education 16

they deserve ib not only a denial of their fundamental human

rights, but a threat tc the proceso of democratic development n

Greece. 1 7

CHAPTER 1.1

GREEK EDUCATION 1828-1949

1 Greek Education 1828-1832

The 'vJar of Independence lasted for eight years from 1821 to

1828.1 The new state was founded under the aegis of three great, powers: Britain, France and Russia, called the "Protecting

Powers". The state was unbelievably small, consisting of the

Peloponnese, Central Greece and a few of the islands. It had a total area of. 47 square kilometres ane a population of about three quarters of a million.2

The first ruler of the state was I.Kapodistrias, a Greek diplomat of considerable reputation throughout Europe, abandoned his position at the Tsar's court to return toGre after her rebirth.3 He had considerable power as an autocratic leader of the new state, but also a strong desire to see the rebuilding. of the state of Greece through the establishment of an educational system.

When Kapodistrias came to power, eoucatior was in confusion.

Tiler( was lack of tea Hers, a lack (:) chool buildings, a lack of educational services and accommodation. He started to remedy this situation by turning his attention to the supply of teachers. The majority of teachers was provided by the Central

School in Aegina. This school trained pricary sc leo] teachers, and included an orphanage sc that able Hal undTr-privilebed pupils conic receive aup,port ar c -me teachers.

striab .11troduo,„L 18

educational opportunity was extended to P wider range of young

people in society, at the sahE sirnt as the foundation was laid for the expansion of the educational system. By 1830 Kapodistrias

had established 130 schools ,'hi(, hae 12,000 pupils, a church

school for the training of priests, or cultural school, and a

military school. in Nauplion.4 In this way Kapodistrias worked for

an educational system which m.e.t the needs of the young, state, and

which was not restricted only to producing an elite in society.

Unfortunately, Kapodistrias was assasinated by his political

opponents, which led to a leadership vacuum in the country. The

assasination of Kapodistrias was followed b:)' a period of

political conflicts and confusion, in which the majority of the

schools he had est=).51ished

2 Greek Education 183 -1862

The Protecting Powers. selected young Prince Otto of Bavaria as

King of Greece. On 25th January. 1833, King Otto arrived in

Greece.° He was not of age, and royal power was exercised by a

three-member Committee of Regency made up c Bavarian

politicians. These members were Armansberg, h, Heyden. The

policies which the committee followed in the name 01 King Otto

produced considerable hostile reaction among the population, who resented the appointment of non-Greek rulers.

Mauer was the man responsiblc for educaLioHa:1 163 dnd 183d. He issuesis ar, Lduc-t in Fi n sun r - ovi act, for primar:./ ec8caTi and system of r ,neo. The . if 19

1. Townships were to be responsible for establishing their own

primary schools.

2. These schools were to be known as 'Demotiko' (Town Schools).

3. Children between the ages of 5 and 12 were to be obliged to

attend school, if there was a school in their town.

4. Girls' schools had to be separate from boys' schools where

this was possible, and their principals were to be women

teachers.

5. Free education was to be provided "only for entirely poor

families" .9

In this way the Committee of Regency attempted to impose the basis of a system of education for all on the Greek state. It, should be noted however that there were to be no funds available from the central government, to support the systew

Armansberg was responsible .for education in the period from 1835 to 1837. He issued the Education Act of 1836, which made provision for secondary education, and the Education Act of 1837 which established the University of Athens. For these education acts he borrowed from the Bavarian education system.

The main points of the Education Act of 183b wer e.:

1. Two types of schools were to be established, (a) the

'Helleniko', or lower secondary school, and (b) the

'Gymnasium', or upper secondary school to last for four

years.

2. Both types of secondary schools were to be state schools.

3. Free education was to be provided in these secondary

schoo

stric

20

promotion to higher classes and transfer from the 'Helleniko', or private school, to the 'Gymnasium'. Selection was to depend on the result of examinations.

5. The Secretary of Ecclesiastical and Educational Affairs was 1 to be responsible for secondary education. 1

The Education Act of 1837 established the University of Athens, which was called the "University of Otto". This university was to consist of four faculties: Theology, Law, Medicine and Philosophy.11 The appointment of professors was made by King Otto on the advice of the Secretary of Ecclesiastical and Educational Affairs. The professors were to receive their salary from the state and fees from the students.

Thus the three Education Acts of 1834, 1836 and 1837 set out the framework of a reformed educational system, covering primary, secondary and tertiary levels.

2.1 The Education System of 1837 2.1.1 General_ Aims The general aims of education were not specifically mentioned in the reforms of 1834 to 1837, but it was clear that the model of education was the development of an ideal man, who was identified mainly in moral. and religious terms. This can be deduced tram such statements in the Education Acts as, "the teacher is responsible for forming a Christian, diii cnt cue honest pupil" 1? and, "a person with doubts as to , °r reliti on is not t hE t:ppointed :1 vo-,-

Ecci L,instical A ff;:iit-

fact that the responsibility for education belonged to the

Secretary of Ecclesiastical Affairs, thib title being changed

later to the "Secretary for Ecclesiastical and Educational

Affairs",

2.1.2 Administration

The system of administration was strictly centralised.14 The

Secretary for Ecclesiastical and Educational Affairs was

responsible for educational policy, and exercised administration

directly at all. levels of education. A few responsibilities for

primary education were granted to local authorities. but

supervision and the control of education were exercised by the

Secretary through a system of supervisors ann. inspectors. The

headmaster of teacher training was the. r,ereral supervisor of

primary schools throughout the country. The school committee,

which. administered each individual school, and the inspectorial

committee in a district or prefecture, together with the prefect

or sub-prefect, exercised supervision in the schools.

2.1.3 Finance

Townships were made responsible for their our primary education.

The State took upon itself the.. responsibility for econclary and

higher education. Education at secondary and higher levels was to

be free, but free primary education was to be provided "only for

those who were definitely poor".15

2.1.2j, Structure and Organisation

There were legal provisions Ior sever years compulsory I oulinr for pu e L

e G ti 1

22

'Gymnasium'. The 'Helleniko' and 'Gymnasium' made up the

secondary level of education. Higher education was provided by

the University of Athens. Therefore the structure and

organisation of the educational system was as follows:

Age 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

Level.

Stage i 1 i 2 1 3 I I I I

Compulsory Post—Compulsory

Demotiko Helleniko Gymnasium University

Pupils moved up from stage to stage after success in the entrance

examination at each stage. Within the secondary schools,

promotion of pupils from class to class was made after successful

internal examination.16 Graduates of the 'Gymnasium' were

qualified to register in a faculty of the University of Athens.

Kind, Otto' a Rul e

When Otto came of age he followed policies similar to those of

the Committee of Regency. He was imbued with aristocratic ideas

from the European political systems, which he sought to impose on

Greece. As a result there were a number of revolts and uprisings

against his royal power. The most serious uprising took place on

3rd Septem ber 1843, off well coordinated revolt in the Army

apionp the peo61( to g. rgnt the CCO constitution. howev(r, -Lis ec to htocr:--,t 23

high handed methods in governing the country until a new revolt

deposed him for good in October 1862.17

In education he followed. a policy similar to that of the

Committee of Regency. In 1838 a decree was issued which suspended

fees for students of higher education.18 At that time the

Secretary of Ecclesiastical and Educational Affairs stated that

nothing had been done to improve primary schools in the

townships, and sent a circular in which he wrote:

"Nothing was spent to establish primary schools frontfrom all the money which was spent on other goals".19

The Constitution of 1844 determined that,

"Expenditure on higher education was to be provided from the State Budget. The State Budget is to provide assistance to townships for the provision of primary education in proportion to the needs of the townships. "20

At the same time the secretary of Ecclesiastical and Educational

Affairs reiterated the assertion that no primary school had been

established. He was obliged to issue a decree in 1844 to

encourage and assist in the establishment of new primary schools,

which again promised assistance to poor townships in the same

words as the Constitution.21

In 1857 a regulation was issued concerning secondary schools.

This was intended to supplement the Education Act of 1836, and

was the last attempt to improve education under Otto.

2.3 A Critical Review of Education under King Otto

The policy making and adoption processes in the period 1834 to

depended on Mauer and AnHansber, Lw(. meer of the

Co[—ittee of k 7- ney. In that period, then( Lxt tcu nS coceress, 2d

no national assembly, no parliament or group elected to represent the public interest. All agents of the State, administrators, and members of formal organisations at national and provincial levels were appointed by the Committee of Regency. Mauer and Armanseerg

"borrowed these reforms from foreign countries".22 The Education

Act of 1834 was E, direct copy of Guizot's Law from France.23

Rangavis wrote his memoirs of the period, and his comments indicate both the autocratic style of administration, and the fact that the contents of the Education Acts were copies of foreign legislation:

"At that time (1836) the Education Acts were sent to the Ministry of Education, one for secondary education and another for the university. They were enclosed in another decree which determined that they should be translated inc published very quickly."25,

He added,

"I recognised them as correct copies from Bavarian regulation, with a few changes making them appear to be new legislation".2k

The newspaper 'Elpis' (hope) posed the question,

"Is this ridiculous system of governing by translation not finished yet?" 2(.

In the imifde entatior of these reforms the Committee of rierwhL,,, and later King Otto, had considerable influence through their power to appoint all the managerial and technical staff of institutions, and the agents of central and provincial administration. The Orthodox Church of Greece, the groups oh teachers and parents, the University, and other awent:. H_Lo

ooe small uenc One c,roue which ma,/ have InfLence,,I the

ntat IL; of he mei if! , efoLd' of',

Idol Ia fotat 25

of letters, and indicated little more than the ability to read.

The newspaper 'Elpis' referred to the 'Log otatoi' mockingly' as

"former and new professors, having much knowledge, but little prudence",27 A few of them were appointed professors of the

University of Athens, some of then, teachers in secondary schools, while others composed the bureaucracy of the new State.

The general aim of the education system was the production of

Christian, honest and diligent pupils. Specific aims at each level of education were designed to help in the achievement, of the general aim. There was a strict discipline in school mechanisms. The hierarchical structure of the schools constituted a graduated preparation for higher education:

"The primary school han to teach tee pupil to serve the needs of the 'Helleniko' school", 29

"The main aim of the 'Helleniko' school was preparation for the 'Gymnasium'", 30 and

"the aims of the 'Gymnasium' were mainly preparation of those who wanted to study in higher education".31

Thus the educational system worked to produce an honest,

Christian and obedient citizen.

The central.ioer: oyster. of administratdon ,as designed to control teachers at, all educational levels, and to supervise the operation of schools.

The goal of free education really applied only to higher and secondary education, and the provision for assisting poor families in prifc, ary education, was never implemented. The

provision, neer "ts, WILL educa tion" war got 26

interest in primary education".32 One reason for the failure to establish primary schools was the lack of adequate finance.

Another was the lack of teachers. Teachers were not encouraged by the lack of regularity in paying salaries.

"The substantial cause of the misfortune of primary education was the salary of teachers. The townships paid the teacher's salary to those it would, when it would, and whenever it would" '33

At that time there were 360 townships and 3,155 villages in rural areas.34 Illiterates comprised 87.5% of the total population.35

The structure of education which was formally set out in legislation and decrees in fact only operated at the secondary and higher levels. The provision for "sever years of compulsory education" was not, implemented.-36 Ever in townships where there were primary schools, they usually operated fewer than four classes.

The committee of Regency, King Otto and the 'Logiotatoi' composed the intellectual elite of the time. "Te elite was reproduced through the educational mechanisms which were instituted by these reforms",37 and has continued to manage the education affairs of the country right through to the present day.

3 Greek Education 186-1909

Prince George of Denmark, of the House of CII)okshum , chosen as King of Greece it

Constitution 01 1 eb4, and the Parliament AL th at.

'

, t%rat. islands.3 There followed a period of internal po]itical

stability in the country.

In 1881 the Turks were forced to cede Thessaly by of

compensating the Greek Kingdom for the succes the Buigarian had

achieved in winning a new state of their own at the Congress of 40 Berlin.

In 1897 war broke out between Greece and. Turkey, which had a

disastrous outcome with a crushing defeat of the Greek forces.41

Greece passed through a period of turmoil and internal unrest.

The eventual result of this unrest was a revolution in 1909,

which was led and supported by nearly all the junior officers it

the army, and which nod the support of urge masses of the

population. This revolution, which left its mark on the course of

the nation, was a complete success. It removed the government,

swept aside the political parties, and handed over power to a new

politician from Crete, E.Venizelos, in August. 1910.4

During the period 186H to 1'01 therfr was no change in Greek

education. Only one minor attempt was mace reform the

education system, with the passing of the Education Act of July

1885. This Act provided for free education for all pupils in

primary education, but it was never implemented.4 15-

In 1892 a further attempt at reform was made. lith the passing of the Education Act Of 1892, "four yearcourses in primary ac pola

14 L1 were made a legal requirement". 28

Three years later the Education Act of 1895 abolished this

provision, and legislated for three types of primary school:

(a) the 'Plere Demotiko' (full. primary) school with six year

courses,

(b) the 'Koeno Demotiko' (common primary) school with four year

courses, and

(c) the 'Grammatodidascalelo' for areas where it was impossible

to build up a 'Demotiko' school, with less than four year

courses.

In all of these schools attendance was compulsory.45

In 1899 a draft law for education was presented to Parliament,

but it was never passed. Popular education was in complete

confusion.

At the end of the nineteenth century and beginning of the

twentieth century, the language problem arose in education, and

has continued as a central issue in Greek education ever since.

There were serious demonstrations when the 'Evangelika', the

Gospels in 'Demotike', were published. and when the National

Theatre staged the Oresteia of Aeschylus in its translation into

'Domotike', TOresteiakai .46 Since that time the, "language

problem" has been the turning point around which the attention of

educational interest groups has hinged, even when language has

not been the main point of difference between competing groups. 29

4 Greek Education 1910-1935

4.1 Political Conflicts 1910-1935

E.Venizelos established a new political party called

'Fileleutheron' (Liberal). The elections which followed in 1910 gave an overwhelming majority to Venizelos, who at once began to display his ability as Prime Minister. In a short time he had completely transformed the state mechanism, imposed equality before the law and equality of civil rights, strengthened

Parliament, and enforced progressive policies in all areas of public life.

The political. events that happened inside and outside the country were of exceptional significance for the State and the political life of Greeks.

The First Balkan War broke out in October 1912.47 Greece had a strong fleet and army which enabled her to act victoriously in the general assault of the four Balkan States (Serbia,

Montenegro, Bulgaria, and Greece) against the Ottoman Empire. The

Greek army liberated Thessalonike and large sections of central and western Macedonia, and then went on to take Ionnina and South

Hepeirus. At the same time Crete was finally and definitely united with the Greek state. During the Second Balkan War of June

1913, Greece liberated more territory in Macedonia.48

When the First Worid War broke out, Prime Minister Venizelor wanted to take part in the war on the side of the western allies.

King Constantine, who ha( succeded to the throne when his father,

George, w tc in 1913, pret erre(' policy

H2utir.iiity, or uneus.1_ of I. This OHs1 30

difference between the King and the Prime Minister ended in open

conflict when the King dismissed Venizelos as Prime Minister,

even though he retained a majority in Parliament. This conflict

finally forced Venizelos into revolt and the formation of the so-

called "State of Thessalonike", in September 1916.49

In May 1917 France and Britain deposed King Constantine, who they

regarded as a "tool of the Kaiser", and Venizelos became ruler of

Greece. He led the country into the war on the side of the

western allies, and the Greek army made a decisive contribution

to military operations on the Macedonian Front. At the end of the

war, under the terms of the Treaty of Sevres on 10th August. 1920,

Greece acquired East Thrace.5°

After a strong demand from the opposition party 'Laikon'

(Conservative) for elections, the country was led to elections in

1920. The Conservative Party won the majority of the

parliamentary seats. King Constantine returned to Greece, and

Venizelos left the country and went to France.

The ware of the Greeks against, the Turks continued for two years.

In August. 1922 the Greek army was defeated. With the Treaty of

Lausanne (1923) Greece lost East Thrace.

That defeat of the Greek army was the cause of an explosive

revolt, in the army, under the leadership of Colonels Plastirs

unn Gonatas, whr (7:i/ie6, power snd devcec Pin C n tan ine, After a loloo(iy uerloo

1;etiet-,--JJ L 1924. -

Venizelos, who had withdrawn from active political life, returned to Greece. In the elections which were held in August 1928 the

Liberal Party won the majority of parliamentary seats, and

Venizelos once again became Prime Minister. He ruled Greece until

1932,

In the elections of 1932, Venizelos was defeated and his opponents won the majority of parliamentary seats. The election of the new Conservative government marked the starting point of a whole new series of trouble for the country. An assassination attempt on Venizelos created an explosive political atmosphere, and a large group of democratic pro-Venizelist officers took it as an opportunity for a show of revolutionary intentions. This revolt, to which Venizelos gave support, was put down in March

1935.

Between 1910 and 1935 there were violent conflicts between the

'Venizelikon' (Liberal) and 'Vasilikon' or 'Laikon' ((Royalist or

Popular) political parties. Power changed hands both violently and through elections.

4.2 The Groups Involved in Education Policy 1910-1935

At the beginning of these political conflicts (1910-11) two educational groups separated:

(a) the 'Demotikistes' who were connected with the liberal

political party and were represented the association of

'Ekpaedeutikoh an

(5) the 'hatharevousoi' ccc were co!h i th th 32

conservative political party and were represented by

the association 'Peri Ennomou Amynes tes Ethnikes Glosses',

but who were also represented by the Faculty of Philosophy

at the University of Athens.

Although the two broad groupings are identified in terms of their

position on the use of Greek language and the form of Greek best suited to be the language of instruction in the schools, their differences covered the whole range of political attitudes which

were evident in this turbulent period.

(a) 'Ekpaedeutikos Homilos' (Educational Club)

In 1910 a group of progressive educationists established the

'Ekpaedeutikos Homilos'. In the first article of its Constitution it stated, mEkpaedeutikos Homilos' is constituted with the aim of establishing a model primary school in Athens and of helping

Greek education".52 This educational club worked to communicate its innovative ideas for educational reform with articles, proposals, reports and speeches.

The main points of its campaign were: (1) b new orientation on

Greek education, (2) the reform of the structure of primary and secondary education, (3) the reform of the content of the curriculum, and (4) the use of the 'Demotike' language in primary and secondary schools.53

The last of these points drew most of the attention of the members of the group, and attracted most of the hostility of the opponents. These innovative props' if fur educational reform re adopted by Venizelos and the Liberal Party, and any innovation in education was connected with that party.

(b) The Association 'Peri Ennomou Amy nes tes Ethnikes Glosses'

(for the legal defence of the national language)

In 1911a group of educationists established the associatior for the legal defence of the national language, which supported the

Ka th arev ou sa language and fought strongly against, the supporters of the 'Demotike' language. This group had a leader who was a professor in the University of Athens Faculty

Philosophy. The members of this faculty supported 'Katharevousa' language and were the most important opponent of the educational policy of 'Ekpaedeutikos Homilos'.

(c) The University of Athens

The influence of the University of Athens on educational policy after 1837 was very strong. Educational policy makers frequently asked for the advice and the cooperation of the University

Athens. At all times some professors were called upon to assume policy making responsibilities. Other professors of the. Faculty of Philosophy took part in the educational committees, and some of them ever r,erved as Minister of Eduction. The Universit, oi

Athens represented stability in the educational system and was opposed to any innovative change.

(d) The Greek Orthodox Church

The Green0 theaox Church particularly important in education, and it the General cultural orientation of the people.

directly involvod 1 taft edca poticies, the Church rrovidec port for tho evolvin 34

orientations".54

The Church has always been a supporter of pure Greek, or

'Katharevousa', the language which is closest to that of the New

Testament.

"The Church as a body, or through its leaders, has expressed views usually objecting Le the formulation and adoption of a new language policy". y_

(e)The Teachers'Unions

The influence of the teachers' unions or educational policy was

very limited. D.Glenos, one of the protagonists of 'Ekpaedeutikos

Homilos', wrote that,

"The teacher did not hold any opinion; the teacher did not dare to have any opinion because he or she was under the intellectual guardianship of the few who controlled the educational system; and the teacher was afraid when going to meet the inspector of education".56

(f)The University of Thessalonike

The University of Thessalonike was established in 1925.57 Later,

this university was involved in educational policy and in these

conflicts. The Faculty of Philosophy of the University of

Thessalonike supported the pot i_ _:y of Tkpaedeutikos Homilos'

against the University of Athens.

4.3 Educational Uefonns 1910-1929

The government of the Liberal Party introduced a new Constitution

in 1911, which was adopted as the Constitution by the Parliament

in the same year. The provision in the Constitution for education

was:

"Education is under the higher 2uperviclon of the State, and is funded from the State huhcL, Fje:ntary odLa- ation is compulsory arc: free".56 Education e whit H . 35

established a central supervisory council for primary education.59

In 1913 the Minister of Education introduced a draft law for 60 reform, but it was not passed by Parliament.

In 1914 a draft law was passed into law by Parliament as Law No.

240/1914, which established the posts of 12 general inspectors,

70 inspectors, and 70 supervisory councils for schools.61

In 1917 Law No. 826/1917 established two higher supervisors.62

In 1921 Law No. 2558/1921 abolished the three types of primary school and maintained only the six year primary schools, on the grounds that "primary education really remained at courses of four years and fewer".63

In 1927 the Constitution of 1927 made provisions for education which were similar to those of the Constitution of 1911, with a slight but important addition to the efnect that. Local authorities might provide funding for education. The Constitution thus read,

"Education is under the higher supervision of the State, and is funded from the State Budget or local authorities. Elementary education is compulsory and free".64

In 1929 two Education Acts were passed by Parliament, Law No.

4373/1929 on secondary education,6 5 and No. 4379/1929 on priri education.66 36

4.4 The Education System of 1929

After the reforms of 1911 to 1929 the education system had changed in some respects, and can be described as follows:

4.4.1 General Aims

No mention of general aims, had been made in the Constitutions of

1911 and 1927. The 1929 law on primary education had, however, clearly established the aims of primary education as being,

"the elementary preparation of pupils for life and indispensible elements for the formation of honourable citizens".67

The main aim of secondary education was,

"the scientific preparation of those who want to study in higher education, giving together the indispensible general education for social life and pursuing, the formation of honourable citizens".6 f .

The central and common aim of education, "the formation of honourable citizens", was still primarily of a moral character.

4.4.2 Administration

The system of administration remained centralised under the new education acts. The law of 1911 established a central supervisory council for brimar education. c '2)_40/1914 establishes 12 general inspectors, 70 inspeotorp and 7U supervisory boundlia ot schools. Law No. 626/1917 established two higner supervisors.

These laws were followed by a period of frequent changes of personnel in the central education council, nigher supervisors, (,c1 and inspectors,- but the system of administration continued to be a strictly centralised system and was unchang ed in 1929. 37

4.4.3 Finance

The Constitution of 1927 determined that education would be funded from a combination of central government and local funds, but did not. specify the balance or method of funding in detail.

Law No. 4379/1929 determined that, "primary education would be free as was the schooling in lower vocational schools".7° Thus the. State Budget, and local authorities defrayed the costs of providing. education.

4.4.4 Structure and Organisation

The structure and organisation of the. educational system provided for kindergarten, six years of primary school, night school, and lower vocational school. In secondary education there were six ye rs 'Gymnasium', six years 'Practical Lyceum' and four year girls' schools.

38

Age 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

Level

;Pre- Stage ;School 1 Primary 2 Secondary 3 Higher

;Pre- Compul.i Compulsory Post-Compulsory

;Lower Vocat. School

Girls' School

Gymnasium

Practical Lyceum

University

The implementation of this educational system was never fully completed. Lower vocational schools (agriculture, commercial, maritime, handicraft, girls' housekeeping) never operated. Girls' schools and practical lyceums were established in a few places for a short time. Finally, the structcre of six years primary school and six years Gymnasium prevailed.

The Government, with strong support of the 'Ekpaedeutikos

Homilos' worked very hard to implement these reforms. But there were some serious problems such as: (V the inadequate State

Budget, (2) the lack of school bail dings, (3) the lack of teachers, and (4) the lack of school equi desk,

rs etc.).71 For the::e ne..20(L.- eten the

riric- rt, horrc,,,( 39

building of classrooms. 7,376 classroom were built ire. the period from 1928 to 1932.7

The government gave permission to anyone who knew how to read and write to be a teacher- after special exacm nation ny a three member committee. Later it organised a short course to train; them. New

textbooks were introduced into primary schools, written in 'Demotike` language.

The central administrative system remained under the Minister of Education, The selective examination system in to the Gymnasium continued to exist. The government gave most attention to popular education for all, because the pre-reforf "education, system had neFlecteu the educatior of the mass of the people an it, hac been made education for s fe4,T11.73

The government, of course, had to face the damage created by the two Balkan Wars, the First World War, and the disastrous result of the war in Asia Minor, In addition, there were problems due to nev, territorial part: of Greece, becauLA the terri.or'y of 6reece nearly doubled it size, from rfb ,28t, to 1O, ,. squ a re kilometres,714 and her population increased from 2,666,000 to 6,170,000 in 1928. This number included one and a half million

Greeks from Asia Minor who were removed from their homes by force and fled to Greece:7 '5 But attempts fully to implement the reforms of 1929 were enthusiastically continued.

For more repre.er!tH v(

'schools, 1 40

committees.76 In each school there was to be a five member school

committee comprising (1) the head teacher or head master of the

school, (2) a member of the township council, (3) a member of the

church council, and (4) two parents elected by the parents'

assembly for two year terms. The duty of the committee was the

administration of school affairs. These attempts at reform, and

its implementation, were stopped, however, when the Conservative

Party gained the majority of parliamentary seats in the elections

of 1932, and formed the new government.

5 Greek Education 196-1940

In March 1935 a group of Army officers put down the Venizelist

uprising and overthrew the legitimate government ofthe anti-

Venizelist P.Tsaldaris. They put the republic into abeyance on

10th October 1935, and reinstated the monarchy. King George II

returned to Greece on 25th November 1935. "He imposed a

dictatorship on August 4, 1936, with the monarchist general

I.Metaxas as dictator".77

Metaxas acted to enforce his power. and, to eliminate all

opposition, One measure he undertook was to gather' the communists

and some of the Venizelists who might rave revolted against the

regime and send them into exile or to jail. He abolished any elected membership of legally constituted groups and

representative councils, and appointed his own supporters tc those councils. He concentrated all the power in his own hands and into the hands of three central agents, whom hc gpointed.7b

Co t 101 I:<_' :~[.puitited C ut t va 1. 1.V _cL

rot r-. )41

in the ministry. They strictly controlled the school teachers, especially members of tEkpaedeutikos llomilos' and liberal teachers. They amended the structure of education, adding the order that the course in the Gymnasium was to be eight years.

Pupils who. finished the fourth class in grin pry school could be registered in the first class of the Gymnasium, while those who finished the sixth class in primary school could register in the third class in the Gymnasium, in both cases subject to the result of an entrance examination.79

The law on the school committe

New textbooks were introduced into the schools, written in

'Katharevousa', with an orientation to Helenochristian ideals; and ar authoritarian conception of the State. Universal education was neglected. Most attention was given to educating the few selected students well, in the eight year Gymnasium.

Greek Education 1Q41-19/4

On 28th October 1940 Greece came into the Second World War after an unprovoked attack by Italy through Albania. The Greeks, united as one man, saiu the historic "No" to the invaders' ultimatum.

The Greek army was able to repulse the invaders and then to push the Italian forces back onto Albanian soil. The Greeks continued

to fight victoriou5ly for onthn n,.n

In April "V d l , 42 the war effort, and strong Nazi forces occupied the country.

Finally the three forces of Germany, Italy and Bulgaria occupied the territory of Greece. During this occupation the country was looted by the invaders, the population was subjected to severe persecution - imprisonment, shooting and mass execution - hunger caused hundreds of thousands of deaths, and the country in general was completely destroyed.82

During this occupation some Greeks went to the mountains to fight against the occupying forces. A coalition of left parties, snown as EAM (National Liberation Front) undertook to organise a guerilla army called ELAS (National. People's Liberation Army).

"EAM-ELAS also recruited manpower in the cities, and on some political committees comparatively well-educated youm:r men did achieve conspicuous leadership positions in the guerilla ranks".

Another resistance force was the EDES (Greek Democratic National

League), which controlled only a small region in the remote north west of. the country. Military preponderance in all the rest of the country rested with ELAS. The Resistance groups fought the

ermar Italian armies for three years, offering vaiu able service to the Allied struggle as a whole.

At that time, King George II and the Government, who had sought refuge in Egypt after the German invasion, formed strong army groups in the Middle East. These, together with what had been saved of the Greek fleet, Carried on the war aior aide the

British. 143

mobilised as soldiers. At that time primary and secondary schools

were operated with female and retired teachers. The occupying

forces divided the Greek territory into three parts; German,

Italian and Bulgarian. Greek schools were closed.

The area of East Macedonia and Thrace, from Serres to

Alexandroupolis, was occupied. by Bulgarian forces. They

immediately proscribed the operation of Greek schools, and in the

following. school year established Bulgarian schools. They forced

Greek children to go to the Bulgarian schools and learn lessons

in the Bulgarian language. A few children went to these schools,

but the majority stayed away from them.

In the rest of Greece some schools continued tc: overate. Most of

them remained closed, particularly in the cities, where the lack

of food and clothing, the daily deaths, the shortage of teachers

and the destruction of school buildings were some of the causes

that kept children away from schocis.85

In rural areas the occupying forces had not controlled education,

and some schools operated. Later, when the te.nistance forces

concrollec this area, an enthusi stic climate predominated with

regards to education and many schools were operated.

"Two committees from EAM and ELAD made a Draft Law and submitted it to PEE/‘ (Politica] Committee of National Emancipation)" . 86

Some of the questions from the first circular of the Secretary for Education to school inspectors wer

How many school-buildings have been destroyeb?

POV hdvo never he a scucot,'

1 ,0V.si1 44

How many children did not attend school?

The answers to these questions indicated that. many villages had never had a school, that many schools had no teacher and that eighty percent of school buildings had been destroyed.87 The lack

teachers was a major problem.

The EAM/ELAS forces mobilised teachers to work in the schools, and they established two preparatory teacher training colleges, in Tyrna of Thessaly with 80 students, and in Karpenisi with 50 stude nts .88 Later similar colleges were established in

Macedonia

Most people understood the value of education and sent thei r children to school, but some children of poor families did not attend school because,

"the lack of food and clothing, some epidemic illnesses, were among the causes which kept some children away from schools, plus the wishes of some fathers to send them to work".90

This educational situation lasted until tne end of 1944, when the occupying. forces withdrew. from Greece.

Greek Education j9,44-194_9

The German forces of occupation retreated from Greece in October

1944. The Greek Government under G.Papandreou hurried back to

Athens from Egypt. In Athens a strong force of EAM/ELAS guerillas had gathered intending to seize power by force. On December 1944 bloody fighting broke out in and around the capital. The government forces with the assistance of f itisr troops were able to pul, c nA)(ili 45

The communists capitulated and signed the Varkiza Agreement, but the Communist Party abstained from the elections which were held in 1945.91 The Conservative Party of K.Tsaldaris won the majority of the parliamentary seats. Later, after a referendum in 1946,

King George II returned to Greece. Some communists went to the mountains and started a most, bloody and disastrous civil war. The government forces, wits the assistance of the British at first and the United States later, managed to put down the communist rebellion in August 1949.

The results of World War II, the triple occupation and the Civil

War were the worst destruction of Greece in Greek history. It has been estimated that about one million people lost their lives,92 and that damage to material amounted to many billions of. drachmes.93

"World War II alone annihilated almost completely the mining and industrial sectors, exhausted natural resources (e.g. 25% of timber was burnt or cut down), dismembered transportation (85% of pre-war vehicles were out of use; almost all locomotives and railway coaches disappeared; 90% of the bridges were blown up; the merchant fleet lost 64% of its ships etc.), dismantled telecommunications (70% of the telegraph and telephone installations were transported to Germany), and public services decimated and disorE;anised".924

In public life the division between anti-communists and communists, which survived among. the people from the civil war, was perpetuated in the conflicts in Greek life.

"These fights (of the Civil War) will have serious political consequences. They will create deep divisions in public life. A new division, loaded with animosities, ib added to the traditional discrepancy it, political conduct. The will to shatter the cotmtidniist reLoi7joh ioc. the c,overnent:.- of the time to the adoption or n neries of security measurc which all constitute V Ai On: 2 j Lt,11;,1!: coo uK orti ai n act ivo L om too t...1! e;-it 46

right". 95

Later (1947-1949), when the Civil War between the State army and the guerilla forces spread over the whole country (anti-communist forces against communist), most people from the mountain villages

migrated to the towns, and a new problem for children'd education arose. Most village schools closea. Some school buildings in cities were used as housing for peasant/hostages from the villages, adding new complications to the lack of school buildings. The Queen of Greece, Frederica, established a few children's towns on islands and removed school age children into them from the villages for their education and security.

despite this, the guerilla forces recruitec about. 7h,00h children of school age from the villages, took them over the northern border of Greece, and dispersed them in various communist countries. The compulsory transportation of children from

villages to cities had some advantages, including the mixing of, and communication between, children from aifferent backgrounds and the forming ofsocial bonds, it addition, some children from

villages had an opportunity to to secondary 3chools. At that time, a noisatde moveent at tn( enter `she Gyninahium or secondary school, can be noticea, o meet this educational

need the State established a few Cymnusiun, in cities. After that, many children who finished secondary school competed tc enter higher education.

faril in 1945 the government a ttc: tee tc all

( 01:3. 1.11 the 1toP of t,' h.a

d 147

serious problems of education.

Despite these, an enthusiastic climate and a durable wish of the

people for a universal education available to all spread through the whole country. So, many schools operated, and a few boarding

houses were established in towns to provide hospitality for a

poor pupils from the mountain villages.

During, the Civil War, the admission of pupils to higher education depended on success in an examination in each school. But that

was not. enough. First of all, any child who wanted to enter these schools had to be 'Ethnikofron' (anti-communist). Each child who

wanted to participate in entrance examinations had to submit an application to the Security Service of Police for the issue of a certificate of 'koenonikon fronematon' (political convictions).

This certificate determined political selection to higher education, and it divided the candidates into communists and anti-communists. The certificate was provided for by Law

No.509/1947, as a measure of defence of State security and stability.—

At that time, another institution was in operation, the

'frontisterio' (primary preparatory school). The continuous increase in the number of children who wanted entry to higher education, after a selective examination operating separately in each school, had made the competition too hard. This institution undertook to prepa re the pupils throuol. successful examination, 98

Thus, while the most serious problernL in education, and in providing six years of compulsory education for all, were not resolved, two new problems were added to Greek education in the form of the certificate of tkoenordkon fronematon' and the ifrontisterio'

8 Summary

The period from 1828 to 1949 was one of considerable conflict in Greek politics. These struggles for power had their influence on education. The central educational issues which were debated were the question of compulsory and universal. primary education and the language policy in the schools. Neither of these issues were resolved satisfactorily, partly because of the upheavals in the political control. of the country,

After an initial period of political stability between 1833 and

1911, there were brief periods of democratic government, a period when there were two governments in power within the territory of Greece, several periods of dictatorship, occupation by foreign forces and a Civil liar, These sbdd aa, often violent, changes in political direction did nci provide: climate within which consensus coulc reF]cti_ Oh( Important educational issues, even at the level. of rhetoric.

Moreover, if it was difficult for the competing political factions to come to -ny eement over general aims in education, at the level. 01 impiementatior the si tuation was even worse. The

educatioriol rt:! -, lipc :Mort r ource: dno fov: children

receiv(:(1 ion, which

-oluir -,( Li , )49

The restoration of political stability under democratic governments, in 1950, provided at least the minimum conditions for developing the education system of Greece. In the next chapter an analysis will be made of the political conditions which prevailed in the country following the Civil bar, and of their influence on educational developments. 150

CHAPTER III

EDUCATION AND STABILITY (1950-1963)

1 The Liberal Parties in Power (1950-52)

The Greek Civil War ended in August 1949, but left horrible marks

on all aspects of Greek society, especially on public life. For

example the division between anti-communists and communists,

which survived the war, was perpetuated in the conflict of

political life, which was to have serious political consequences,

creating deep divisions in public life. These divisions, loaded

with animosity, were added to the traditional political

conflicts. The desire to destroy the communist rebellion was to lead the governments of the time to adopt,

"a series if security measures all of which constituted violations of individual human rights and which were to remain after the defeat of the right-wing party at the end of 1963".1

A series of parliamentary elections took place during the period

1950-63. In the first three years (1950-52) three elections took

place, and six governments followed one another, During this

period the cosliti, s of liberal political parties ruled Greece.

At the time the results of parlitte electienH show the splitting of political forces in Greece and their inability to secure a stable government in the country.

In January 1950 Parliament wap disPolvee ant elections were held

2 on 5th March. In these elections 411 political parties participated; St of. them were in s, 19 were isola ted. in t - ct, only , t..]lar:,ent. The ri t .-w hp pprt-2ie Thou', 51

Parliament, the left-wing party about 7.2 percent. Victory went to the Liberal Centre Parties with 55 percent of the total. seats.

But this Parliament lasted only 18 months, during which time five governments followed one another. These governments were coalitions of three Liberal Centre Parties: iKom m a flieleutheron', G.Papandreou, (The G.Papandreou Party which was led by G.Papandreou), and 'Rthnike Proodentike Enosis Kentrou'

(National Progressive Centre. Union), which was led by General

N.Plasteras.

In these governments the most eminent figure was N.Plasteras who served as Prime Minister. But there were many disagreements in exercising of power in practice between the leaders of coalition parties.

There were a number of possible reasons for the weakness of the coalition, and various authors placed the emphasis on a single reason. One thought that,

"the most disputed issue was the amnesty for participants in the civil war, proposed by N.Plateras, which split this coalition".,

Another wrote that.

"the long-standing relationship, between the lbaber of the liberal party S.Venizelos, and the King created problems for the Government which led to a split in coalition%

Yet another writer stated that. the American ambassador in Athens

"manipulated the cabinet" which had emerged after these elections.

"To be sure, the Americans unseated one cabinet and itTosed another, but General N.Plasteras, whom the Americans put in as Prime Minister, proven unable (or unviliin) to carry nut the sort or far-reachirw, radical admininbrative nhar the American expert: Hue,Lec. te he needed", 52

When American official policy changed,

the U.S. Embassy, which had once backed the centre-left in the hope of forwarding social change in Greece, soon began to look kindly upon efforts to use Field-Marshal A.Papagos, Commander-in-chief in both the Albanian and guerilla wars, as a figure head around whom patriotic Greeks might gather".6

Papagos accepted thi. idea and, following his retirement from the army, entered politics by founding the "Hellenikos Synagermos"

(Greek Rally).

In this period, while the applied electoral system of proportional representative pattern in these elections gave a chance to all political parties, except for the communist party, to express their views and gather their votes, it contributed tc separate the political forces in Greece, and led the country to governmental instability and frequent elections.

Thus elections were held on 9th September, 1951. In these elections six political parties participated. These elections did not give the 'Hellenikos Synagermos' ar absolute majority (44.15 persent) and Papagos refused tc consider entering a coalition with anyone who had not submitted to his leadership by joining the Rally. The EDA, left-wing party, was a coalition of the communist and other left parties, and won 3.87 percent of the total seats in Parliament. Victory again went to the Liberal

Centre parties with 50.79 percent of the total seats. Plasteras, accordingly, again became Prime Minister, but "without the formal backing of American oil lei,

T ov ernmeni r a 53

faced many difficulties. The small majority of seats in

Parliament, the execution of N.Belogiannes (30th March, 1952), and strong pressure from the American embassador, were some of the difficulties, which led the country to fresh elections on

16th November, 1952. In these election only two political parties participated, the 'Hellenikos Synagermos' and the 'Enosis Trion

Kommatbr tou Kentrou'.

At that time, under American pressure, the electoral system was changed from a complicated proportional representation pattern to the majority system long familiar in the United States. On this basis, the Greek Rally of Papagos won 49 percent of the vote and

82 percent. of the seats in the new Parliament.

"P. stable government sympathetic to the needs of the Greek army and NATO planning, had finally been achieved".8

The Centre Union party was a coalition of three parties, one of which was not represented in Parliament. Four other parties were not represented in Parliament, including the EDA, a left-wing party which polled 9.55 percent of the votes, but, did not. win any seats.

2 The Conservative Political Party in Power (195-63)

Papagos exercised power from 17th November, 1952 until his death on 4th October, 1955. But the arrival in power of the Greek Party for a long period (1952-1963) secured,

"stability anc a firm assertion of traditional, national. values were the defence against the communist dang,er".c)

IX) 151 0J 514

his contempt for Parliament and political parties, his

expectation of obedience of his leadership from the members of

Parliament, and a very centralised Government.

"He proved to be a rather haughty prime minister, unwilling to engage in the wheeling and dealing that characterized Greek politics".10

When Papagos died in October 1955, King Paul. chose a hitherto

relatively obscure politician, C.Karamanlis, to form a new

cabinet.

"This choice was a great surprise at the time, and remains puzzling in retrospect. Karamanlis had been minister of public works in Papagos's cabinet, and so had had an opportunity to drive ahead with road building. He undoubtedly made his mark in this capacity, and it was a highly personal mark, for Karamanlis differed from the usual Greek politicians in a number of fundamental ways".11

Karamanlis established a new political party, the 'Ethnike

Rizospastike Enosis' ERE - (Greek Radical Union) in preparation. for elections that were held on 19th February, 1956. The new

party inherited many MP's from Papagos' supporters when it was

merged with Greek Rally, and many of that party's MP's transferred to the new party, although some who had clustered around Papagos refused to follow Karamanlis and joined the opposition.

In these elections two main political participated: The ERE and a coalition of seven political parties called 'Democratike Enosis'

(Democratic Union). They aimed at winning by overthrowing. the

right-wing party. In this coalition thorn were the Centre

parties, the right-wing party,

hour Ler :1:111 parties pa

iheo 55

because of the electoral system they won 165 seats in Parliament,

about. 55 percent of the total of 300 seats, In these elections

the franchise was extended to women and ERE received 77 percent

of the total votes of servicemen. The EDA was represented in

this coalition together with other Centre parties and with the

right-wing 'Laiko' for the first time.

In February 1958 an internal crisis of the ruling party ERE, led

the country to elections on 11th May, 1958. In these election

five parties participated. Changes in the electoral regions and

other minor changes in the system of proportional. representation

immediately before this election favoured the ERE, because

although its share of the vote fell from 47.38 to 41.47. percent

it nevertheless obtained 171 seats compared with 165 in the

elections of 1956.13 A weakened right wing confronted a resurgent

left. The EDA became the largest opposition party, with 26

percent of the seats in Parliament.

"Modeled on the wartime EAM, EDA was an association of leftist political groups in which communists played a conspicuous role, despite the fact that the Communist Party remained illegal in Greece".1u

The results of the elections ref ectec the islon in Greece

between anti-communists and communists. Men of the right concluded that the old danger of a communist takeover was still

present. Some of them felt that the electoral process, even as

managed and manipulated by Karamanlis' party, was not a

dependable way of holding Communist subversior in check. Secret,

politically motivated, societio of army off icer:it seem to have

taken on hti , tire

agai nit 56

the anti-communist struggle was close at hand. Centre

politicians, including all those of the right who had refused to

submit to Karamanlis' leadership, drew a rather different

conclusion, that unless they could bury their differences and

combine as a single voting bloc, they would never be able to

unseat Karamanlis.

As a result of this Papandreou constructed a new Centre Union

party which included almost every Greek politician who had

quarrelled with Karamanlis and who was not ready to consort with

communists in the EDA.

Unexpectedly Karamanlis led the country to elections on 29th

October, 1961. Three political parties participated.15

Victory went to the ERE with 58.66 percent of the total seats in

Parliament. This result might have confirmed Karamanlis' power

had not the underhand means used to win the election been so

blatant. As it was, Papandreou challenged the legitimacy of the

official count and publicized so many irregular episodes that the

election result was in effect discredited. To drive his attack

home, Papandreou decided to use his formidable oratorical talents at a series of mass meetings to rouse the people's resentment.

Papandreou's campaign tapped hitherto hidden levels of personal frustation and social dislocation. Not the hill villages but the cities had become the arena where discontent with the status quo found its most critical expression. Papandreou was able to

harness this frustation and create a new atmosphere in public 57

affairs; "a heady one for the silver-tongued Papandreou, who

felt, naturally enough, that he was leading the people towards

vindication of truth and justice, and extra legal violence".16

Karamanlis tried to conduct the government as though nothing had

happened. Another problem which arose at this time was that Queen

Frederica wanted an increased civil list; Karamanlis was

unwilling to agree. Frederica felt outraged. Her demands rested

upon a personal vision of the proper deference royalty should

receive from commoner, and the role of lavish display in shaping

public consciousness. The result was a direct clash of wills

between two strong personalities, neither of whom was accustomed

to yielding.

Two other important events occurred. One was, on 28th May 1963,

the murder of G.Lambrakis, a prominent left-leaning

politician.17. His murderers proved to have more or less close

connections with officers of the gendarmerie and with some

persons active in the prime minister's office in Athens,

something that was enough to embarrass the government seriously.

Soon thereafter, Karamanlis and Queen Frederica quarrelled openly about whether or not the Quen should visit London, where Greek

Cypriots could be expected to make her visit the occasion for

public demonstration agains Karamanlis's government. Rather than face the double opposition of the Palace and the Centre Union,

Karamanlis decided to resign. Not relishing the role of opposition leader, he decided to leave the country, and departed for France, on 11th June 1963. 58

King Paul chose as Prime Minister P.Pipinelis, a minister in

Karamanlis' government and a man of the Palace, who ruled Greece 18 until the elections were held on 3rd November 1963.

Thus a measure of political stability was achieved in Greece from

1953 to 1963 by series of right-wing conservative governments based on the political party the Greek Rally and later the Greek

Radical Union (ERE). In this the most important political figure was Karamanlis.

Political events during this time gave a new orientation to Greek policy: (i) Greece became a full member of NATO, and (ii) Greece became an associate of the European Economic Community, (Treaty of June 1961). Against this background of political stability in a democracy the following political events were significant:

(i) there were limitations on political activity, particularly

the activity of Communists;

(11) the electoral system was changed a few days before elections

according to the whim of the ruling party;

(iii) the strong influence of the American Embassy in Athens,

which was able to "unseat one cabinet and impose another";

(iv) the falsification of the results of the elections of 1961,

when fearing defeat at the polls the government mobilized

all available forces, including police officers and other

public officials, who set out vigorously to urge voters to

support Karamanlis. Simultaneously, "secret societies of the

right, sometimes acting in collusion with local police

officials and army officers, made various threats against

those whom they regarded as traitors to the natiun":19 and

(v) the establishment of the Centrt Unict Party which 59

coalition of all small parties of the Centre Union with G.

Papandreou as leader, and his 'anendotos' (inflexible) fight

against the results of the elections of 1961.

Other events that diminished political stability during this

period were:

(i) the treaty on the independence of Cyprus in 1962;

(ii) the quarrel between the Queen Frederica and Karamanlis, and

(iii) the murder of G.Lambrakis (May 1963).

Faced with the last two events Karamanlis resigned as Prime

Minister in June 1963, and ended his first period in Greek public life.

3 The Ideology and Programme of the Political Parties

About 80 political parties participated in elections during the

19501s.20 At the beginning of this period not one of them had a complete political programme, or constitution. Their ideology and

political programme could be deduced only from the speeches of leaders in election campaign. The main directions of these campaigns could be distinguished as: slogans of the different groups: right, centre, and left. There was considerable similarity between the slogans of the right-wing political

parties were: "the threat of the communist danger"21 "protection of the ideals of freedom and democracy",22 "raising the standard of living of workers and producers the reestablishment of the industrial activities and the electrification of the country",23 and the promise that "all Greeks should be awarded equality of

political rights".24 The election slogans of the centre political 60 parties were: "Equality of political rights, just administration, political and social justice, and national progress",25 "the establishment of political, economic and social democracy in

Greece",26 and "peace after an amnesty".27 The election slogans 28 of left-wing political parties were "Peace-Democracy-Amnesty",

However, although all the parties advocated similar ideas, they interpretted them rather differently.

Left-wing parties constested the elections of 1950 as a coalition called the 'Democratike Parataxe', and those of 1951 as the EDA.

It was essentially a complex of political parties and personalities. "The EDA was more than a coalition, but it was not yet a uniform Party".29

The EDA became a party between 15th and 17th July, 1956, when the first Panhelladic Conference adopted a new constitution, which was then ratified by the first Party Congress (28th November -

2nd December, 1959).30 The EDA was the only Greek political party at that time which put its constitution into practice. The essential programme of the EDA was expressed in the title of the first Panhelladic Conference which was: "For a National

Democratic Change", 'gia mia Ethnike Democratike Allage'.31 "This text had a marxist inspiration which ended in a moderate political programme with an elastic strategy".32 The main lines of this programme were: (i) to distance Greece from the influence of the foreign policies of the United States, (ii) the restoration and preservation of national independence,

(iii) peace and friendship with all nations, (iv) the reform of government administration, (v) the restoration of democracy and the abolition of the emergency measures which limited individual. 61

rights, (vi) the liberation of all political prisoners, and

(vii) the repeal of Law 509/1947 which made the Communist Party illegal. Later I.Passalides, the leader of EDA, said in his speech,

"The EDA puts a proposition before the Greek people, not for a social transformation, but for a change of orientation which has a national, anti-imperialistic and democratic inspiration".33

The political party ERE was established by C.Karamanlis in

January 1956. The constitution of this party was never put into effect; in practice it remained a dead letter. The party was ruled by its leader C.Karamanlis, without any sharing of power during the period 1956-63, when the party was the Government.34

The main lines of its election campaigns were really the programme of the Government. The ERE declared its belief in the

NATO alliance. In economic policy it supported monetary stability, reorganisation of agriculture, modernisation and development of industry, and the stability of wages. The programme of the ERE aimed at increasing employment, and the correct management of credit in the public sector. The ERE declared that it believed in a free economy, private enterprise, and free competition. "The programme of the ERE sometimes gave the impression that they were measures which were decided off the cuff".35

Its leader, C.Karamanlis, represented, at that time, the best guarantor of the ruling class and the privileged classes in the population. He maintained the alliance with the Americans and relied on their support, to secure stability in the social structure of the country. He succeeded in winnirF, the trust of 62

36 foreign banks, so that they invested capital in the country.

The political party the EK was established in 1961. It was a coalition of small parties and personalities with a political

orientation from right to left, from traditional conservatism to left-wing positions.37 Its aim was to remove the right-wing party from power. The party's constitution was approved by its members

of Parliament (27th September, 1962), but it was never put into

practice. Its leader G. Papandreou administered the party with

the help of the parliamentary group.

The programme and ideology of the EK were briefly: "the restoration of political democracy in the country, and the application of political, social and economic democracy".38 The

restoration of political democracy meant the removal of

Karamanlis from power, because he had violated the Constitution in regard to administration and public service and had hindered free elections with "illegitimacy and violence".39 The abolition of the emergency measures was demanded. On the application of

political, social, and economic democracy the main points were: increasing investment in agriculture; the establishment of agricultural industry; a fair distribution of national income between the social classes; reduced taxation; alliance with the

West European countries and friendship with the East European countries; and on the Cyprus problem the application of freedom and justice.4° 63

4 Politics in Education

4.1 Reforms 1950-1952

Early in 1950 two educationists expressed their views on education as follows: E. Papanoutsos, a well-known educationist, introduced a programme for radical reform and wrote:

"The benefits of education at all levels ought not to be given only to a limited social class - the elite - and are not to be thought of as exclusively for the priveleged. For all children, without exception of rich or poor children, secondary schools must be open and must be attainable by all, with the provision that those children have the capacity and the desire for higher education".41

N. Exarchopoulos, another educationist and professor emeritus of the University of Athens, stated:

"It is necessary to reform our educational system from its foundations. Because unfortunately the structure and organisation of Greek education has not followed at this time the progression of science or practice elsewhere and has sustained an ill treatment, which. I do not want to refer to, they lag behind in territory abandoned elsewhere. Educational ideas that have been the product of science and applied in other countries have not been achieved yet in our education. Thus our schools do not correspond to scientific and social demands and do not serve the needs of the individual and Greek society".42

Thus the need for fundamental reform in Greek education was noted as a great national problem at that time. The Liberal governments which ruled Greece from 1950 to 1952 gave priority to the appointment of teachers in schools, and to the rebuilding of school buildings. Some further attempts at educational reform were made. A draft law was passed in 1951, as Law 1823/1951, but was never implemented. A subsequent draft law was prepared by the

Minister of Education, but was never passed by Parliament.43

The Greek Constitution of 1952 was adopted by the Liberal government. In Article 16 the provisions for education were set 64 out.

"The teaching at all schools of primary and secondary education aims at moral and intellectual training and the development of the national conscience of the young according to the ideology of H ell eno-Chri stian civilisation".44 The Law 1823/1951 on the organisation of secondary education also made a similar statement of general aims:

"Secondary education aims at training honourable citizens according to the ideals of Helleno- Christian civilisation".45

Thus the ideological orientation of the Greeks had remained firmly attached to the ideals of Helleno-Christian civilisation.

According to the Law 1823/1951 the schools of secondary education were: (a) the 'Gymnasium', (b) the philological 'Lyceum', (c) the physics and mathematics 'Lyceum', and (d) the lower and middle commercial schools. The 'Gymnasium' comprised a three-year course made up of classes A,B,C. In Class A were registered the pupils who had finished primary school and had passed the entrance examination. The philological 'Lyceum' and physico-mathematics

'Lyceum' comprised three-year courses. In their first classess were registered pupils who had finished attendance at the

'Gymnasium' and successfully competed in an entrance examination.

Thus this govenment adopted and legislated for the structure of education as 6-3-3, but this was never applied in the Greek educational system. The structure of education remained unchanged as 6-6.

"Secondary education necessarily had an urban character, because it educated only an elite, those privileged to have higher education, those who could pay the fees".46 The administration system continued to be highly centralised. 65

Education was entitled to financial assistance from the State or local authorities, but the real situation at that time was extremely acute: the lack of teachers, the lack of school buildings, the lack of school equipment, and the shortage of money for education were serious problems which needed more money.

E. Papanoutsos described this situation as follows:

"The State has to provide for the re-building of a destroyed country after a hard and lengthy war. Today it cannot appoint many teachers for the needs of schools (primary and secondary). Some communities where there are no teachers appointed by the State will find teachers and pay them themselves or have them paid privately by parents. Such events grow more frequent every day. In this way under the pressure of reality, where are we going? It is necessary to study this problem with more attention. The time and the place impose on us a certain aversion from a definitive solution and a preference for convenient compromises, which have not resolved the problem...".47

Another acute problem was the large number of illiterate and semi-literate people. The census of 1951 showed that the

illiterates were 2,455,801 and the semi-literates were 2,885,670

out of a total population of 6,500,000 aged 10 and over, so the

percentage of illiterates was 37.6% and semi-literates was 42.9%.

4.2 Reforms 1953-56

The right-wing government in this period had to respond to the

same acute problems in education. It gave priority to primary

education and to the problem of illiteracy, and issued Law

3094/1954 according to which:

"(1) Children, both male arc female, of school-age are obliged to attend daily at b primary school of the State, either a public or a private school, until they receivo a behool-leavinr ertificate. 66

(2) Pupils age 14-20 years old who have not received a school-leaving certificate may continue attendance at daily schools. Otherwise they are obliged to register at a night-school of primary education until receiving a school-leaving certificate".48

After intense efforts by the State, townships and school committees, many night-schools were established and operated in villages and towns.

Papanoutsos commented on the scale of the problem which Law

3094/1954 was intended to overcome:

"We have to legislate most severe (draconian) measures, so that there is not any child who has not finished primary school"'49

Although these measures had some effect, the problem of illiteracy remained in regard to a large number of people, as the census of 1961 showed, there were 1,200,000 illiterates and

2,031,000 semi-literates out of the total population of 6,887,100 aged 10 and over, so the percentage of illiterates was 17.4% and semi-literates was 29.5%.

In the middle of 1950's all primary schools operated in the country, and all children of school age registered in these schools. But a considerable percentage of the total number of pupils did not finish the school year, as the census indicated:

"In the 1955-56 school-year there were 9,673 primary schools in the country with 19,713 teachers in them. In those schools there were registered 947,631 pupils, virtually all children that had reached school-age. but at the end of this year there were attending only 848,283 pupils; about 75,633 pupils had stopped school attendance".50

In the same school-year 209,802 pupils registered in 'Gymnasium', about 22% of the total population of school age. Al thoup,i- the 67

number of pupils in 'Gymnasiums' doubled from the pre-war period

to the middle 1950's, the idea of "secondary education for all"

had not yet been adopted in Greece. But the desire of parents for

more and better education for their children continuously spread

through the majority of the population.

The rapid increase of pupils in 'Gymnasiums' with their

monolithic character of classical studies and a strict selective

examination system on the one hand, a limited number of places in

higher education on the other hand, and the desire of most

parents to see their children in higher education increased the

number of private preparatory school 'frontisterio' in Greek

society.

Thus the expansion of secondary education in the middle 1950's

began to create social problems, because of the grievous and

socially very dangerous phenomenon that myriads of pupils, in the

absence of any respectable type of vocational education, were

channelled to the so-called classical 'Gymnasium', to graduate

from it with a certificate which had no value in terms of livelihood.

After rapid financial development in the country and the

modernisation of Greek society, the need for reform in the

educational system at that time was imperative, particularly in

the areas of technical and vocational education. Because of "the one way of the classical Gymansium, stereotyped and monolithic,

which impresses on the young the old knowledge of an obsolete and shallow encyclopaedism",51 young people were flung out on life 68

without any skills or capacity to work. Many of them remained unemployed.

This situation led to the recognition in many sectors of society that technical and vocational education should be expanded.

Commenting on this need for reform the director of the Bank of

Greece wrote:

"The obvious difficulties of Greek economic development during recent years and rapid international technological progress have made it clear that the most serious obstacle to the economic development of Greece is the lack of a modern and specialised training of the population".52

The level of technical and vocational knowledge of workers and businessmen in industry, cottage industries and commerce, as well as of the rural population and of the civil service was, and still remains, low.53 Consequently, "if the necessary effort to retrain and train the population is not made in time and to the necessary extent, the acceleration of the rate of economic development will hardly be achieved".54 The whole effort ought to be that "in every planned list of investments, technical education should have the top priority".55 The Minister of

Industry estimated that the 2,020 semi-skilled workmen graduating each year from school were far too few in number to fill the

10,200 vacancies created during the same time due to "natural causes, retirement and death" in industry. (These figures were for the year 1955-56).56

Other institutions estimated that the educational system as a whole produced approximately 8,000 graduates with some kind of. vocational training - higher education graduates excluded - every year, "...s number which is disproportionate to the act.ai 69

technical and vocational needs of the country".57 At the same time the 'Gymnasiums' continued to produce "...thousands of graduates every year" who were "...inadequately equipped with the theoretical and practical knowledge required in productive work".

This lack of balance was referred to in May 1957 by King Paul who said in a speech:

"What has happened during the last decades in education is characteristic of the lack of practical outlook. We turn our attention fully to the seeming significance of the matters of the moment and we thus tend to forget the need to provide for the future".

In the same speech he indirectly criticised the lack of national leadership in education:

"The present situation creates grave responsibilities and the greatest obligations for the leadership of the Greek people", and he added:

"Our era constitutes a crucial period in the development of man, both in the material and the intellectual sectors... Therefore, we not only need simply better education, we need a new spirit in it".58

4.3 The Karamanlis Committee

Perhaps as a consequence of these criticisms, in June 1957 the

Prime Minister C.Karamanlis appointed a committee to undertake the task of making a comprehensive study of the educational system and of proposing guidelines for reform by making recommendations on the following matters:

"Having in mind the need to identify and study the problems... of Education at all levels..., we appoint a committee under the chairmanship of the Minister of Education... The task of this committee will be the study, formulation and presentation of proposals on:

(a) The selection of methods for the most effective way to 70

complete the real and modern education of Greek children up to the age of 12 years according to the provision of the Constitution (concerning primary education).

(b) The most effective way in which secondary education should be structured and organised into the branches of classical, scientific, and vocational training so that it could serve the vital needs of the county as they appear today...

(c) Finally, regarding the method of selection of the best pupils and students so that those distinguished by their character and school-work should continue unhindered in their studies, independently of their economic situation". 59

The committee comprised one Member of Parliament, seven university professors (one from University of Thessalonike, five from the University of Athens, and one from the EMP Higher

Polytechnical School of Athens), and three educationists (an honorary member of the Education Council, the Director-general of the Marasleios Pedagogical Academy and an ex-secretary-general of the Ministry of Education).6°

The Government entrusted to this committee of experts the study of educational problems at all levels but it proposed to submit their findings to another committee from all political parties, so that the final decision should be "the manifestation of the unanimous thought of all political parties in the country".61

Although "the committee allegedly was non-partisan and representative of various segments of educational opinion"62 only one of the members came from the critics of the institutionalised curriculum, "...all others represented a rather conservative wing".63

The managerial and technical groups of the State educational 71

organisation were not represented in the committee and their role

was limited only to the provision of "...useful information and clarifications that were asked by the committee".64 The Teacher's

Unions, DOE and OLME, the universities, political parties, and professional associations were formally excluded from policy formulation.

The contribution of these groups to the formulation of educational policy was limited to the submission of a memorandum to the committee. This was mentioned in the report of the

Committee, but in a way which indicates that no great weight was attached to it. "A great number of memoranda on several matters related to education have been submitted to the committee by foundations, agencies, associations and even by laymen",65 and that "the same attention was given to the views of the presiding council of the federation of primary and secondary school teachers...".66

The reaction against the constitution of the committee was immediate and very strong. As soon as the appointment of the committee was announced the School of Philosophy of the

University of Athens called a meeting of its members who,

"...decided unanimously, that a three-member delegation... should express to the Minister of Education the protest of the School.-",67 because in appointing the Committee,

"the schools of both universities concerned with producing teachers have been ignored, although they are officially and essentially responsible on educational matters."68

In addition, the school issued a statement to the press:

"The educational problem i primarily scientific, and at the 72

same time it is most fundamentally national. It is not resolved through political and sectional mobilization, no matter what high support the politicians and sections enjoy. The University School, which is the pre-eminent in the education of the nation, proclaims with a strong voice imminent danger, since in its (the School's) absence.— solutions are considered that clash not only with the traditions but also with the real interests of the nation."69

The School of Philosophy consistently ignored the Committee and

submitted its memorandum to the government. This was strange in

view of the fact that the University of Athens was represented on

the Committee by five of its members, who had been appointed, it

is true, without consultation with the university. The university

had been promised that "the Prime Minister will keep the Senate

informed on the conclusions of the current discussion on

education",7° and that "there was no specific indication on what

the recommendations of the Committee would be, understandably at

this early stage."71

The reaction of the Federation of Teachers in Secondary Education

(OLME) was a single statement issued by its governing body to the

press.

"The OLME is taken by unpleasant surprise, because active teachers and their elected representatives were not invited to participate, as they should have been and as they had been promised, in the work of the Committee. Solving, however, the most fundamental problems of education, especially those of secondary education, without the participation of the teachers' organisation, which legitimately represents the group and which is better aware than any one else of the prevailing conditions in education today, is inconceivable and we hope that the Government will quickly rectify this omission".72

The reaction of the other relevant educational groups varied. The

Association of Greek Philologists issued a strong protest against

the appointment of the Comm itt ee.73 73

The opposition the political parties expressed their reservations

about the suitability of the Committee to formulate policies for

the reform so badly needed in education.

In its investigation the Committee worked by assigning one or

more members to prepare a preamble to each chapter (i.e.

educational aspect), who then submitted a brief written sketch summarizing the main points of the issue, including the proposed

measures for reforming the existing system. After discussion, the final decision on what the committe would propose was taken by

vote of all the members of the Committee.74

"The educational policy was formulated on the basis of exchanging and debating among the members of the committee their personal views on what ought to be done; no empirical research, nor any evaluation projects were set up to supplement and support the recommendations of the committee. Its proposals were theoretical in outlook and broad in scope."75

4.4 The Committee's Report

The Committee submitted its report to the Prime Minister in

January 1958, declaring that "... the findings of the Committee,

with the relevant reports... will be of benefit to the Nation."76

The Committee unanimously accepted the following principles for the solution of educational problems:

1) the State must give absolute priority to the

educational problems of today;

2) the State must express explicitly and immediately its

interest in providing the necessary finance;

3) the structure and the curriculum of all leveli, of 74

schools needs modernisation;

4) the humanism of Greek and Christian civilisation must

be the basis of education;

5) the Greek school in particular must teach the young

about the unbroken unity of the nation and to achieve

this the Greek school must teach the 'Demotike' and

'Katharevousa' languages to the pupils.

6) the needs of life and economic resources demand more

technical education: in this sector Greece was behind

other countries, and it needed to eliminate the gap

quickly by more intense work;

7) the great benefit of education must not be the

privilege of a few, so that the State must give grants

to poor pupils who were distinguised in their studies;

and

8) a cause of the country's educational misfortune lay in

hurried and frequent reforms and the problem of

education must cease to be the object of party and

personal rivalry.77

The Committee made detailed proposals based on these general principles. It studied educational structure, curriculum, administration, and financing, and also teacher-training and then made the following proposals.

4.4.1 The Organisation and Structure of Education

The Committee ascertained the need for the establishment of about

8,500 kindergartens for pre-school education but it proposed to establish only a few kindergartens, because of budCetn ry 75

constraints

The six-year primary school was characterized as a significant victory for the people and the Committee proposed that it should remain as it stood.79

Secondary education was taken to comprise general and also technical and vocational education. The Committee proposed that general secondary education "should be divided" into two self- sufficient levels,80 but it was not unanimous about the structure of these schools. The pattern 6-3-3 was proposed by six members, the pattern 6-3-4 by three members, the pattern 6-3-3 (+1) by one member, the pattern 5-3-4 by one, and the pattern 4-3-4 by one member.

It was proposed that the first stage of general secondary education should comprise only a uniform-type school, the

'Progymadsium' ,81

The second stage should comprise three school types:

(a) the classical 'Gymnasium' with an emphasis on the teaching

of literary and historical subjects;

(b) the classical 'Gymnasium' with an emphasis on the teaching

of mathematics and science; and

(c) the 'Lyceum' of general education with an emphasis on the

teaching of foreign languages.82

The committee recognised "the great importance of vocational education for the development of the country's economy and for 76 individual success in life," it praised private vocational schools, and proposed to establish three types of vocational schools:

(a) the lower vocational school was to be for pupils who had a

leaving certificate from the primary school, and should

train workers, craftsmen and businessmen;

(D) the middle vocational school was to be for pupils who had a

leaving certificate from the 'Progymnasium' or lower

vocational school and should train for professions where

more technical education was necessary; and

(c) the higher vocational school was to be for pupils who had a

leaving certificate from the 'Gymnasium' or 'Lyceum', or 83 middle school.

Although the Committee recognised that there is "a general impetus towards the extension of compulsory education in the modern progress of civilisation and technology", it thought that

"today it is impossible to speak about the extension of compulsory education", because first of all the six-years compulsory education has not yet been achieved, when thousands of children leave school from the fourth and fifth classes, and secondly the extension of compulsory education "would mean new, unbearable burden on the State Budget".84

4.4.2 Curriculum

The Committee proposed a new curriculum for primary schools based on the following principles:

(1) National and religious education sould be according to Greek

and Christian tradition;

(2) Acquiition of knu,ledr,, 1 soilc HtK1 77

character deriving from participation and critical scrutiny;

(3) The intellectual spirit of the curriculum should be based in

the roots of the natural and social environment of the

child;

(4) The needs of modern Greek society should by met; and

(5) The language of text-books and teaching should be the

'Demotike'.

Again, the Committee was not unanimous in their recommendation on the language of instruction. One member proposed the use of

'Demotike' in the first four classes and 'Demotike' and

'Karharevousa' jointly in the following two classes. A second member proposed that the language of instruction should be

'Katharevousa' from the fourth class. Another member proposed that only 'Katharevousa' should be used in the primary schooi.85

It was suggested that the curriculum of the 'Progymnasium' with its "practical character" should give, "special attention to subjects such as 'handiwork', which both educate and train a young man in practical life".86

The Committee proposed a special curriculum in eaci- type of secondary schoo1.87 The curriculum of vocational schools, except those for specialist training, should provide religious, humane knowledge so that the pupils could become "honourable Greek citizens". In addition, it proposed that lessons in Greek, mathematics and political awareness be included alongside the special vocational lessons.85

78

4.4.3 Administration

The Committee accepted the central administrative system of

education as it stood and proposed some modifications about pre-

schooling and vocational education.

(1) The comrr,i.tte:e proposed the establishment of a new office in

the Ministry of Education for administration of pre-school

education, and also the appointment of Special Inspectors of

Kindergartens.89

(2 It, proposed the separation of the administration from the

supervision of general-education schools, as carried out by

inspectors, and the appointment of special officers, the

'epoptesi (supervisors). One member proposed that the

inspectorate should remain unchanged.9°

(3) The Committee proposed that the vocational-education schools

should belong to the Ministry of Education and that there

should be established a special office of vocational

education in it, which would control and supervise all

vocational schools, It was also felt necessary to establish

a permanent council to give advice on the problems of

vocational education.91

4.4.4 Finance

The Ministry of Education was to provide free education in

primary and secondary general-education schools. The Committee

proposed the establishment of kindergartens of an agricultural

type, and suggested that the "Church, rich communities,

cooperatives and benevolent in5titutions" should be asked to

the expahes kin( ?r nrteno. Vocn ion education in the 79

state schools was to be free,93 and some scholarships were to be granted to really capable pupils for further education in general 94 and vocational schools.

4.5 Debates on the Educational Reforms (1957-59)

4.5.1 Debates Outside Parliament

After the publication of the Committee's findings, many debates were conducted by interested groups, educationists, and political parties.

The School of Philosophy of the University of Athens played a leading role. In a series of announcements and memoranda it declared its opposition to the Committee's findings as follows:

"Spasmodic and partial solutions, instead of improving the existing situation, can only bring harm, as has already happened in the past when the various hasty and usually superficial, unelaborated plans for reforming education in Greece, which having been prepared by unsuitable persons without the participation of the official and essentially responsible agents, have either been abandoned from the start or failed wholly in practice".95

The School introduced some proposals for reform in the structural pattern 6(5)-3-4, because it argued that dividing the 6-years

'Gymnasium' into two three-year cycles "would curtail the humanistic education of pupils as it would make it impossible to construct a curriculum for the upper cycle".96 In selecting the content of the curriculum the practical utility of the selected subjects should not be employed as a criterion The teaching of

Ancient Greek texts should be carried out at both cycles

"exclusively from the originDI" N=:' "The language of Education should be 'Katharevousan%99 80

The School of Philosophy in supporting its views refered to its

own "historical and scientific responsibility to the Nation".10°

It appealed to the public in terms of nationalistic and religious

feelings, and to political leaders in terms of the communist

threat; "The dark force which attempts, hidden behind the

curtains, to undermine classical education. This dark force is

very obvious, it is communism".101

The Federation of Teachers in Secondary Education reacted against

the Committee's findings and presented views similar to those of

the School of Philosophy. They claimed that, "the three-years

lower and the four years upper"102 cycle in secondary education

should be clearly diversified into humanistic and vocational

types, "and a mixture of the two forms of education is not

allowable".103 Further, "the study of ancient texts at the lower

cycle should of course be made from the original."104

In addition OLME posed the question of the learning environment.

"No reform and no change should be attempted before the problem

of manning schools, the acute problem of school buildings, the

problem of instructional aids, and that of the elevation of the

status of the teaching staff are resolved in a satisfactory

way.005 Thus, both the school of Philosphy and OLME worked hard

against the Committee's findings, holding common ground in the

traditional interpretations of humanism, and their opposition to

'Demotikism'.

The Federation of Teachers in Primary Education (DOE) di( not

believe that the government really wanted to reform education. 81

"Everything clearly shows that we are at the stage of talking and planning, which involves the spirit of postponement in a protracted way, a clearly soporific way, which has been widely and systematically applied in Greece for a long time by political forces" y106 and added:

"the sacred and holy affair of the Nation, Education, consisted and consists of a firm and sure point of departure for demagogy",107 and

"although seven months have passed we can nowhere see any intention of solving of the problem of education. "108

The leader of the Liberal Party, G.Papandreou, expressed his views and suggested that a 6-3-3 structural pattern should include "the teaching of ancient classics from translations" at the first stage of secondary education; he discussed the "quality of status between 'Katharevousa' and 'Demotikem. 109

The leader of the EDA, the left-wing party, expressed his views as follows;

"Polytechnical education should be provided in a 'Gymnasium' irrespective of diversification and specialisation. Polytechnical education is not vocational education. It is civilising education, a method of spiritual and intellectual shaping of youth".110

The Prime Minister, the leader of ERE, which was in power, attempted to deal neutrally with the problem of education. 111

Later, in 20th June 1959, he gave an answer to commentators on the Committee's report, and he declared:

"The Government has decided to reform education radically. The national tradition and humanistic basis of education are no cause of offence. The great problem lies in the combination of respect for tradition with radical reform according to the economic and technological needs of the country".112

Or, the am ch the Mini ut i ht 1Jr-rift 82

Laws in Parliament about the reform of education. The five most significant Draft Laws were:113 (1) on the technical and vocational education, organisation of secondary education and administration of education; 114 (2) on the unification and coordination of vocational education;115 (3) on the increase of the number of teachers and inspectors of primary, secondary and vocational education;116 (4) on the amendment of some details of teachers' training; (5) on the training of kindergarten teachers.

Another three projected laws dealt with higher education.

4.5.2 Debates in Parliament

There were vigorous debates throughout the summer session of

Parliament concerning technical and vocational education, the organisation of secondary education, and the administration of education, because this projected laws on these subjects constituted the most essential of the series of draft laws.

The spokesman of the ERE expressed his views on the need for reform in education in its orientation as follows: "It is commonly accepted that our education as a whole shows many and dangerous symptoms of disease,"117 and "...the request for a 118 reform of education is universal, imperative and justified".

He added: "the question is, in which direction should the reform of Greek education be made?"119 "The humanistic tradition, as it is laid down in the Constitution, Article 16, has determined for a long time the higher and final aims of Greek education, the

Helleno-Christian ideals, se that. it should not deviate from them. Humanistic education constitutes the roots and the trunk, as it were, of Greek education".120 83

Two members of the EDA expressed their views about really

democratic and humanistic education. One of them, K.Soteriou,

said:

"First, for our education to be really democratic and humanistic it should reorganise the right of the youth to education... Education is the right of Greek children... Although 130 years have passed since the establishment of the Greek State, the State has not yet recognised this right of children... Today education is a privilege of a few, rich citizens. Secondly, education, from the kindergarten to the University, is uniform, it has uniform aims and the obligation to serve all Greek children independently, whether they are rich or poor. Thus, the barriers to education for the children of working people must be removed". 121

He added:

"I think that it is time to abolish private education. The State should be responsible for the education of Greek children"'122

Another member of the EDA, M.Sbolou, held similar views.

"Education must be attainable and open to all citizens at all levels. This means democratic education, not oligarchic. This means more money from the State Budget so that it shall be free..."•12 °12 3 She added:

"The ideal of education, individual humanism, had to give place to social humanism.— ".124

"1 think that it is time for the disappearance of another unacceptable measure, the certificate of 'koenonikon fronematom' (political convictions) to which candidates for the University are obliged to submit...".125

"This measure negates the meaning of individual freedom and shames the State. "126

The spokesman of the EDA discussed polytechnical education and it:E ,„ ideals:

"Technical and vocational educatio in a sector of great significance in the national educational problem, from the lower tc thy_ higher level of education, it re Larc tc, 84

of its aims, targets and ideals".127

"Polytechnical education must be in all the 'Gymnasiums', because polytechnical education gives a solid basis in theory, rehabilitates the bond between theory and practice, the union of teaching and productive work, and it creates a technical conscience".128

The spokesman of the EK expressed general approval of the

proposals, adding some detail as to how they should be

interpreted.

"We do not disagree with the principles of this draft law".129 But, "it must reorganise classical education in such a way that it gives good results and attains its targets".130

The views of the political parties on the structure of secondary

education were also formulated and expressed. The spokesman of

the ERE said:

"Attendance at a 'Gymnasium' should remain at six years divided into two cycles, a lower cycle with a common curriculum based on humanistic education, and a higher cycle with a diversified curriculum".131

At this point the Minister of Education, intervening, explained:

"The draft law does not prescribe two cycles. Attendance is for a continuous six years".132

The spokesman added:

"The distinction between two cycles lies in the curriculum and the leaving certificate, when the pupils complete the third class". 133 "In the higher level of the 'Gymnasium' it is possible to diversify into the streams of classical, scientific, technical, economic, agricultural, native language and foreign languages".134

The leader of the EK objected:

"First, you have retained the same name of 'Gymnasium' for six classes and, secondly, and examination between the third 85

and fourth classes is a barrier against the improvement of the intellectual 'populationm.135

The Vice-president of the government added:

"We thought that the conception of ytwo cycles must be abandoned and we are against the entra,ce examination into the fourth class". 136

The spokesman of the EDA said:

"I agree with the division of the 'Gymnasium' into two cycles, and I agree too that there must not be an entrance examination from the first to the second cycle".137

On the structure of technical and vocational education the spokesman of the ERE mentioned that,

"The principles of the organisation of technical and vocational schools are set out" by the this Bill, and "two higher technical schools, six middle technica] schools, and some lower technical and vocational schools are establishment".138

The spokesman of the EDA found those schools "indispensable,

pertinent, and useful",139 and suggested the establishment of more technical schools.

The views of the political parties on the administration of education were also formulated and expressed. The spokesman of the ERE thought the establishment of two centres of general management in the Ministry of Education,

"not only an unnecessary luxury but also harmful to the spirit of uniformity, that there should be in our national education the 'Areios Pagos' Higher Education Council of Education" .140

The spokesman of the EDA also objected to the iDereasc

TJerLA strative offices; 86

"We see a superfluity in the administration and a superfluity of councils, this situation will bring confusion". 141

M.Sbolou, member of Parliament of the EDA, proposed the participation of members from trades unions in the higher education council.142

The spokesman of the EK agreed that "the technical and vocational schools should belong to the Ministry of Education",143 and also agreed with "the establishment of two centres of general 144 management in the Ministry of Education."

A second spokesman of the ERE raised the issue of the finance of education:

"In the last three to four years the grants to education from the Budget have been significantly multiplied",145 and added;

"The expenditure on these reforms will be about 140 million drachmes," but "we believe that the government will not spare money to complete this great national work".146

The spokesman of the EDA said that,

"Lower technical and vocational education should be free". 147

Another member of Parliament of EDA said,

"If the Government wanted to find the required money for education it could be done".148

The spokesman of the EK asked the Minister of Education,

"How much expenditure will be needed for solution of all the education problems?"149 and he added,

"Let us hope that the work of the Minister of Education will succeed in attracting more attention from the Minister of Finance".,, 87

Apart from debates on upper secondary curricula debates on the details of curricula were held in the Parliament on only a few subjects, because the Bill provided that,

"... the curricula will be determined by decrees that are made by the Minister of Education".151

4.6 The Main Points of the Legislation of 1959

After a short period of debate in the summer committee of

Parliament concerning technical and vocational education, the organisation of secondary education, and the administration of education, Law 3971/1959 was passed by Parliament and published 152 on 7th September, 1959.

The main points of these provisions were:

(1) the establishment of State technical schools for assistant

engineers in Athens and Thessalonike;

(2) the establishment of six State technical schools for other

technical assistants and foremen;

(3) permissive authority to establish agricultural, technical

and vocational lower schools in the country, requiring

attendance from one to four years;

(4) the establishment of a training college for teachers in

technical and vocational education.

Articles 27-32 referred to secondary education:153

(1) The curriculum of the first three classes of the

'Gymnasium', which comprise the first level of the

'Gymnasium', should be common to all schools, and based on a

general humani stic education. The second level of the 88

'Gymanasium' might be organised from the fourth class into

streams: classical, scientific, technical, agricultural,

marine, foreign languages, and economic studies.

(2) The pupils in the third class of the 'Gymnasium' would

receive a leaving certificate after an examination on all

the lessons of this class. This leaving certificate was to

give the right to pupils to register in the fourth class of

the 'Gymnasium' or in technical and vocational schools.

Articles 33 to 46 determined the administration of education. The

main provisions were:

(1) A general management centre for vocational education in the

Ministry of Education was to be established.

(2) The establishment of a general management centre for general

education was to be made in the Ministry of Education.

(3) The establishment of a National Council of Education which

would be headed by the Minister of Education and would

consist of representatives of the ministries, of the higher

educational institutes, of the chamber of technical

professions of Greece, of the general workers' association

of Greece, of the Eugenides Institute for research, of the

federation of agriculturists, of the association of

productive classes, of private schools, and of teachers and

parents.

(4) A higher educational council would be established in the

Ministry of Education.

(5) A higher council on the curricula was to be formed.

(6) The formation of a higher council on administration was

agreed. 89

Two other Bills were passed by Parliament "on increasing the number of posts for teachers and inspectors in primary, secondary and vocational education".154 These were published as Law

3970/1959 on 7th September, 1959. The number of posts for teachers in primary education was increased by about 1600, and in secondary education by about 560. The number of post for inspectors in primary education was increased by 28, plus two for general inspectors, and five additional general inspectors for secondary education were appointed. After that the number of the inspectors of schools were: inspectors of primary schools, 151 plus 11 general inspectors, a total of 162; and general inspectors of secondary schools, 24 plus 16 special inspectors, a total of 40.

The Bill "on the unification and coordination of vocational education" was passed by Parliament, and published on 7th

September, 1959 as Law 3973/1959 .155 Vocational schools at all levels, and of all specialities, which had operated as State or private schools and had been supervised by the Industrial and

Commercial Ministries, were transferred to the Ministry of

Education, as soon as this Law was promulgated.

Therefore, the educational system after 1959 could be characterised as follows:

General Aims: The Constitution of 1952 determined the aims of education. The teaching of all schools, primary and secondary, aims at moral and intellectual training, and the development of the nation... ilinc(' of the yout: ( 14-1„ 90

ideology of Helleno-Christian civilisation.

Administration: The administration system continued to be highly

centralised. Education operated under the higher supervision of

the State. The Minister of Education was responsible for

educational policy at all levels of education, and exercised

administration through the Higher Council of Administration,

general inspectors, and inspectors of primary and secondary

schools.

Finance: Education was entitled to financial assistance from the

State or local authorities. Primary education was compulsory and

free.

Structure and Organisation: The structure and organisation of the educational system remained as laid down in the legislation of

1929, with the addition of some technical and vocational schools.

4.7 Critical Review of Developments

After the reform attempts made by the Liberal governments in 1951 and 1952, the speech of King Paul, the declaration of the Prime

Minister in 1957 on the educational problems in Greek education,

the findings of the special Committee, and the debates inside and outside the Greek Parliament, a few education laws were passed,

which attempted to solve some problems of Greek education. But the reforms were not as radical as their proponents declared, and

most importantly the character of secondary education did not change and some inegalitarian measures remained in education as

they had been before. 91

Compulsory education remained at six years' attendance in primary schools. Although the Committee had recognised that an extension of compulsory education had been made in most European countries after the Second World War, it proposed that compulsory education should be limited to the six years of primary schooling, because the State Budget had no more money for education. The

Conservative and Liberal political parties expressed their assent to this view, but the EDA unreservedly proposed the extension of compulsory education into the first level of secondary education.

In this way the EDA proposed that a universal, more varied and better education for all could be achieved.

The character of the Greek educational system, at all levels, as a selective system for the ruling class had not changed, especially at the first level of secondary education.

Entrance examinations from level to level were maintained. The child who completed primary school could be registered in the first class of secondary education after a successful entrance examination. The child who completed the 'Gymnasium' had to be successful in an entrance examination, and obtain more marks in this examination than other participating pupils, to register in school of higher education.

The internal examination system from the fifth class of the primary school to the top class of the schools of higher education, as it operated in Greece at that time, had as its main purpose the erection of a barrier to further education in the path of most people. Thus, the character of education remain 92

it was for a few, for an elite, for those who had a talent, the

best pupils in character and in school work. In fact, to attain

this goal an institute of state scholarship was established in

1951.156 The Committee set up by Karamanlis also proposed the

award of "more scholarships to the best pupils at all levels".157

The best pupils meant pupils who had obtained most marks in

examinations.

The education system of Greece did not give an equal opportunity

to all pupils, and the selection of the best could rarely be

carried out fairly. There was an unequal distinction of education

in Greece, with no 'Gymnasiums' in rural localities and most of

the 'Gymnasiums' that existed were dificient in staff and

equipment. The few 'Gymnasiums' that were well equipped and

efficiently operated, were mostly concentrated in Athens and

Thessalonike. This meant that the best pupils were the best of a

few.

The 'frontisterio' (private preparatory school) had become

another unpopular institution in Greek education, Some teachers

in primary and secondary education undertook to prepare a few

pupils to become 'the best' by private lessons regardless of their capacities. They exploited the strong wish of G,eek parents

to see their sons or daughters graduate from the University or from a higher education school, and their interest in spending

money for this purpose helped to establish the 'frontisterio' as

a 'parapedaeia'.

The great wish of people for more and better education for their 93 children substantially increased the number of pupils in secondary schools and the number of candidates for higher education.

In this situation, many private preparatory schools were established, especially in Athens and Thessalonike, and a few in other towns of the country. These schools played an important but dubious. role in Greek education, because they worked to help a few pupils with lower capacities to register in the Universities or in other schools of higher education.

Most of the members of the Committee noted the illegal operation of these private cramming schools in Greek education and a few of them proposed the fourth class in the second leve] of secondary schools as the preparatory class for higher education. The members of the Committee and the members of the Conservative and

Liberal political parties inside and outside Parliament did not propose the abolition of private preparatory schools. Two members of the EDA however proposed the "abolition of private education" because "the State is responsible for the education of Greek children".158

The most unpopular measure in Greek education was the certificate of political convictions, provision for which had been included in Law No.509/1947, and remained in force until after 1959.159

This Law was passed during the Civil War, when the fighting between the State forces and the communist guerillas was at a critical point, and the division between anti-communist and communists in Greek society was very sharp. At th=at time the government riteo to control admidion to hicTher edu( tint It 9)4

excluded any communist or communist-sympathiser from higher education by promulgating this law which provided that every candidate for admission to a school of higher education shall be obliged to submit an application to the Security Service of the

Police, which was to be forwarded by the school of higher education. A special committee of the Security Service made a selection of the candidates who could participate in the entrance examination, and others were excluded for reasons of political conviction.

At that time (1947) the measure might have been justified as a defence of the State forces. Actually in 1951 the Prime Minister

N.Plasteras of the Liberal Centre parties attempted to abolish all anti-constitutional laws which had been promulgated during the civil war and to give an amnesty to all, but he did not succeed in this.

As late on 1957-59 no discussion outside or inside Parliament had taken place about the abolition of this measure, except that a member of the EDA at a Parliamentary conference proposed "it is time for this measure to disappear.- because it abolishes the meaning of individual freedom and shames the State."16° But this unpopular measure was retained.

Most of the members of the Committee had made reference to the insufficiency of the State Budget, and therefore they were restrained in proposing more radical measures in education. But in the debates outside Parliament the most interested group _ demanded more money for education. The spokesmen of the EDA and 95

the Liberal Party also proposed that more money should be set

aside for education. Two members of the EDA supported free education at, all levels in the State schools and the abolition of

private education. In the end, only primary education remained free,

In 1960, after this reform, the State Budget increased the credit grants for education by about 0.5%, to 6.7% of the total

Budget.161 Thus, the greatest attempt to reform the educational system as a whole proposed and discussed in the post-war period ended up as a failure, because it was limited to adjusting some unimportant details of the Greek educational system, and this attempt at reform of the educational system unfortunately met the same fate that had befallen all attempts at educational reform from the establishment of the new Greek State. The reason for this failure to achieve radical reform could be said to lie in fact that "the distribution of power between those who supported 162 it and those who opposed it was essentially unbalanced)?

5 Summary

During the period 1950 to 1963 the need for reform in education was accepted by a few eminent educationists; it was supported by the manager of the National Bank of Greece, by King Paul and

Prime Ministers. Interested groups recognised the need to reform education to meet the requirements of Greek society, as did the political parties, but all of them wanted to reform the system in accordance with their own interests.

During the formulation of policy for reform in education many debates were held outside and inside Pdrilment, whici divided 96

the speakers into two groups: the supporters of reform and the opponents of it. The supporters were apparently the more numerous, but the number who could agree to the detail of a

particular reform was always very small, and therefore these attempts at radical reform in education ended in failure, because behind the Philosophy School of the University of Athens, which reacted vigorously against reform, was the ruling class of Greek society, which included the Greek Orthodox Church, the intellectual elite of the country, the graduates of the

University of Athens, and the majority of members of the ruling political party the ERE, The Federation of Teachers in Primary

Education very pertinently questioned whether the ruling political party really wanted "a radical reform in education".

But these debates about reform outside and inside Parliament undoubtedly gave an opportunity to a large number of people and groups to learn something about educational problems and gave them the courage to speak openly about them. This forceful presentation of demands in regard to education by the federations of teachers in primary and secondary education with support from parents, as well as extremely strong presentation of these demands by the Students' Union, and the political events that followed these presentations, contributed to creating a climate in which educational reform could take place later.

Thus, during this period, while educational reform was debated, very few lasting and practical innovations were successfully introduced. In the next. chapter the attempts. made by the: is,beral party to improve educational provision will to exardned, 97

CHAPTER IV

THE LIGHT OF EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE: THE REFORM OF 1964

1 Introduction

After a long period of little change in education a hope of

educational revival re-emerged when the 'Enosis Kentrou' (Liberal

Centre) Party ruled Greece. Continual attempts to increase the

annual income of Greeks had been made and some changes in Greek

society had been effected during the late fifties and early

sixties, which prepared a climate of political change in Greece,

especially after the powerful struggle of the 'Anendotos'

(inflexible) fight against the repressive policy of the right-

wing Party in power.

An attempt will be made to investigate the socio-economic

situation in Greek society early in the 1960's, the political conflicts, the discussions about educational problems, and the

Education Act of 1964, with an emphasis on the extension of compulsory education, free education, and the method of admission into upper secondary schools and higher education. Then its implementation in practice will be examined and some conclusions drawn.

2 The Socio-economic Situation in Greek Society

Despite many attempts which had been made to change the structure of the Greek economy in the 1950's, and early 1960's, it remained

mainly agricultural. The average annual income was 12,926 drachmes in 1962. Money income increased a little more than 2.7 times in eleven years, from 1951. But the increase in living standards wa .- not unit era. jd incom ecce only from 98

calculated average of 3,036 drachmes in 1951 (63 percent of the

national average) to 7,800 drachmes in 1962 (56 percent of the

national average).1 This expansion of incomes was primarily a

result of the fact that innumerable small-scale, individual

enterprises seized upon some new possibility and made the most of

it.

The sector that expanded most rapidly was manufacturing; but the

average number of employees per manufacturing establishment

remained no more than four persons. In other words, family-scale

enterprise predominated in manufacturing as well as in service

occupations and agricultural work.2

Nevertheless, it remained true that the enhanced scope for family

enterprise depended on large-scale fundamental investments, all

of which were made with the active participation of the State.

The basic tactic of successive Greek governments was to try to

create on Greek soil the necessary infrastructure for modern

commerce and industry.

Another important aspect of governmental policy was the encouragement of migration. The government welcomed the fact that

as job opportunities began to open in Greek cities and abroad,

migrants started to flood down from the hill-villages. The scale

of movement became truly enormous. Athens grew from 1.37 million in 1951, to 1.85 million in 1961: in 1960 statistical sampling

showed that no fewer than 56 percent of the persons living, in

Athens were innigrants.3 99

Emigration also grew during the years after 1957, when an agreement for sending Greeks to work ir, Belgian coal-mines was concluded; and still more, after 1960, when another agreement was signed with the Federal Republic of Germany to facilitate the emigration of Greeks to work in German factories.

At the same time the development of communications, and through them, the encouragement of a consumer-mentality created needs and raised expectations far beyond the rise in the standard living.

The sharply uneven development of the forces and relations of production was directly connected with the rising social unrest and political mobilisation. The inequalities generated by the

Greek model of industrialisation - whether seen in terms of income and wealth differentials, of geographical imbalance, or of the way in which different modes of production were articulated in the Greek social formation - unavoidably created severe 4 disruptions and social unrest.

The closed traditional society of villages opened up. A rapid movement of population created several problems in society. A million and a half, out of the total population of eight and a half million, had to leave the countryside.-

Given the low labour absorption of Greek industry, the majority of these migrants had to vegetate in parasitic jobs in the tertiary or artisan sectors, or emigrate to the industrial centres of Oestern Europe. To a certain extent, massive foreign migration operated as valve, ii reduced 100

unemployment in the towns and, through the migrants remittances, improved the Greek balance of payments, and supplemented the

meagre incomes of village households. On the other hand, this

migration, by dislocating thousands of families, created

resentment and discontent, not only among those who had to leave

their country, but also among those who were left behind.

In 1961, Greece signed the treaty of association with the

European Community. This treaty provided for a twelve-year

preparatory period during which the country will be able to

pass beyond the stage of underdevelopment".6

The increased geographical mobility of the population, partially a result of both internal and external migration which was encouraged by the signing of the treaty of association with the

Common Market, weakened the social isolation of villages and made increasing social inequalities both more visible and less acceptable.

These rapid changes took place in a country in which a large- scale civil war had already made the rural population politically aware. As result, the system of patronage which the right-wing party used to maintained political control over the whole country was steadily and threateningly eroded.?

3 Political Conflicts: jhe Liberal Party in Power

In a climate of conflict between two political parties, the

'Enosis Kentrou' and the 'Ethnike Rizospastike Enosis', the country was led to the elections on 3rd November 1963. In these 101 elections four political parties participated.

The ERE right-wing political party, won about 44 percent of the total seats in Parliament. The EDA, the left-wing political party won nine percent of the seats in Parliament.

The EK, liberal political party, won 46 percent of the seats in

Parliament, and its leader G.Papandreou could not hope to form a government without depending on support from the Communists EDA.

This he was unwilling to do.8 Instead he demanded new elections which were held on 16th February, 1964. In these elections the same political parties participated, but the ERE and the 'Komma ton Proodeutikon' were in a coalition.

The Centre Union won the majority of the seats in Parliament with

57 percent of the total seats, the ERE about 36 percent, and EDA about 7 percent of the total seats in Parliament.9 In the new government, the Prime Minister was G.Papandreou and his son

A.Papandreou headed the Ministry of Finance. In the domestic sphere promises of a new and better deal for the poor and those dispossessed of their land were difficult to honour. Policies for a radical redistribution of income, which A.Papandreou had declared necessary for a healthy development of the Greek economy, ran headlong into the tangled interplay of special interests and personal ties that bound Greek politicians to the existing economic order.10

A.Papandreou was eager to push ahead, ever if. it meant offending powerful individuals and some contrfeutors to the party's finances, When Greeks refused to behave: Amerieat OCOHcHJ',L:: 102

thought they should, it was seen as a sign of movement, backwards or as a demonstration of personal or institutional corruption

that would have to be swept away. The affectation of American- trained Greek technocrats deeply antagonized other leaders of the

Centre Union party; G.Papandreou, the party leader, found himself torn between pride in his gifted son, and the need for

maintaining party unity.

The conservative social classes could assume, quite correctly, that the Greek officer-corps constituted an effective brake on any really radical efforts to remodel Greek society. A second pillar of the establishment was constituted by the Palace.

King Paul's death in March 1964 brought a young, athletic, and inexperienced prince to the throne as King Constantine.11 His relations with the leading generals and admirals remained cordial and close; and high-place courtiers in the Palace taught the King that he had the duty to override any transitory popular mood that might threaten the long-range interests of the nation.

When, early in July 1965, A.Papandreou was accused of trying to tamper with the army by encouraging the formation of a secret society of junior officers sympathetic to his aims, the situation at once became more acute. Before the case could come to public trial G.Papandreou dismissed his Minister of National Defence. He claimed the right to take over personal direction of the War

Ministry. This King Constantine refused to agree to, and, in an angry scene, Papandreou either resigned or was dismissed by the

King. In the followinr weeks, the Kinn and a coterie of 103

politicians round him used all available means to split the

Centre Union.

Eventually, by promising ministries and other favours, enough

deputies were seduced from the ranks of the Centre Union to form

a new majority in Parliament. The 'apostates' (rebels) from

Papandreou's party, plus the voting block constituted by

Karamanlis' former party, now headed by Kanellopoulos, had a bare

majority of one.

Papandreou's resignation was followed by a series of large-scale

strikes and demonstrations which attested to the fervour with

which the poorer urban classes responded to Papandreou's

agitation. Nearly everyone believed that an election scheduled

for May 1967, would result in a new victory for the Centre Union

party. Rightists reacted by preparing counter-measures, though

what exactly lay behind the many rumours that circulated in

Athens about an impending coup d'etat, to be organised by the

King, by a group of generals, by the CIA or by a combination of

all three, has never become public.

On April 21, 1967, a clique of hitherto obscure and relatively

junior army officers (mostly colonels) seized power by a coup

d'etat, inaugurating a revolutionary government of the right.13

4 Debaters Outside Parliament on the Educnal Reform of 1964

The need for an educational reform in Greece became more and more

perceptible to persons and groups who were concerned with

educational problems. The proclamation of the lAnerdotos'

(inflexible) fight against the represive 104

Government by Papandreou encouraged these groups to pursue an

energetic programme of demands and claims in education.

Early in 1963, the Teachers' Union of Primary and Secondary

Schools went on strike demanding increased salaries, equal to

those of other state employees.14 The Government condemned this

strike as unjustifiable and unconstitutional.15 The strike lasted

from 8th January to 7th February 1963, when the Minister of

Education decided that he would legally compel the striking

teachers to go to the schools.16 The Government, by threats and

by using compulsion on the teachers.refused to discuss the

teachers' problems or to look for any solution. During the

teachers' strike many persons and groups displayed a special

interest in educational problems and most of them supported the

teachers' demands.

The parents of primary and secondary pupils in Athens expressed

their undivided support for the teachers' strike, and thought their demands were justified and moderate. They expressed the

wish of all Greek parents that, the Government should make a

radical and modern reform of edudation.17

All the newspapers in Athens from the left to the most conservative supported the teachers' strike.18 The strike of the

Teachers' Union failed to solve their problems, but it did arouse in the general public a strong interest in the problems of education.

The Students' Union, in the Sprirm of 1963, held a congress to 105 study educational problems. The title of this congress related to the regeneration of education and that was its purpose. At last, the need had been expressed for a reform in education which would solve the problem of education, together with a demand for an increase of 15 percent of the total Budget to be applied to education.19

After the elections of 1963, the first declaration to the Greek people by the Prime Minister Papandreou stated:

'We gave a promise to the Greek people, that we should carry out a courageous educational reform. I declare today (16th November, 1963) the principal aspects and the first measures, through which the reform will be pursued at all levels of education.

The problems of education are economic and intellectual. Economic factors include: the number and the salary of teachers, the school-building, school-equipment, the place of physical education in the work of the school, the health of pupils. On the intellectual side there are: the aims of education, which according to the Constitution are the ideal of Helleno-Christian civilisation, the training of teachers and pupils, the text-books, the curriculum, the organisation and structure of education.

The reform movement in education has constantly pressed for the following reforms:

(a) free education at all levels;

(b) the extension of compulsory education;

(c) the division of secondary education;

(d) the abolition of entrance examinations for the 'Gymnasium';

(e) the use of 'Demotike' as the language at all levels;

(f) the use of translations of ancient Greek texts in the 'Gymnasium';

(g) the 'Academaiko Apolyterio', a special certificate for admission to schools of higher education;

(h) the extension of courses of teacher-training from two to three years;

(i) the establishment of a Pedagogical Institute... 106

-. I make this declaration, that the Government will not spare the money require to give our people an educational system which is needed and fitting". 20

After that, G.Kasimatis, Under-minister of Education in the right-wing conservative government, gave a reply to the Prime

Minister's declaration:

"At first impression it was disappointing. Free education at all levels was not only the programme of ERE but was also one of their acts. The best structure of schools is: Primary school for six years, 'Hellenikon' school for three years, 'Gymnasium' for three or four years, divided into classical, practical, economic studies, etc., with a selective examination system, and a new curriculum; extension of compulsory education to the age of 15. I was the first to support an increase in the credit granted to 15 percent of the total Budget. We must find this money. And on this, the Prime Minister was silent".21

After that, a number of groups expressed their opinions on the educational measures. The governmental declaration on educational

policy and the measures which it wanted to legislate on education were found by the School of Philosophy of the University of

Athens to be completely contrary to the interests of national education. The strong opposition of this School concentrated on:

(a) the division of the 'Gymnasium' into two self-contained and independent units; (b) the abolition of the entrance examination to the first cycle of the 'Gymnasium'; (c) the use of translations of ancient Greek texts in the 'Gymnasium'; and

(d) the establishment of a Pedagogical Institute.

The School of Philosophy in its memorandum expressed its strong opposition as follows;

"The School thinks that many of these measures are utterly contrary to the interests of national education, and therefore, is obliged to speak. The 'Gymnasium' determines the level of intellectual development of the Nation. The Philosphical School is obsoletely opposed to the division of. 107

the 'Gymnasium' into two cycles, because it thinks that the 'Gymnasium' is selective only in the upper three classes, which are absolutely inadequate for this aim. The lower three classes will constitute an upper primary school, i.e. a school of daily life, from which the classical character will be absent if the ancient Greek texts are learnt in translation, and the entrance examination is abolished. Thus, this measure will prove to be a retrogression in education, and the School especially calls the attention of responsible persons to this fact. Selection for secondary education is selection of the intellectual horizon of the Greeks... The School thinks that the establishment of a Pedagogical Institute is a measure against the interests of higher education, especially against those of the School of Philosophy. Thus, it believes that this Institute is an attempt to strengthen primary education against secondary education" .22

The School of Philosphy of the University of Athens stayed loyal to its tradition of keeping the intellectual elite in a closed society and the mass of the people far away from educational benefits. Therefore, it reacted strongly against this educational reform.

Another group, who reacted similarly to the School of Philosophy was the 'Hetaeria Hellenon Philologon' (The Association of Greek

Philologists). The majority of its members were graduates of this

Philosophical School. In its memorandum to the 'Vole ton Hellenon kae tou Hellenikou Laou' (Greek Parliament and the Greek people) it stated:

"The educational measures which the Government intends to apply will bring a dangerous retrogression in national education and an undesirable lowering of national ideology. The upper three classes to which secondary education will be essentially confined, will be inadequate to fulfil their aims. The lower three classes will be schools of the lowest educational level, will operate with reduced impetus, and it will be impossible to give a national outlook and orientation to the ideal of Helleno-Christian civilisation. The use of translation of the ancient Greek texts represents a strange proposal unworthy of any attention. The establishment of a Pedagogical Institute is an unadapted importation of foreign educational institutions, which has as its purpose the satisfaction of several ambitious persons". 108

Thus the association of Greek Philologists repeated all the

arguments of the School of Philosophy more belicosely.

The Union of Teachers in Secondary Education in its memorandum

said:

"The upper cycle of secondary education limited to three years will find it impossible to fulfil its aims, and the teaching of ancient Greek texts will be made from the original in parallel with a good translation".2j

The Union of Inspectors of Secondary Schools at their congress

urged similar arguments to those of the School of Philosophy.

The School of Theology, the Theologists' Union and the 'Hiera

Synodos' (Holy Synod) of the Greek Orthodox Church submitted

their memoranda to the Greek Parliament with similar arguments to

those of the School of Philosophy of the University of Athens.

The School of Philosophy of the University of Thessalonike in its

memorandum to the Greek Parliament agreed with the educational

measures of the Government and expressed its satisfaction,

because it hoped for a renewal of life and vigour in education.26

The Association of Greek Mathematics at its congress expressed its opinions, as follows:

"The Association agrees that education has to be first of all humanist, based on Helleno-Christian civilisation. The educational structure will be primary education for six years, secondary education divided into two cycles of three years each, and we propose a preparatory class in the upper cycle for pupils who want to go on to higher education".27

For the better understanding. by the public of this educational 109

policy some conferences and lectures were promoted, together with

a few round-table discussions, which were reported by the mass

media. Many articles and comments were written in the newspapers

and magazines. This campaign was managed by E.Papanoutsos and

some eminent Temotikists%

In a reply to the memorandum of the School of Philosphy of the

University of Athens Professor N.Andriotes wrote: '"Gymnasia', as

they want them" - i.e. the professors of the Athenian School of

Philosophy - "have existed for about two centuries, but no

intellectual development of the Nation has occurred, because

these 'Gymnasia' have been instruments of a permanent linguistic

and intellectual parting of the educated few from the Nation,

from the masses, who were condemned by their intellectuals to

become an illiterate population without language".28 Professor

I.Kakrides added: "The new system .- constitutes.- the most

successful attempt to adhere to our long Greek tradition, and the 29 same time to respond to the concrete needs of our times".

M.Sakellariou wrote: "This reform restores education to the

people by the correct and just measures it takes"Y

The School. of Philosophy of the University of Thessalonike enthusiastically accepted the reform. The Union of Teachers in

Secondary Schools accepted these measures of educational policy

with special satisfaction, except the upper level of the 'Lyceum'

which it proposed should be extended to four years, and otherwise supported the reform. The Union of Teachers in Primary Education also enthusiastically accepted these measures and worked to support the policy. Therefore, from, the announcement of the new

measures or education by the Prim( ui to the tire the 110

Bill was enacted by Parliament many discussions took place

outside Parliament, which divided those speaking into two

alliances: supporters of this reform and its opponents, the

"anti-reformers".

After these controversial debates on government educational

policy, the Government introduced a Bill for the organisation and administration of General Education (primary and secondary).31

Debates Inside Parliament on the Education Reform of 1964

The figures who mainly prepared this policy and edited the Bill

were G.Papandreou as Prime Minister and Minister of Education,

L.Akritas as Deputy Minister of Education, and E.Papanoustsos as general secretary of the Ministry of Education. 2

G.Papandreou, a politician gifted with a talent for oratory, with a great experience in educational problems and an endless zeal for education, was the main agent of policy-making. He worked hard to communicate this spirit, of zeal for education to the hearts of the members of his party, and used his talent of oratorical speech in, parliamentary discussion to defend his

policy and support the Bill.

L.Akritas, the Deputy Minister of Education, represented the

Government in the debates regarding this educational Bill in parliamentary discussions and with a special love and feeling for education defended this educational reform.

E.Papanoustsos, "the architect o Luc: I nandreou reforms of 14A- 111

65",33 as he was regarded by some educationists, was the main theoretician of governmental policy, who worked at editing this

Bill.

Technical and managerial groups from, the State service were not formally involved in the process of educational policy-making.

These especially worked on the curriculum aspect and on the technological tasks. Most of the members of these groups were professors from the University of Thessalonike; all of them were

'Demotikistes'.

This reform was mainly based upon the principles of educational

'Demotikism'. Therefore, the language-problem had been made the main pivot of the contrary arguments on the reform inside

Parliament and outside.

The dabates on the educational Bill started with reading of its preamble. Amongst many clarifications of the Bill it was stated:

"Two measures of great significance for the Nation and society are legislated with this Bill: (a) Free Education in all levels of schools, and (b) the extension of compulsory education from six to nine years".4

The ERE right-wing conservative party reacted strongly against this reform in its activities, especially in relation to the language problem, which was connected with the ideology of

Helleno-Christian, civilisation and the curriculum.

The speakers in parliamentary discussions uses similar argument to the School of Ph fosphy of th(- Thivol i (:thens against this reform, against the way in which w -shf prepared, and 112 against the architects of the plan. Some of them criticised the

Government in the following terms: "the present government has not studied the educational problem in depth"35 and "it leaves education as it has always been".36

All of them recognised "the need of education for more money, more school—buildings, more teachers",37 but the measures of free education at all levels, and the extension of compulsory education, were characterised as demogogic measures, which the

Government used to distract public attention from the language— problem and obtain supporters in various quarters; "enticement is its political method".38 The party of ERE was "afraid that confusion will be great and that Greek education and consequently

Greek society in general will be involved in extensive

On the other hand, the EDA, a left—wing party, critically accepted that "... this Bill undoubtedly takes many steps in the correct direction",4° but, "It does not bridge the gap that exists in our education today. It is necessary to move faster and more decisively".41

Replies to both sides in the parliamentary discussions were given by the Deputy Minister of Education, who added: "This reform has been the product of a broad national and social need".42

After prolonged Parliamentary discussions during which there were presented many opposing arguments on ea(i side, the Government having the majority of seats in ParldLment enacted this Pill,

which beu-,r:H. Ptional. Act _..1I , Y` 113

6 The _Education Act of 1964

The Education Act of 1964 concerning the organisation and

administration of general education (primary and secondary) made

some new provisions for the Greek educational system, as 43 follows:

(a) Free education at all levels of State Schools.

(b) The extension of compulsory education from six to nine

years, from age 5 ; to 15. Compulsory education was to

comprise attendance at a primary school. and then at the

'Gymnasium' with either a classical or a vocational

orientation. Compulsory attendance for the upper six years

was to be introduced step-by-step by decree, as soon as the

necessary prerequisites for its implementation were

available (school-buildings, school-equipment, teachers,

transport for pupils).

(c) The division of secondary education into two self-contained

and independent units, viz, a 3-year non-selective

'Gymnasium' and a 3-year selective 'Lyceum'.

(d) The abolition of entrance examinations for the, 'Gymnasium',

but strict entrance examinations for the 'Lyceum'.

(e) The use of 'Demotike' (the popular form of the modern Greek

language) at all lever, of education. 'Demotike' was

especially to be the language of primary-school teaching: and

text-books.

(f) The 'Academaiko Apolyterio', a special certificate for the

admission of pupils to higher education. Pupils studyinr iL

the 'Lyceum' who wanted to o on to hiOler education had to 114

take a special examination in September' to obtain a

certificate of 'Academaiko Apolyterio', type A or B. To be

awarded the certificate, the candidates had to pass all the

specified subjects at one time. A pupil who obtained a type

A certificate could go to a Philosophy, Theology, or Law

School, while with type B, he or she could go to a Natural

Science, Medical, Agricultural, or Technical School.

(g) The extension of teacher-training studies from two-years to

three-years' attendance.

(h) The establishment of a Pedagogical Institute. This Institute

was a State Service under the control of the Minister of

Education. Its work would be: (i) Scientific research into

educational problems, both of theory and practice, (ii) The

further training of teachers in service at all levels of

schools, and (iii) Guidance to inspectors of schools in the

correct exercise of their duties.

7 Description of the Educational System after the Reforms of 1964

7.1 General Aims

As the Act made no special provision for new aims in education,

the aims remained those specified in the Constitution of 1952:

"The teaching of all schools, secondary and primary, aims at

moral and intellectual training and the development of the

national consciousness of the young on the principles of ideology 44 of Helleno-Christiar civilisation".

7.2 Administration

The syster of udministratior continued to be a centralised

system. The Minister of National rucat.ior and Reliflious Faiths was resporsibic or educ-, re :upervi itc

115

and control over schools through the Institute of Education,

three higher Educational. Councils, and general inspectors and

ordinary inspectors.

7.3 Finance

Free education at all levels was the most radical measure in this

reform, including free text-books.

7.4 Structure and Organisation

The structure and organisation of general education was as

follows:

Age 45 ;67 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 lb 17 18 19 20 21 22

Level 1 III

;Pre- 1 Stage ;School 1 1 Primary 2 Secondary 3 Higher 1 ;Pre- Compul.; Compulsory Post-Compulsory 1 1 1 ;Gymnasium 1

Lyceum 1

Teacher Training

University

There were two years of Kindergarten, which were voluntary,

toiiowed by six years of primary education. Pupils moved up

dutomatical irirough the system, with the' exception that an

examination p2a.,ed r promotion 11.111 yea r. 116

An examination was also taken before a pupil might graduate from the primary school and transfer to a 'Gymnasium'. There were

three years of education in a 'Gymnasium', at the end of which a student took a graduation examination. An entrance examination

was required for the 'Lyceum', where three-year courses were offered. Pupils who passed the graduation examination at the end of the 'Lyceum' might sit for a competitive examination taking a certificate, of the baccalaureate type, for entry to an institution of higher education. Higher-education courses lasted four to six years depending on the institution and the course of study being followed. The teacher-training courses lasted three years.

8 Responses to the Implementation of the_ Reform

An educational reform should properly be examined for the success or failure of its implementation a long time after it was passed into law. In Greek political life change of Government is a frequent phenomenon. Such political change usually carries with it change in any reform of education. The courageous reform in education, which G.Papandreou as Prime Minister had promised the

Greek people, even though he only had 53 percent of the vote in the General Election, met a similar fate.

In the report introducing, his Bill, which described the organisation and administration of general education, he wrote:

"The Government, faithful to its promise to the Greek people, intends tc bring before Parliament three educational bills: the first for general education in primary and secondary schools, the second for technical and vocational education, and the third for higher education".45 117

The Government intended to provide a comprehensive solution to

all educational problems. But, indeed, only the first of the

proposed Bills was passed into Law, because the other two were

never discussed in Parliament. In July 1965 G.Papandreou resigned

as Prime Minister, and the progress of educational reform was

immediately halted. The educational reform which had been

legislated for was put in dispute.

A few of the changes the mass of people accepted with great

satisfaction, other they accepted with some question, and a few

they received with anxious reserve. The changes which provoked

the strongest reaction were: the use of 'Demotike' (the popular

form of the modern Greek language) as the language at all levels

of education, and the use of translations of ancient Greek texts

in the 'Gymnasium'.

Both were linguistic questions which aroused the polemical

sharpness of two groups: the conservatives supported the

'Katharevousa' and the progressives supported the 'Demotike'.

During the preceding 70 years they had fought hard over which one

of them should be the language of the schools. The conservatives

claimed that 'Katharevousa' was the connnecting link between the

nation and its glorious past, and that its abandonment would cut

contemporary 'Hellenism' off from its great cultural tradition,

because Greeks would no longer be able to read the ancient

classics or the ecclesiastical texts. For this reason, they

argued that 'Katharevousa' should be the language of the schools,

except in the r first two or four classes of the pri m ary school

where the "popuir" hInrJac,e of the home woula be todert, 118

Ir contrast, the progressives considered 'Katharevousa' to be an

artificial form which removed the pupils from their natural

language, corrupted their linguistic sensitivities, and destroyed

their ability to express themselves. 'Demotike' was advocated,

not as the popular idiom, but because it was the living form of

the Grek language, as it had been cultivated and structured by

the established national writers. They demanded that 'Demotike',

should become the means of expression at all educational levels

so that it would finally be established as the sole language of

society and the state.46

The language problem had been the centre of national concern and

has constituted the major issue around which the educational

policy of the nation pivoted. Thus, it usually came to the point

that the solution of the language-problem was thought to be the

immediate solution of all the problems in education. History was

repeated at that time.247

The language problem had been raised by philologists, most of

them, graduates of the Philosophy School of the University

Athens. Both the Association of Greek Philologists, and the

School of Philosophy, worked, visibly or invisibly, to keep the

mass of people far away from educational matters and to be

themselves the makers of educationa] policy, remote from the

actual and serious problems in education that afflicted the

State.

In 1961, there were 1,200,006 Ihte rtes cue 2,031,600 the semi- literates, who had not Lihishes r.rim cr-y school, in betel 119 population of 6,887,100 aged ten and over.48 For these people there was no provision in the Education Act of 1964.

The post-war reforms in education in Western European countries regarding the extension of compulsory education influenced the thinking of educationists and reformers in Greece very little.

When the liberal party EK was in power, its most progressive measure in education was the extension of compulsory education from six to nine years. But although it enacted the relevant

Article 4 of the 1964 Act the Government postponed its implementation. The extension of compulsory education by three years was to be imposed step-by-step, as the provision of school- buildings, school equipment, teachers, and the arrangements for the movement of pupils permitted.

The political parties and the groups who had the power to influence educational policy, agreed with this proposal. The

Union of Inspectors of Secondary Education wrote:

"The extension of compulsory education from six to nine years is enthusiastically welcomed. But this measure must be implemented step-by-step, expecially in the rural areas".49

The Union of Teachers in Secondary Education agreed with such a pattern of implementation. The pioneer of this reform,

E.Papanoutsos, a well-known educationist and the general secretary of the Ministry of Education, wrote, "The implementation of this reform must be step-by-step".5°

In the preamble to this article he have more details:

"We think, that the time has. come to make a step towards nine years' compulsory education. Of course not immediately, but propreasively, startin from the urban cot tre L,L 120

step-by-step to small towns and rural villages. We should start, as is self-evident, from the urban centres of the country, where the need for better education, universal education and more methodical vocational education become day-by-day more apparent".51

This policy may have been correct, but this should not necessarily be assumed without scrutiny. One has to ask how long it was expected to be before buildings and teachers could be made available, and also how long the Government could expect tc stay in power. In such circumstances, such a measure for universal education and better education, applied in stages, was no more realistic than reforms legislated for since 1834, which had never beer applied.52 Also the measure extending attendance from two or three years at teacher training colleges in the 1937 Act had never been implemented.53 Therefore, this order gave to all children the hope of enjoying an education, but immediately this hope was converted to an unrealised dream.

The ruling class accepted the need for the extension of compulsory education, after the large scale educational reforms in other European countries, but complicated its implementation so that the children from hill villages lacked the opportunity to enjoy educational facilities.

Even so, in the first year of operation of the reformed school system, there was a rapid increase in the registration of pupils in class A of the 'Gymnasium', from 76,791 pupils in the school year 1963/64 to 104,481 pupils in 1964/65. But as about 125,000 pupils who finished primary school, about 20 percent of the total of. qualified pupils did not go to the 'Gytr,naiumi. 121

The abolition of the entrance examination to the 'Gymnasium' encouraged pupils to register in the first class of the

'Gymnasium', but the strict examination system from class to class limited the effectiveness of removing the entrance examination. Out, of 104,481 pupils who registered in class A, only 80,359 pupils were promoted into class B. After that, the next school year 1965/66 was marked by a decrease to 97,1524 pupils entering class A.54

The abolition of entrance examinations had been seen as an essential popular measure so that all children should enjoy the facilities of universal education. Through the strict internal examination-system, the classical character of secondary education was preserved as the preparation of an intellectual rr elite, which had been a unpopular measure in educational policy.

The School of Philosophy of the University of Athens thought of the abolition of entrance examinations as the measure that had changed the character of secondary education and brought a retrogression in national education. In its memorandum it said:

"The abolition of entrance examinations into the 'Gymnasium', with a transposition of the entrance examination to entry to the 'Lyceum', limits secondary education to the upper three classes. This means a retrogression in education. Schools particularly demand the attention of responsible persons".5

The Association of Greek. Philologists in its memorandum stated:

"This educational measure will bring a retrogression in the education of the Nation and an undesirable lower- in, of national ideology. The 'Lyceum', to which seconda ry education is essentially limited cannot fulfil 122

The Union of inspector of Secondary of Education thode -ft that this measure "will reduce the level of secondary education and will bring damage to education".57

Some teachers of primary and secondary schools, especially those working in Athens and Thessalonike, were strong opponents of the removal of entrance examinations to the 'Gymnasium', because all of them gave private lessons in pupils' homes to prepare them for the examination. Thus, this popular measure in education had a number of repercussions as legislated by the Government and attracted many opponents, so that its implementation was circumscribed from the first year.

However, the strict entrance examination to the 'Lyceum' had many supporters, and the 'Lyceum' continued to produce an intellectual elite. Most of the opponents thought that the extension of compulsory education, with the abolition of the entrance examination to the 'Gymnasium' would remove from the 'Gymnasium' its selective character and that it would become a popular school, despite the existence of the 'Lyceum', where the application of a strictly selective system would preserve the classical character of the upper secondary school.

In contrast with the disagreements over entrance examinations, most groups and persons agreed with the division of secondary education into two units. The preamble to the 1964 education Act gave the social reason for advocating the division as follows: "About this division of the six-year 'Gymnasium', there is no need to speak extensively. Such a monolithic type of school is socially and eCucAi ,...,,t iv nisadvantaGeous".58

Then 0'1 123

pupils from class to class and concluded:

"Two-third of all pupils in the 'Gymnasium' attend the three first classes (A,B,C) and only one third of them the top three classes (D,E,F,). The D class has half the number of pupils that registered in class A".59

These documents noted that half of all pupils left. the

'Gymnasium' after the third year, and the report gave an explanation:

"Greek families of the middle class have not enough income to give more and better education to their children".60

The division was strongly supported by the Union of Teachers in

Secondary Schools, because with it the number of posts of Head- master doubled. This union made a major proclamation to influence educational policy, and thought the division an opportunity for the promotion of its members to the official grade of Headmaster.

Even so, this division caused many problems to the normal operation of schools.

9 Evaluation of the 1964 Reform

It is strange that this reform of 1964, with the division of the six-year secondary school, introduces the 6-3-3 structure of schools, which was established in the period immediately before and after World War Il in several countries, whereas in the

1960's the most fruitful, socially desirable and democratic school appeared in some countries to be the comprehensive school.

There was not any discussion of such schools by Greek reformers, educationists and politicians. This division of the years in the

'Gymnasium' was accepted by all persons and groups who were able to influence educational policy. Therefore this structure of schools came into effect in the Greek e6ucational system. 124

A new selective method for admission to schools of higher education which introduced a special certificate, the 'Academaikc

Apolyterio', was generally accepted as satisfactory. The old selective system according to which each pupil had to be examined in a special examination at each school had many disadvantages.

Thus, a special examination for obtaining a certificate of

'Academaiko Apolyterio' attempted to give equal opportunity to all pupils to enter into schools of higher education.61 This measure was satisfactorily applied.

All groups accepted the extension of attendance at Training

Colleges for primary school teachers. But opponents had some doubts as to whether the teachers, after three years' attendance in college, would accept their appointment to schools in hill villages.

The measures for free education at all levels were enthusiastically welcomed by the political parties, educationists, reformers, groups and persons. The Government it the preamble to the Bill, stated:

"A free education originates from the conviction that the foundations and the guarantee of Democracy are equal opportunity in education for all citizens".62

The Prime Minister Papandreou in his speech said:

"I declare that the Government will not spare money to give a worthy education to the Greek people".6

G.Kasimatis, who had been the rlinister of Edu( on o the right- wing conservative party, gave a rejoinder to this dec2biration, a c follows: 125

"Free education at all levels was not only in the programme of the ERE, but was also one of their acts... I was the first to support an increase in the credit granted of 15 percent of the total budget. But, where do you find the money ?"64

The speakers of the ERE in parliamentary debates recognised "the need for more money for education"; but , "the measure of 'dorean paedeia' was characterised as a demogogic governmental measure 65

The Government kept its promise to the Greek people and significantly increased the salary of teachers and the grants to schools at all levels in the first year of implementation of this reform. In 1965 the credit granted to the Ministry of Education was 3,819 million drachmes, which was 12.2 percent of the total budget of 33,923 million drachmes.66 Therefore, a free education at all levels in Greek education had become a reality, an important acquisition of the people, which was retained.

Expenditure at all levels of the educational services, from the

Kindergarten to the University, was covered.

Special priority was given by the Ministry of Education to the immediate writing of new text-book in Temotiker, in accordance with the education law of 1964 and decree No.651/17th Ocotober,

1964. A feverish activity took place in the Ministry of

Education, with the help of the Pedagogical Institute, at the beginning of the new school year, when some new text-books were published and sent to the schools. In a few days the new text- books, especially the grammar and history text-books for the first class of the 'Gymnasium', became the pivot on which opposition turned. 1'n tj kel, cc text-Uoc, 125

because they introduced into the Greek language solecisms, vulgar idioms, and the hidden intentions of the reform.

The fight against the implementation of this reform to solve the language problem continued. After the resignation of G.Papandreou as Prime Minister, in 1966, a new minority Government was formed by the 'Apostates' - defectors from the late governing party who 67 were supported by the ERE.

After the Papandreou's resignation, the Ministry of Education

E.Sabbopoulos gave orders to the Committee to investigate whether the text-books published in 1964 by the "Organismo Ekdoseon

Scholikon Biblion" (Organisation of Publishing School-books), were useful or should be destroyed.66

So the hopeful, courageous reform in education, which began in

1964, and was intended to give a global solution of the problems of Greek education, was halted immediately on the resignation of

G.Papandreou as Prime Minister, and was altogether nullified when a Military Juntc seized power it Greece,

In the next chapter an analysis will be made of how the Military

Junta were able to pass legislation which nullified the trends of development established by the 1964 Reform, 127

CHAPTER V

EDUCATION ON A BACKWARD COURSE: THE PERIOD OF DICTATORSHIP 1967-74

1 Greece Under the Military Junta

On 21st April, 1967 the Military Junta seized power in a coup d'etat, and with the proclamation of martial law stopped all political activity. The political parties, Parliament, and the

Government were abolished. Several articles of the Constitution were suspended. Many people were arrested, and a feeling of dread spread to all Greeks.

Education was rigorously controlled, the reform of 196)4 was abolished, and new reforms were legislated. An attempt will be made to investigate politics during the dictatorship, and educational policy in this period especially the reforms of 1967 and 1970, the educational plan of 1971-73 emphasising the restriction of compulsory education, of the method of admission into secondary and higher education and of free education.

Finally the students' movevement against the Regime will be examined; it was the beginning of the collapse of the Regime with a strong influence or the political sector of Greece.

On 21st April 1967, a military junta consisting of a few junior army officers, mostly colonels, determined to enact a NATO plan for countering Communist revolution, seized power in a coup d'etat, overthrowing the legitimate Government, and imposed a dictatorship.1

The Colonels' coup came aP a surprise to evenone who had not Peen privy to the , rot :(ohjety- olt 126

who had contrived it (IDEA)02

Their success dependend on the acquiescence of General

Spandidakis, Chief of the General Staff, whose confirmation of an

order to activate a NATO plan for countering Communist revolution a was what geve the conspirators their initial hold on power.

The young King Constantine subsequently also decided to accept a

Government which possessed a window-dressing of civilian

ministers. General Spandidakis, no doubt, shared in the distrust of the electoral process which had been scheduled for May, 1967, and inspired the colonels to stage their coup d'etat. The King, if forced to choose between revolutionaries of the right and

revolutionaries of the left, probably preferred the former.

Having fallen into the hands of armed, determined men who cut them off from all communication with others, "the most responsible figures in the army, the King, and the generals found themselves stripped of their rank".3

Early on the night of 21st Aprii 1967, the army, with its

machines and modern armoury, which had been paid for by the Greek

people and the NATO alliance, chained up the Greek people and imposed a dictatorship.

Some of the first measures of the military Junta were, the prohibition or leaving home, which applied to everyone, and the stopping of any communication amongst people, on the grounds that

"during the night an immediate nationGi danger had appeared and

King Constantine and the governmeni. of LKanellopoulos had asked 129 for the intervention of the army". These measures were announced at the same time as the news of the coup was on the radio. They introduced martial law, in the whole country; they suspended some of the articles of the Constitution,5 and therefore the constitutional and legislative authority that had been exercised by the Government.6 They abolished the legal Government and the

Greek Parliament.? A new Government comprising some judges of the

Supreme Court and some precursors of the Military Junta was sworn in by the King.

On the day of the coup, the anonymous new rulers proclaimed:

"Who are we? We belong to no political party and are not disposed to favour one political group over another. We belong to the working class and we remain on the side of our brother Greeks who are least well-off. We are activated solely by patriotic aims and we hope to abolish deprivation, to cleanse public life-. and to create a healthy basis so that the country may quickly return to a normal parliamentary life... Out essential object is social justice, equitable distribution of income, the moral and material resurrection of all society and particularly of the peasants, the workers, and the poorest classes".8

The man who eventually emerged as dominant. among the conspirators was Colonel G.Papadopoulos with his two close collaborators

Brigadier-General S.Patakos an0 Colonel N.Makarezos.

The military Junta abolished the political parties, prohibited any political activity, muzzled the press and the media of communication. Any political evolution was seemingly stopped. The numerous arrests of political figures, the severe penalties of the Courts Martial, and the strict controls on the public and private life of Greeks spread a feeling, of fear and dread in each citizen. A few people were satisfied, hecaus( the coui. 'Lac -avec

c t t nor:. uni;:t 130

apathetically accepted it, while most people accepted it with great reservations. Thus, the Greeks endured the colonels' coup without any evident reaction.

Many questions have been asked about how the Colonels' Coup came to be so successful. It would appear that many factors, positive and negative, visible and invisible, contributed to the success of this coup d'etat. The most positive factors were (a) the

King's deviation from the Constitution on 15th July, 1965,

(b) the placing of Spandidakis, a member of the IDEA, as the

Chief of the General Staff, (c) the foreign factor (CIA), (d) the anniversary-commemoration of the army officers, ( e ) the propaganda of the right-wing newspapers, and (f) the delicate balance of power between the two large political parties, the ERE conservative party and the EK party.9

This military Junta, independently of the factors which contributed to the success of the coup, ruled Greece until 20th

July 1974, when it fell, owing to national. unrest caused by the

Junta which had an immediate influence on all sectors of Greek life.

This Junta not only lacked any popular base in 1967; it was not even able to win one after its seizure of power. The Colonels failed to build the totalitarian structures for mobilising the masses which would have given a fascist character to their rule.

Because of this failure, the Junta had to operate more or less in a social vaeuu Having no mass, base and no stronp roots either- in the towns or the countryside, in ar atmosphere of inerea 131 social discontent, it position became more and more precarious.

Despite the absence of serious armed resistance, when pressures from below increased, the Junta had no means of dealing with them. It could not resort to more repression, since it lacked the means, a mass organisation, for embarking on a process of wholesale totalitarian mobilisation. Neither was it able to deal with social discontent through a genuine opening up of the system.10

Passive rejection by the masses was the main reason for the failure of Papadopoulos' attempt at liberalisation in 1973. On top of this failure and the growing economic. crisis came the

Athens Polytechnic massacre on 17th November 1973. Intra-Junta fighting then resulted in the fall of Papadopoulos and the rise of Ioannides to the rickety pinnacle of power.

All these developments accentuated the structural instability of the Regime, by cutting it off even further from any popular support. Its isolation meant that, increasingly, there was no correspondence whatsoever between developments in civilian society and the growing in-fighting between army cliques within the State; the base of the Regime, already narrow, kept shrinking.

From the point, of view of this internal dynamic,

"The Cyprus adventure can be seen as a desperate last-ditch attempt by the Ioannides Junta tc, consolidate its precarious position by gaining popular support, through a nationalistic triumph". 11 132

When the foolishness and miscalculation of this move brought the

Greek army to the brink of a disastrous war with Turkey, a war which, both materially and politically, it was not prepared to fight, the immediate response of the General Staff Was to dissociate itself from the Junta. For ever if an eventual war had resulted in stalemate, the mass conscription of an already disenchanted populace might have led to a situation where not only army dominance, but even bourgeois rule itself might have been threatened.

"The leaders of the armed forces, therefore, swallowed their pride and turned to Karamanlis for exactly the same reason that both the 'big' and to 'little' Junta had decided to put an end to the growing power of parliament in 1967: namely, in order to preserve the powerful position of the Army intact".12

Thus, the dictatorship of the military Junta ruled Greece for about seven years, strictly controlling Greek society in all sectors of public and private life, abolishing the political parties, and prohibiting any political activity. This junta seized power with the two 'big lies': first, that "Greece was in national. danger and the Government had asked for the intervention of the Army", and secondly, "the salvation of the country t- x- cm

who was plotting against the social and political stability of Greece".13 It was sustained by the tolerance and acquiescence of the Chief of the General Staff and the King, and the support of some personalities of one extreme right-wing party. It fell after its national fiasco in Cyprus.

Educational Policy of the iirrie

The effects of the military Junta) on education were direct ;m0 vigorous. They included (i) the control of teachers at :1i 133 educational levels from Kindergarten to University, (ii) the abolition of the educational reforms of 1964, (iii) the educational reform of 1967, which returned education to the pre-

1964 situation and (iv) the reform of 1970.

The primary measures comprised severe control of teachers.

Teachers at, all levels in the Greek educational system were State employees, who occupied permanent positions protected by the

Greek Constitution,14 except for about 8% of them who worked in private schools.

So, the military Junta immediately passed a series of legislative measures which abolished the constitutional protection of State employees and then dismissed some teachers at all levels from their posts, A few of them were transferred from a permanent post in one school to another school, with the threat of more severe action. A teacher (a State employee), "who.- continued with political activity against the Regime, or did not display proper acceptance of it, could be removed from his duties for six months. If any teacher repeated this so that he was awarded another six months 'retirement', then he could be dismissed". -

The Junta issued a Constitutional Act which prohibited any appeal by State employees to the High Administrative Court for an administrative decision after 21st April 1967.16

Soon after it amended the Emergency Law No 516/1948, which was issued during the Civil War, and defined the control of State employees, putting limits on their activity and ,rnriediaely 134

Constitutional Act,18 it suspended for four months the life- tenure of appointments enjoyed by judges of the Administrative

Court and the permanent tenure of appointments enjoyed by all.

State employees and University professsors. At this time a

Minister could remove or demote any person on his permanent staff.

Special measures were introduced to control university professors,19 especially the election of new professors.2L About sixty university professors were dismissed from service, apparently for lack of patriotism or lack of professional. ability.21 For more vigorous control and supervision in the universities a Governmental Guardian, usually a retired Army

General, was appointed to each university.22

The elected councils of all associations were abolished by the

Emergency Law,23 and persons having the absolute confidence of the Regime were appointed to such positions. Later, when allowed, the election of the associations was under the strict control of the appointed corps. Associations affected by these controls the

Federation of Teachers in Primary choois (DOE), the Federation of Teachers in Secondary Schools, (OLME), and the University

Students' Union (EFEE), each of which were represented by persons who were appointed or proposed for election by the Regime.

After that, most teachers in the universities, secondary schools and primary school: who were accepted for work expressed no opposition; to thc Regime. Ai teachers were distingcished as advocates of the '?gime. These persons. held the top p 135

each level of education, such as members of the Athens Academy,

or Head of the University, or General Supervisor of Inspectors of

Schools. Within their talent for rhetoric and thier knowledge

they zealously praised the "revolution of 21st April", with such

phrases as, "... The wisdom of our ancestors is incorporated in the spirit of 21 st April.- the whole of the world must bless the date 21 st April", (from the speech of S.Marinatos, member of the

Athens Academy at the first celebration of the military revolution in the academy),24

"-.We supported with the greated sympathy and understanding the change of 21 April 1967, and we felt the greated satisfaction",25

(from the speech of G.Rammos, head of Athens University),

"—We have the duty to help the National Government, because it is a matter of the progress of our Nation"..., (from the speech 26 of K.Gkanatsou, head of the Thessalonike University),

"-.The revolution of 21 April is dogma and faith, idea and action, vision and reality, and institution of the Helleniko-

Christian ideal.." (from the speech of D.Koutalos, lecturer at the Teacher Training College, and later the general supervisor of the Ministry of Education).

Such expressions were obligator for teachers aspiring to high office under the Regime, and indicate the control which was exercised over senior teachers at all levels. After this strict control the teachers, the military Junta started its

"national-saviour work" in educarj, J.-- It, anoiihed the

PedaNicL:, Institute, ar Ire 136

Minister of Education, which was established by the reform of

1964, and it enacted a new reform in education.29

3 The Reform of 1967

Emergency Law 129/1967 was the legislative basis for the educational reforms the Junta introduced in 1967. The reform concerning the organisation and administration of general education (primary and secondary) established a few new institutes, but mainly was a reaction against the reform of 1964

and a retrogression to the pre-reform situation.

(1) Free education was kept at all levels of State schools.

(2) For pre-school education the Kindergarten was established

for all children of age 3z to 4 years old.

(3) The primary school remained with six classes.

(4) The 'Gymnasium' consisted of six classes divided into two

cycles, lower and higher, with three classes at each cycle.

(5) Compulsory education was reduced to the six years from 6 to

12 years old, including attendance at the primary school.

(6) Entrance to the first class of the 1 Gyrianpium' was

determined by the entrance examination of pupils who had

finished the primary school.

(7) The use of the 'Demotike' language was restricted to the

three first classes, of the primary school. 'Katharevoasa'

was restored in the fourth and upper classes of primary and

secondary schools.

(8) Attendance at the Teacher Training College was reduced to

two years.

(9) The Pedaugicai Institute wa abolished, and a new couneiJ 13'1

of education, the Higher Educational Council, was

established.

(10)For teachers post-graduate studies two institutions were

established: (a) the Post-Graduate Institute of Primary

Teachers, and (b) the Post-Graduate Institute of Secondary

Teachers.

(11)For the selection of school inspectors, it was legislated

that a teacher, whether having post-graduate qualifications

or not, could be promoted to school inspector.

Thus, with the legislation of this educational reform, education returned to the situation that it had been in before the reform of 1964, except for the establishment of the Kindergarten for all children at the first level of education.

4 Supporters of the Reform

The Minister of Education K.Kalampokias stated in his announcement of the Education Act that,

"It is true, education suffered a serious shock in recent times mainly in its orientation to the values of Helleno- Christian civilisation, the polite tradition of the Nation and of language teaching... Thus the aim of this educational law is that education should return to the correct way... It is explained that the aims of general education are to provide education in accordance with the ideals of Helleno- Christian civilisation and to educate pupils to be able to fulfil their obligations as human beings and citizens of the Greek national society".30

Later the new Minister of Education and theoretician of the

Regime, T.Papakonstantinos said,

"We cannot believe that the educational retorrk (1904) went astray for reasons of conservatism or lack of the sense of reality. The National Government does not ec tu ck. It aims at the future with a full cohsci(mcness of the reality and the claims, of life. But. the Pond of tradition with the present j 11,1 138

better future".31

The Prime Minister, the dictator G.Papadopoulos, in his speech at the University of Thessalonike said,

"I appeal to you, the teachers of our Nation... The teachers will have to be the guides of the Nation, the guides of the attempt at reforming and changing human mentality... We have to guide the young into the right way... Let the Greek intellectual be the guide of Greek society... so that Greece will be again the cradle of Helleno-Christian civilisation".32

A Later in a, assembly of primary and secondary teachers in Athens he said,

"...I have to explain the serious obligation which you have to our Nation and the inheritance which you have from it... I think that each teacher has full consciousness of his obligation and duty to history... You have witnessed a deviation of the young from the correct way... We are responsible, we have been carried away from our function... It is time to obtain a correct consciousness of our function... You are obliged to give yourselves for the salvation of the country".33

The appointed or elected members of Unions of Teachers in Primary and Secondary Schools expressed only paeans of praise for the

Regime and its educational reforms.

"The Greek teachers feel a sacred obligation tc express their thanks to the National Government for its great interest in education and declare that they will continue to work for the success of its pursuit by the Nation".34

"Let the National Government be assured that the teachers stand by its side and will be the best representatives of its restorative work in the territory of the State".3,

"United and obedient to the voice of Greece we face our highest duty".36

"The sun of 21st April illuminates our way".37

"In primary .school: especially large task has Leen fulfilled: the faith of teacher:- tr the ideal:: of Helie.no- Christinn civilisation, if cdue-0 ewf f unction, is restored"., 139

Jr order to keep their salary the majority of teachers, in secondary schools were compelled not, only to suffer all humiliations in silence, but also to "utter hymns of praise".39

The appointed or elected administrators of their Teachers' Union always expressed thanks in paeans of praise such as the following;

"In recent years some teachers forgot their function and they did not attempt to cultivate the soul of their pupils... They presented to the pupils the failure of ideals, as modern... Today this danger is avoided, since the breeze of national saviours sterilizes the infectious atmosphere" .40

"After the shock the young sustained before 21st April 1967, we have the sacred and great duty of conveying. to them love for their country".41 "The National Government attempted to find the real reason for our whole misfortune._ Let all of us contribute to the great, national attempt at renaissance".42

"The 48th General Assembly of the Union of Teachers in Secondary Schools express their deep gratitude to the Prime Minister G. Papadopoulos".43

After this strict. control of the teachers, the prohibition of any independent expression of thought through the mass media of communication, and the frequent propaanda of the military Junta with its supporters, the reform of 1967 had full implementation.

Any reaction against the reform was impossible.

Later, when the Regime decided give some liberty to the people, it presented a new reform it 1970.

5 The Reform of 1970

The reform of 1970, which was passed as hducatii,t Act No.651/28-

8-1970, introduce( changer in th( aorini rtratior of education 1 240 the situation of teachers servic e.44 The organisation, administration and control of education were to be exercised by the Ministry of National Education and Religious Faiths. A Higher

Educational Council, (AES), to aid the Minister in exercising the administration and supervision of Education, also to fulfil an advisory function on educational problems was established. For primary and secondary education, the country was divided into ten regions, each headed by an educational counsellor, who was a member of the Higher Educational Council. Under him there were a supervisor of primary schools and a supervisor of secondary schools with their substitutes. These regions were subdivided into 61 prefecture-districts of secondary schools and 56 prefecture-districts of primary schools under prefecture- inspectors. These prefecture-districts of primary schools were divided into 120 districts under inspectors who performed administrative, supervisory and advisory functions and made sure that the official school-curriculum, drawn up and approved by the

Ministry of Education, was being applied. Inspectors were also responsible for supervising private schools in their regions.

Also, the reform established 65 special inspectors of lessons under the supervisor of secondary schools. Thus, control of the school teachers was exercised by many persons. Head-teachers, inspectors, prefecture-inspectors, supervisors, educational counsellors, and the Minister of Education were all involved in the control of primary schools. Headmasters, prefecture- inspectors, special inspectors, supervisors, educational counsellors, and the Minister of Education controlled secondary schools. 1)41

6 A Reversion to the Situation Prior to the Reform of 1964

In Greek educational history it isusua] phenomenon, when a reform is legislated, for it to be followed by a counter-reform like a repeated pattern, action and reaction. "When a political group succeeds in a reform, then another political group tries to upset it when it comes to power".45

The reforms of the military Junta were a reaction (counter- reform) against the progressive reform of 1964. This reaction was most radical, because the reform of 1964 had been most popular.

The reform of 1967 aimed at the absolute abolition of the reform of 1964 despite the usufulness of those measures and their results in education

(1)Compulsory attendance was reduced to six years. The extension of compulsory attendance legislated by the liberal party of EK in the reform of 1964 was abolished. That had been a conquest of the people for better and more education according to the social, political, and economic needs of society.

(2) The entrance exminatior into the f rst class of the

Gymnasium was reinstated.

(3)The division of secondary education into two was restored in the six years 'Gymnasium'. Thus, education of the mass,- of people was reduced to six years, and the 'Gymnasium' was restored to its, pre-reform position as the school which prepared pupils for higher education.

(4) The us, 142

of the primary school and 'Katharevousa' was restored at all

levels of education. The language problem continued its

alternating role 'Demotike/Katharevousa' in this counter-reform,

(5) The text-books which were written in 'Demot ke' were

withdrawn and the old-text books in 'Katharevousa' returned to

the schools.

(6) The use of translations of ancient Greek texts at the

'Gymrosium' was abolished and the reading of ancient. Greek texts

was resumed.

(7)The 'Academaikc Apolyterio', certificate for entrance into

higher education, was abolished and a new examination system was

legislated. But the certificate of 'Koenonikon Fronematon' as an

indispensable qualification for entry into higher education

reappeared.

(8)The attendance at a Teacher-Training College was reduced to

two. year from the three years that wa levislated the reform

of 1964.

(9) The Pedagogical Institute was abolished, and Higher

Educational Council was established.

(10) Free common meals for pupils at primary schools were

abolished.

(11) Free education at all levelL: remained, includid4 fl-e( 1_.(ex1.- 143 books at all levels.

7 A Cnitioal Assessment on the _Reform of 1967 and 1970

These reforms reinstated a system of education that was contrary to the social, economic and technological needs of Greek society.

But the supporters and theorists of the military Junta tried to justify the retrogression in education in the most peculiar way, e.g. that "the reform was a linkage of tradition with the present".47 In this way maybe the reduction of compulsory education from nine to six years represented the tradition of poor people remaining illiterate or semi-literate!

The School of Philosphy of the University of Athens, the School. of Theology, the Greek Orthodox Church and some associations of teachers who fought hard against the reform of 1964, accepted this reform with the greatest satisfaction, as "the salvation of

Greek society".

The persons who had worked. for the reform of 1964 were consistently presented by the Regime as, communists and individuals dangerously destructive to Greek society. Although the military Junta declared that; we belong to the working- class and we remain on the side of our brother Greeks who are least well-off",48 the education of the poorer children was limited to six years. No provision was made for poor pupils who had finished the primsny school. For these children it, was

"tradition" to go to work on a farm or as shepherds in their fathers' worn.

hut Ph, 1 414

their children had grown and the number of pupils registering in the first. class of the 'Gymnasium' had increased despite the new measures of education and the reintroduction of entrance examinations.49 There was, however, a truly large number of pupils who stopped their studies with the end of primary school.

These children did not enjoy complete education at this time.

Some other pupils stopped attendance at the primary school before finishing the whole course there.

The entrance examination into the first class of the 'Gymnasium' and the selective internal examination-system restored to the

'Gymnasium' its old reputation as a preparatory school for higher education. This education was only for the elite.

The entrance examination to higher education was a combination of old and new methods: These examinations were conducted in certain cities simultaneously for all pupils under the supervision of professors of the university and teachers from secondary schools.

The lessons were defined for each school or group of similar schools. From the general marks. in these lessons which each pupil received, and his individual preference, he could be registered in a particular schoo1.5° In this way it was common to all children and accepted by all people. The most unpopular measure was the certificate ikoenoroiL-..or fronematon' as an indispensable qualification or entrar c: into tripper education.

This measure had first beer legislated, durinh the Civil War and divided pupils into two groups, communist and anti—communlot. The military Junta 'droug.ht. bac* this measure to control nulitic lil

ideology and secure obedience to tri(- J

145

Free education, as a popular measure which covered expenditure on

education at all levels, remained under this Regime and was

extended to cover expenditure on text-books. But the credit

granted to the Ministry of Education diminished from 12.2 percent,

of the total Budget. in 1965, to 8.4 percent in 1969 and 8.1

percent in 1971.51 The HEIDE (National Centre of Programme and

Research) at that. time wrote:

"The credit granted to the Ministry of Education increased about 2 percent of the total annual domestic product in the last five years; against 6 percent in the EEC countries, it was exceptionally the attainment of technical progress, economic growth, social equilibrium and the development of the national culture through improvement in the quality of the human factor all presuppose increased capital for expenditure on education".52

The supporters and theorists of the military Regime especially

approved the ideology of this reform as correctly based on the

ideals of Helleno-Christian civilisation, in order to achieve

"the Greece of Greek-Christians". A fundamental component in this

pursuit of the Helleno-Christian civilisation was a pathological

persistence in the Greek historical inheritance. The original

texts of the ancient. Greel< authors wero toe only correct way to

teach pupils about ti-.e huLah civilisatior of ancient Greece.

Therefore the study of ancient Greek texts started from the first

class of the 'Gymnasium'. The learning of 'Katharevousa' started

from the fourth class of the primary school. The text-books which

were written 'Dem were wil inrawn, and th5' 01(.

curriculum, with text-books of the period before the reform of

19624, ]d:. 'reu y []l, bac. into cho, [

r ror full impiemer ion of the._ pr: e 001 -] is 1 116 teachers were obliged tc start the school day by singing the common prayer and national hymn and raising the national flag.

Every Sunday pupils, accompanied by teachers, went to Church services to get used to pray to God from this early age, as

"Greek-Christians". The strict control over the teachers and their work in schools by a number of inspectors and "secret agents of the Regime", together with an austere discipline of pupils in schools, attempted to "educate the pupils to be able to fulfil their obligation as human beings and citizens of the society of the Greek Nation".53

8 Educ_ationai elan for Reform of 1973

In 1971 the military Junta wanted to give some liberties to the people and democratise the Regime. At that time a few former politicians began some discussions with Papadopoulos, the Prime

Minister, on political evolution into a democratic State.

In the educational reforms of 1967 and 1970, the policy maker was essentially the Minister of Education., with a few anonymous officials of the Ministry of Education. In June 1971, the Prime

Minister appointed a Committee. of Education, which comprised six university professors (three from the University of Thessalonike, one from the EMP, one from the University of Athens, one from the

ASOEE), five educationists (among them two members of the AES), and one industrialist,54 to "...study the general guidelines of educational policy..." and "to of er proposals or, the various specific educational issues.- in order to formulate a health'

National Educational policy for the coming fifteen years".5'i

These speei eauc Iron 1)47

compulsory education to post-graduate studies, and included;

"(a) The structure of general, vocational and higher education,

(b) the aims of education, (c) the curriculum, (d) compulsory education, (e) the relation between each level of education, and

the most, appropriate method of selection for each further level of education, (f) the needs of education for school buildings, equipment, and free education, (g) the language of education,

(h) the method of selecting teachers and their training, (i) the text-books, and. (j) everything else that the committee will find

necessary for the formulation of a comprehensive National

Educational. policy".56

In the study of the problems of each educational level the committee was to be helped by three special sub-committee:

(1) for higher education, (2) for general education, and (3) for vocational education. All three sub-committees were appointed by the Minister of Education.57

The sub-committee for general education comprised only educationists, mainly teachers and school- rspectors: too of kindergarten, two of primary, six of secondary, anc one of

private education.5b The committee submitted its detailed and elaborate findings to the Prime Minister in October 1973.59

The committee set out proposals which envis ed ar educatio Oc system as described here.

6.1 General Aims

The aims of Greek education must be the rouru 146 the personality of the young people of Greece, the creation of responsible citizens, honourable men, capable producers of a higher level. of material and intellectual life in the principles of Christianity and according to the values of classical studies, humanity, freedom, justice, health, moderation, good, and. human dignity.60

Structure and Organisation

Pre-school education should be available, mainly at the kindergarten, from age three years and six months. Attendance should be voluntary. Primary school should be compulsory for six or eight years from age five years and six months. The

'Gymnasium' should be for six years, divided into two cycles. The lower cycle should consist of the two first classes, A and B.

Continuous attendance at this cycle should be compulsory. Pupils who had finished six years primary school should register at the lower secondary school without any entrance examination. In the places where it was impossible to establish a 'Gymnasium', the two classes should be added to the eight year primary school. The higher cycles should comprise four classes, C, D, E and F. The pupils who had finished the lower cycle should register in class

C after a special entrance examination. C ass C should be uniform for all pupils who had registered. From class D studies should be divided into four categories, general 'Gymnasium' with a uniform programme of studies, and three special schools, 'Classikon',

'Thetikon', sac 'Synchronon Liymnasi un .61 For vocational education there should he introduced three types of school, lower, middle, and Giigher vocational schools.62 149

1 1 Age 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11;12 13 : 14 15 16 17 18 119 20 21 22 23

Level I II III

Pre- Stage School 1 Primary 3 Secondary 4 Higher

Pre- Compul. Compulsory ;Post-Compulsory 1

Demotiko 1 Gymnasium 1 Technical Vocational School

Higher Education

A strict examination system at the higher level of the

'Gymnasium' was proposed. Pupils who had finished the lower level

should pass a special entrance examination for registration in the higher level, and there should be internal examinations for

promotion from class to class. A strict examination-system for the school-leaving certificate was also introduced.63

8.3 Finance

The committee proposed an increase in the annual. percentagge from

the Budget for education as a fundamental requirement for

successful reform at all. levels, because "the percentage from the

Budget which was granted for education put us in the last place in comparison with the other European countrieq".°4 150

9 Commentary on the Reform Plan.

When the committee was it session the Minister of Education said

at his press conference,

"The extension of compulsory education is truly necessary in the primary school. For children who stop their education after six years of primary school, there is insufficient preparation for a developing society, because economic and intellectual development must go together.- Probably the extension of attendance by 2 to 3 years in primary school would have an excellent effect". 65

The president of the DOE at his press conference supported as "a

national need" the establishment of the eight-year primary school, adding,

"The eight years' attendance at primary school could elevate the culture of all children of the country, giving a special education in the agricultural or another area, and preparing them for secondary education (general and vocational), and will raise our country's position in the intellectual development of countries".66

In contrast the Federation of Parents in its memorandum to the

Minister of Education characterised the eight years' compulsory attendance at primary school at 'harmful'.67

The OLME proposed a structure of education: as follows: A five

year lower primary school which would lead to two branches; (a) a three year higher primary school, and (b) a three year lower

'Gymnasium'. Registration in the 'Gymnasium' would be after a strict entrance examination. Compulsory attendance at school would be for eight years. The children who finished higher primary school and lower 'Gymnasium' could enter into vocational schools, or into four year upper 'Gymnasium', after strict. examinations." 151

The committee submitted its proposal in October 1973. But the

political events which took place between the beginning of the

work of this committee and a date one month after the submission of its findings precluded legislation of these reforms.

Early in 1971, a few politicians who belonged to the right-wing party ERE, four members of the liberal party EK, and members of other parties began some discussions with the Prime Minister

Papadopoulos, about a political evolution aiming at the restoration of democracy. These politicians came to recognise the military Regime as the only wielder of political power, especially after the visit of S.Agnew, vice-president of the USA aria of Greek origin, and after the dissolution of the last delusive hopes for the overthrow of the military Junta by the

Americans and NATO. Moreover the two communist parties, the KKE, decided to give their recognition if Papadopoulos allowed legal political activity.69

In August of that year, when the dictator Papadopoulos formed a new government, he refused to include as a minister any politician from this group of politicians, the 'interlocutors', or the 'bridge builders', as they were called. These discussions were encouraged by the USA in order to represent to the foreign public the view that the military Regime was moving progressively to democracy.7° In this way the Secretary of the Ministry of

Press and Information declared that "the wish of the President is that there should be elections in the Students' Union very soon".71 152

10 The Students' Movement

After the coup d'etat of 21st April 1967, most of the Students'

Unions were abolished. The few of them which remained were controlled by the Police Security Service. The appointed members of these councils cooperated with the Police, the KYP (the CIA of the Greek Army) and the Secretary of Press and Information.72 The

Education Act No.93/1969 about, the rights and duties of students in higher education strongly limited the liberty of the students.

The third measure against the students was the amendment of the

Unions' regulations.

Not until December 1971 did the President-dictator Papadopoulos declare: "There will be elections for the Students' Unions very soon". The Regime wanted to control these elections and it seemed that there was a democratic atmosphere in the universities.

In January 1972 the appointed members of the Unions of the

Polytechnical School and the School of Law in Athens convened a meeting of students about the curricula of their schools. At this meeting the students elected a committee whose work was the preparation of the Union elections. The appointed members were isolated at this meeting.

A wave of students' movements commenced to press for their main goal, free elections in the Unions. The association EKIN, "Greek-

European Movement of the Young", attracted the majority of the political students and intellectuals who were not controlled by the Junta, and its demand was for free Union elections. It argued that caml)assns for election.. uld 't]) I- - A for example the collect] .dent ediptultur 153

denunciations in the newspapers and in students' meetings. The

military Regime reacted against the students' movement with the

most rigorous measures and postponed the election.73

The first mass-demonstration of students was at the 'propylaea'

of Athens University on 21st April, followed by another at a

concert of the Students' Union of Crete.74 In the summer of 1972

some illegal associations were established such as the A-EFEE,

the National Students' Union of Greece Against the Dictatorship,

Panspoudastike (All-students), Regas Ferraios, and the illegal

committee in each school. By the autumn this students' movement

was a political power.

The military Regime decided that the elections for the Students'

Unions were to be on 20th November 1972, but they were not to be

free. A few of the illegal associations abstained from these

elections. Some candidates of the School of Law withdrew from the

contest. About 1500 students at the Polytechnical School of

Athens refused to participate in this parody of an election, as

die some students at the University of Thessalonike.75 After the

voting was over, the head of Athens University, Tountas, said,

"The elections have been carried out normally except for a group

of students at the School of Law", and the Minister of Press and

Information added, "The students' elections have been carried out

normally except for one circumstance... The interference of a

group consisting of (a) communists who distributed a manifesto,

and (b) a few students who were excited by old politicians".76

The appointed President: of the EFEF (National Students Union of

eoer ( bs, wrote in a seer( letter to the Minister of 154

Press and Information: "...The real results of the election demonstrated the organised work (of the democratic students).

Thus the opposition have 92, 90, 91 percent of votes... What did

we represent against them? Nothing. There was not any other solution but falsification".77

After the elections the students sent a series of accusations to

the newspapers denouncing the falsification of the elections and the threat of guns. The military Regime carried out most rigorous

measures against, students. Thus it issued Law No.1347/1972, according to which the Minister of Defence could mobilise into

military service any student who acted against the normal operation of the university or who postponed his studies for

political reasons.

The students reacted against this law with a series of demonstrations. This reaction extended step by step to the mass of students. On 16th February 1972, about 2,500 students of the

School of Law of Athens occupied the building of their school and demonstrated against this law and the military Regime.

Immediately this building was surrounded by a large number of

police. Later in the evening the students left the building. The following day the military Regime mobilised into army service 51 students and brought 11 students before a court:78

On 21st February 1972, a large concentration of students in the

School of Law of the University of Athens turned into a mass demonstration. A powerful force of police surrounded the building, and blockee ,any communication between the students and the i.eepe outs de bulleln. Th-g enetien tec 1'-5

dominant slogans were, "Down with the Junta", and "Out with the

Americans". About 30,000 people, concentrated round the closed

ring of police, gave help to the students' demonstrations. The

students left the building after making an agreement with the

head of the university that there would be no reprisals against

them. This was a powerful demonstration of the students against

the military Regime.

The second strong demonstration of students, which was in the

Polytechnical School of Athens on 14th to 17th November, the

students of the School of Law gathered in a meeting to discuss

the problem of education. After the meeting about 1000 to 1,500

students decided to go to the Polytechnical School. During this

demonstration the police attacked the students. Only half of them

managed to arrive at the school. (The distance between the School

of Law and the Polytechnical School is about two miles in the

city centre of Athens). At that time the students of the

Polytechnical School had a meeting about the union election.

After that, all the students together decided to occupy the

building and demonstrate against the educational policy of the

military Regime and the oppressive police measures. This

occupation lasted three days. Thousands of students concentrated

inside the school and enthusiastically proclaimed the slogans:

"Bread-Education-Freedom", "Down with the Junta", and "Out with

the Americans". A large number of police and army surrounded the

building and cut off any communication be, w en tne students

inside and the people outside. Hundred., of thou.5,m0 of people

concentrated rounu this closed ring L 1-MV to r- 156

they might help the students' demonstration.

Or Saturday morning the military Regime decided to make the

students leave the building by using the tanks and guns of the

army and the police.79 During the attack some students were killed, many of them were wounded and all were harried by the

police and army forces.8° The events of the Polytechnical School

were the pinnacle reached by the students' movement with a great

influence on the political life of Greece. The development of

this movement gave a powerful shock to the regular process of democratising the Regime, a plan which had beem promoted by the

military Junta and some old politicians, the 'interlocutors', and stimulated the hope of the people that the military Junta might fall.

In 1972 the dictator-President Papadopoulos had devised a plan to concentrate the whole power in his own hands.81 But after the revolt of the students at the School of Law, he postponed action on this plan.

In May 1973 a mutiny in the Navy was about the break out, but it was betrayed and was suppressed.82 Suddenly G.Papadopoulos abolished the Kingdom of Greece and proclaimed himself as

President of the Democracy. A referendum on 29th July 1973 gave apparent popular support. for this. S.Markezines, the leader of a small political party the 'Proodeutikon' (Progressive), became

Prime Minister and worked on the preparation for a general election in Parch 1974.

Or 25th Nnvet fter th(' event s 157

School, a new dictator D.Ioannides came to power.83 The new military Junta organised a coup d'etat in Cyprus against

President Makarios on 15th July 1974. Immediately a Turkish invasion of Cyprus occurred and the north part of the island, about 40 percent of its land, was occupied. This "silly act" of the military Regime against the President of Cyprus brought about the Turkish invasion of Cyprus and brought Greece near to national destruction.84

At that point the military Junta fell and the army officers called on C.Karamanlis and some politicians of the old political parties to take power. On 24th July, 1974, C.Karamanlis was sworn in as Prime Minister of the "Government of National Unity".

The reform introduced by the Military Junta in 1967 returned education to where it had been before 1964. In 1973 the Junta went some way towards introducing some policies which had been introduced under the 1964 Act, as far as the structure of the school system and language of instruction were concerned. These policies, however, were not exactly the same as those proposed in

1964. Just as the Military Junta were obliged to moderate their policies between 1964 and 1973, liberal reformers have also been forced by circumstances to reconsider their position. In the next chapter the reforms made by the democratic governments after 1974 will be analysed. This will permit general comparisons between policies put forward in recent years to be made. 158

CHAPTER VI

EDUCATION IN A HOPEFUL WAY: THE RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY 1974-1981

1 The Restoration of Democracy

The results of the military Junta in Greece were calamitous in national affairs: 40 percent of the land in Cyprus was under

Turkish occupation, Greece was on the brink of hostilities with

Turkey, unprepared for this as she was, with strong public feeling against the military officers, isolation in diplomacy, and an exhausted economy. The duty of the Government of National

Unity was the avoidance of war, and the restoration of democracy and social order.

Education, which was under strong pressure to return to the situation before the reform of 1964 during the military Regime, was a great problem for the new government. But it introduced a reform which was, in effect, the reform of 1964 with a few differences.

In this chapter an attempt will be made to investigate the restoration of democracy, general politics, politics in education, the reform of 1976 with an emphasis on the extension of compulsory attendance from six to nine years, the abolition of the entrance examination into the first class of the 'Gymnasium', the methods of admission into upper secondary schools and higher education.

The military Regime, after its 'stup16 action' against Makarios on 15th July 1974, thy__ Turkish invaLij. Cypri:L, O 20th July, the refusal of the hen ra: i, cum anii• to 159

orders from Athens to attack the Turks by crossing the Evros

river in Thrace, came to an end by its own act.

At that time the leaders of the military Regime summoned

Karamanlis to return from his self-imposed exile in France and

surrendered their power. Consequently, on 24th Julu 1974,

Karamanlis returned from Paris and became Prime Minister. He was

received as a saviour, and announced his intention of restoring a legal, democratic government in the country as swiftly as

possible) With the unanimous support of the political world and

the armed forces, he formed a Government of National Unity and

undertook the solution of the enormous problems, at home and

abroad, which the Junta had left behind it.2

The Government comprised politicians of the old parties, the ERE

right-wing conservative, the EK Centre Union liberal, a few

persons who had markedly distanced themselves from the military

Junta, and a few of the interlocutors and collaborators with the

military Regime.'

The new Government worked diplomatically with international agents to stop the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, and make the Turks abandon the 40 percent of the island which they had occupied by this invasion. The Turks partitioned Cyprus against the wishes of the Greek majority, and did so in a way that favoured their fellow-Muslims disproportionately. Constituting about 18 percent of the island's population, the Turks of Cyprus controlled nearly half - the richer and better developed half - of the whole island. Makarios returned to office, but now governed only rust 160 of his former domain. 4

Greeks believed that the Turkish invasion had been made with the support of the USA and the tolerance of NATO. After that, Greece withdrew her army from the mil itary wing of NATO, because her allies in NATO had not stopped the Turkish invasion of Cyprus and had not averted an imminent war between two allies, Greece and

Turkey.

Only the most prominent leaders of the military Junta still in army service were immediately sent into retirement, because

Karamanlis could not conduct a purge of collaborators without endangering his own supporters, who, in varying degrees, had made deals with the military Regime in order to retain their wealth and power.5

The Government of National Unity produced legislation on a series of measures for the restoration of democracy. The Constitutional

Act of 1st August 1974, abolished the Constitution of the military Regime dating from 1968, and restored the Constitution of 1952 except for the article which determined the form of the

Regime, pending the drafting of a new Constitution.6

The Constitutional Act of 3rd September, 1974 restored legitimacy in higher education. "Professors and teachers of higher education who had been dismissed between 21st April 1967, and 23rd July

1974, returned 'de .jure' to their positions".`

Another Constitutional Act of TLL restorec

.ittrac it. 1_ ' 161

8 returned to their positions".

By Law No.76 of 27th September, 1974, "ali State employees who

had been dismissed between 21st April, 1967, and 23rd July, 1974

were restored and returned to their positions".9

After these measures, which restored the democratic working of the State and rehabilitated the men who had been persecuted by

the military Regime, the Government of National Unity issued Law

No.59 of 23rd Septetember 1974, which allowed the free formation

political parties.1°

The general. elections were arranged for 17th November 1974, and 11 eight political. parties which participated in the elections.

ND (New Democracy) was the old ERE, which had been established by

Karamanlis, and took its place on the centre-right, leaving the extreme right to the National Democratic Unity.

EK-ND, (Centre Union) was the old party which was established by

G.Papandreou with "new forces', i.e. persons who had reacted strongly against the military Junta.

PASOK, a new party which was established by A.Papandreou, to the left with a socialist programme. In the party statutes it was specified that PASOK was, "a mass political movement of workers and unprivileged Greeks with the aim of achieving national independence, popular rule, and socialist reform by a democratic procedure". - 162

In PASOK's declaration of 3rd September 1974, the most important

points in summary were national independent, and popular rule. In-- its programme for popular rule was explained as, "all power

originates from the people, expresses the people and serves the

people".13 The dominant slogans in the pre-election period were:

"Deliver the Junta to the people", and "No bases" (United States

military bases). The organisation of this party was the best,

with local organisation, branch organisation, prefecture committees, periodic congresses, speeches and festivals.

EA (The United Left) was a coalition of three parties: EDA, the left wing party, under the leadership of I.Iliou, KKE interior

and KKE exterior. The Communist Party was the oldest party, but

it had been illegal from 1947,14 to 23rd September 1974.15

At the 12th Total Membership Assembly of the KKE in February

1968, held in Rumania, the Communist Party split into twc

parties: the KKE interior which was completely independent of the

KKE exterior, cooperated with the communist and socialist parties of foreign countries, accepted the Parliamentary multiple-party

system and rejected the dictatorship of the proletariat. It was a

movement of Euro-communism. The KKE exterior was loyal to the doctrine of Moscow. After this, a few small splinter groups were formed, such as EKKE (Revolt Communist. Movement of Greece), LDE

(Popular Democratic Unity), and EDE (Workers' International

Union).

After the elections a government war- formed hy hararr,

'De tluiter, party flea 163

Parliament out of a total of 300 seats. The Centre Union had sixty seats, while the remainder were divided between PASOK and the United Left.

According to the Constitutional Act of 3rd/4th October 1974, which the Government of National Unity issued, the new Government announced a referendum on the form of the Regime. The choice offered in the plebiscite was, "Kingdom or not", and the referendum was to be held on 8th December 1974.16 In this referendum 70 percent of voters were in favour of Democracy without a King.17 M.Stasinopoulos, honorary president of the higher administrative Court, was sworn in as Provisional

President of the Democracy.

Karamanlis followed a moderate and mild policy. He withdrew the

Greek army from the military wing of NATO, recognised the

Communist Party as a legal. party, showed tolerance in relation to the powerful demonstration of students against the Junta, and brought the prominent members of the Junta into court, where they were sentenced to death. He immediately commuted this to a sentence of life-imprisonment. In foreign policy he declared that

"anekomen eis ten Dysin" (we belong to the West), but he developed friendly relations with the socialist countries of the

East as well.

To join Greece to the EEC countries was the great target and vision of Karamanlis. For this purpose a treaty was successfully signed by the Prime Ministers of the EEC countries in AthenL in

May 1979. TInIL, t.hc r. 164 peacefully achieved.

Unexpectedly the Prime Minister proclaimed general elections on

20th November 1977, which was a shock for all the political parties.18 Later Karamanlis justified his decision as a renewal of popular power which would help him to solve great national problems.

In this election the New Democracy lost about 12.5 percent of the total votes as compared with the results of the election of

1977.19 There were various reasons for this, including the appearance of loss of time in making the reforms, the turning of a few of their former supporters to the left, and the establishment of an extreme right-wing party, the National

Parade.

The Union of the Democratic Centre lost about 8.4 percent of the poll. Some of their former voters turned to the left, others to the right. The Communist Party maintained its political strength.

The surprise of this election was the increase of PASOK, by about

11.7 percent. Some of the reasons for this were the need of people for change, the merits of the leader, the concrete programme, and the good organisation of the Party.2° "But the important and hopeful change in political life was the collapse of the myth of the power of the Right".21 The New York Times wrote: "Victory without triumph", and "Karamanlis win, but

Papandreou strengthens".22

Karamanlis, with h percent of the totdi. votes, took the M2 oe ty

01_ ( 1 1 65

electoral measures, which he had promulgated against, the

interests of the other political parties. He formed a new

Government, ruling Greece as Prime Minister until. May 1980, when

he was elected President of the Democracy by Parliament.

G.Rallis became the leader of the New Democracy Party and ruled

Greece as Prime Minister until 18th October 1941. In the election

of 18th October 1981, PASOK got the majority of the parliamentary

seats and A.Papandreou became the Prime Minister in the new

Government.

2 The Reforms of 1975 - 1977

The first measures of the Government of National Unity concerning

Education, after the restoration of Democracy in Greece, the

restoration of legality in higher education,23 the reinstatement

of teachers who had been dismissed during the dictatorship to

their former posts,24 and the abolition of Law No.93/1969 "on the

rights and duties of students of Higher education".25

After the elections of 17th November 1974, the new Government of

the New Democracy party had to carry out a reform in education in a situation of new political realities, that is, "the emergence of Greece from a 7-year period of ruthless dictatorship and the

prospects of her joining the European Economic Community".26

The demands of people and students were, "Bread, Education,

Freedom", and those of the teachers it. primary and secondary schools: "the purping" (katharsis) and reform of education. 166

The new Government "appointed a committee to make proposals for the reorganisation of the structure and administration of the 27 pre-university system of schools".

The wish of the government was to provide a comprehensive solution of the problem of education. After a long period of debates on education outside and inside Parliament, they legislated, on the one hand, Article 16 of the Constitution, and on the other hand, Laws No.186/1975 dealing with the establishment of a Centre for Education Studies and In-service

Training (KEME), No.309/1976 on the organisation and administration of general education, No.576/1977 on the organisation and administration of technical and vocational education, No.682/1978 on private education and No.815/1978 on some problems of the organisation and operation of higher education.

Laws 186/1975 and 309/1976 were accepted nearly unanimously by the political parties in Parliament, and warmly welcomed by eminent intellectuals in the country. Law No.576/1977, which concerned the organisatior of technical and vocational education

(middle and. higher) was riot passed with the same unanimity. Law

No.815/1978 for higher education was passed with some dispute.28

Howevewr, all these laws were passed by the overwhelming majority of the ruling party of the New Democracy and the large opposition party of the Centre Union - New Forces.

3 Debates Outside Parliament on the Reforms 1975-77

The wish for a reform in education has neer a constant motivatior

for sore 1 cH 1 iy beet] fol,( 167

reform in education quite independent of its usefulness or the

needs of society. This unwritten law has ruled Greek society. The

majority of the figures in this play have been a few persons and

groups. Problems in education, after the failure of the

dictatorship, were immediate and pressing.

The Federation of Teachers in Primary Schools demanded, "The

immediate reinstatement in service of the teachers who were

dismissed by the dictatorship",29 the reorganisation of the

structure of education in an 8-year primary school, a new

curriculum, new text-books, and teachers' training at the

University, because "Education was greatly disordered and needed

immediate intervention".30

The Federation of Teachers in Secondary Schools also demanded,

"The amendment of Law 651, and the reinstatement in their posts

of the teachers who were dismissed by the dictatorship".31

In answer to these demands of the teachers' unions the Minister

of Education declared: "We have a complete understanding of the

problems of your work, and please understand that it, is

impossible to tackle immediately these unsolved and complex

problems. Please give us reasonable time".32 But the demands for

reform continued.

In an open letter from the Federation of Teachers in Primary

Schools to the leaders of the political parties it was stated:

"Since the Greek revolution (1821) no government or leader of a political party has pat hi hand on the gaping cavity", in other words, "on the PleeCi ,sound, of primary education n omen t,. undcrPtna the ' rncl ]on 168

of them magnificently and demagogically set out the problem of education, but the expenditure for education was always strictly limited... Bad advisers, mandarins, relentless friends of education continually influenced the purpose and programme of the Government: the results were in fact the deterioration of the education of the Greek people.- the persistent problems in primary education have been teachers' training in the University, also in-service training in the University, the amendment of Law 651, and some problems of in-service teachers"'33 - and. "th e primary school lasting 8- years".34

The Federation of Teachers in Secondary Education in its bulletin

wrote, "The amidateurish, the offhand and the improvised have constituted the permanent and durable criterion for the solution of problems in education.... In fact a smaller percentage of the annual income has been alloted to education (two percent) than in other countries".35

A reporter on the newspaper 'Hellenikos Borras' wrote,

"The new government formed after the elections of November 17 is obliged to solve the problems in education".36

An educationist, Dr.Xerotyres, stated,

"An educationist has to assert two matters concerning the problems in education. First, education is not modern. Secondly, all educational reforms made during the last decade in our country have been unsuccessful. The need for modernisation in education is obvious... The extension of compulsory education, the reorganisation of the structure of education, are some of the most important problems".37

Very soon after the elections of 17th November the Minister of

Education appointed a committee to make proposals for the reorganisation of the structure and administration of general education. This committee was under the F,eneral purview of the

Undersecretary of Education himself and included three career educationists, the presidents of the twc Teachers' Unions (of primary and secondary school ere one special adviser of the Minister of ors r god LH, 169

departments of the Minister of Education (primary and

secondary).38 Three of them had at some time been school

inspectors, and formerly in the administrative service of the

Ministry of Education, concerned with secondary schools. These

played a major role. Their political persuasion was of the liberal variety, since they had previously been associated with

the Centre Union reforms of 1964. There are also indications that

members of this committee consulted E.Papanoutsos, the architect of the Papandreou reform of 1964, a well-known and highly respected progressive-liberal educational thinker.39

Both of the Teachers' Federation Unions held genera] assemblies on 4th January 1975, about the amendment of Law No.651/1970 on general education.

The proposal at the assembly of the Union of Teachers in Primary

Schools were: (a) the establishment of a higher educational council (AES); (b) the establishment of 25 general inspectorial districts and 240 inspectors for primary schools; (c) the extension of primary schools to 8-years of compulsory attendance;

(d)the use of the 'Demotike' tongue in the primary school; and

(e)some in-service problems.140

Finally, the proposals at the general assembly of the Federation of Teachers, in Secondary Education were: (a) The increase of expenditure for education; (b) the restoration of the posts of the headmasters of the 'Lyceums'; (c) purge of teacher who were unjust during the dictatorship; (d) the division of the 6-

year 'Gymnasium' into two levels: 'Gvc y ,um

nilimet of the 170

Training to the University of Attikon; and (f) some proposals for

in-service teachers.41

At this time a memorandum from the Union of lectures it Teacher

Training Colleges to the Minister of Education proposed: (a) The

abolition of Law No.842/71 and Lalt. No.1057/71 on a Teacher-

training College for Primary Schools and Kindergartens; and (b)

the establishment of Teacher-training Colleges with 4 years° 42 attendance.

After that, the Minister of Education appointed another committee for the reorganisation of Teacher-training Colleges for Primary

Schools and for Kindergartens, and the School of Domestic

Science. This committee was under the general purview of the

Undersecretary of Education himself and included headmasters,

three lecturers from the Teacher-training Colleges for Primary

Schools, one from that for the Kindergarten and one from the 46 School of Domestic Science.

While the committee of educationists 'aes deliberating on the

matter, the Minister of Education appointed yet. another committee

to evaluate the educational system of the country and suggest

proposals for the reorganisation of the structure of education

and the modernisation of education. More academic than the first,

this second body was chaired by I.Theodoracopoulos, a well-known

professor of philosophy at the University of Athens and member of

the Academy of Athens, who had taker, part in previous policy-

making education committees,4)' six philologists (specialists in

Greek language. cratur s d‘s lc one rector of 171

the National Technical University of Athens.4 -5

A.M.Kazamias very correctly observes that in these committees:

"It is of interest to note that there were no economists, no sociologists, no representatives from a wider spectrum of political opinion, no students, and no scholars of education on either committee. This again has not been uncommon in the structure of educational policy-making bodies in Greece".46

And the Centre of Marxist Study and Research added that,

"For any educational reform up to the present Greek people have never asked been consulted. Every educational reform has been made in the absence of the Greek people".47

Thus participation in policy-making was limited, in the first

committee especially, to a competitive struggle between the two

teachers' unions (primary and secondary). Supplementary proposals

were submitted by the president of OLME, (Union of Teachers in

Secondary Schools), of which the most important were: (a) The

establishment of 15 posts for supervisors; (b) the establishment

of 140 posts for inspectors; and (c) the doubling of posts for

headmasters, after the divisions of the six-years 'Gymnasium'

into two three-years cycles, these headmasters to be termed

'Gymnasiarchis' and 'Lyceiarchis'.48

The Government heeded the recommendations of the first committee

and instructed its special personnel in the Ministry of Education

to draw up the appropriate draft law. On 29th March 1975, the

first draft of the law, "on the organisation and administration

of general education", appeared in the press.

The OLME in discussing this draft law noted that,

"The new draft law does not rehabilitate the previously obtained rights of teachers, the brand of the profession in secondary schools, as was asked by those teachers. It levels up the salary, the graduates in service posts and the development of the teacher: Kindelmarten, primaryend 172

secondary school, without restoring, the pre-dictatorship starting scale that differentiated teachers in primary and secondary schools" (to the advantage of the secondary-school teacher).49 It is of interest to note that according to this draft law the

kindergarten teacher was to be appointed on salary scale 1, the

primary school teacher on scale 2, and the secondary school teacher on scale 3.

The DOE, discussing this draft law, wrote that

"The work of teachers at the three levels (kindergarten, primary, secondary) has equal educational, social and national significance and value... It is necessary to confront the problems of each level with the same provision, esteem and valuation. Special use of one of them may satisfy the sectional interest of a branch, but undermines the whole work of education at the same time".50

E.Papanoutsos, at a general assembly of the DOE Union of Primary

Schools said,

"Your second demand is to eliminate the distinction between teachers at various educational levels... Today education has one uniform, and indivisible function which is to guide the child from the first step and take him up to higher education. Dear colleagues I am surprised not because it was proposed, but because it was not. recognised".51

The demands of OLME were incorporated into this draft, law, because most members of the committee were from secondary education, the majority of administrative posts in the Ministry of Education were occupied by teachers in secondary education, and as has been usual in all Greek reforms, there was strong influence from the graduates of the University of Athens, especially of the philosophical and theological schools. The DOE fought to hold its old positions.

The. second , o report 173

unnoticed. The Government ignored it. This provides some grounds for the speculation that, from the start, the Government had no intention of taking this committee seriously, but went ahead with its appointment perhaps in order to assuage fears and reduce the 52 pressure of certain elements in the New Democracy.

On 12th May 1975, the draft. law, with an introductory

'Explanatory Report', was submitted to Parliament. A newly elected administration of DOE on May 1975, submitted another memorandum to the Mininster of Education and an open letter to the members of Parliament. The most interesting proposals were:

(a) the purging of inspectorial members; (b) the abolition of distinctions between teachers at different educational levels;

(c)'Demotike' as the tongue of text-books and teaching; and

(d)some proposals for the in-service situation of teachers.53

The OLME addressed the Government and the members of Parliament as follows:

"We formally declare: If this draft law is passed by Parliament, without the moral and material restoration of the rights previously obtained by the secondary school teachers, the lifting of injustice and the purging of what occurred under the dictatorship, you will find all of us together in opposition to it".54

This draft law was not approved by the pertinent parliamentary committee at that time. The plan was submitted for the second time in September, but again it was not discussed. Finally, on

19th November 1975, it was brought before the parliamentary committee and, after some revisions, was presented to the entire

Parliament on 5th April of the foll.owin• yer. Ir the meantime

hOF nh 'ike or. ht. v NIL( noriLiw 174

draft-law as unacceptable to teachers in primary schools.55

The OLME also went on strike on 17th December 1975, an action

which lasted until 7th January 1976, demanding: (a) The lifting

of injustice as regards the measures of extra pay to the state

officers; (b) the passing of the draft law by Parliament as soon

as possible with the inclusion of the proposals of the Union.56

Some disputes inside the ruling party concerning this reform and

some conflicts between the two teachers' Unions delayed the draft

law in reaching Parliament. There was a considerable coverage in

the press, which reflected a feeling of frustration with the

inactivity of the government.

"When our young went on demonstration against the dictatorship, they always and persistently cried: 'Bread- Education- Freedom'. It is true, that the Ministry of 70 days carried out what was possible. But the Ministry of 12 months did nothing... The strike by OLME gives evidence of the great indifference in Education and among teachers".E7

A change of the head of the Ministry brought G.Rallis in as the

new Minister of Education.

After that an important conference chaired by the Prime Minister,

Karamanlis, himself, took place in the Ministry of Education on

19th January 1976, attended by the Minister of Education and the

Undersecretaries of Education, and also the Presidents of the

three universities (Athens, Thessalonike, and the National

Technical University), the presidents of the two Teachers' Unions

(for primary and secondary school personnel), D.Zakythenos (the

chairman of the parliamentary committee of the New Democracy 175

party, who was also a well-known university professor),

E.Papanoutsos (member of parliament, chief educational and ideological spokesman for EDEK and the man behind the Papandreou reform of 1964), I.Theodoracopoulos (a well-known professor of philosophy at the University of Athens and member of the Academy of Athens), and A.Demaras.58

According to the opening remarks of the Prime Minister

Karamanlis, the purpose of this conference was to see whether a

"correct, objective, just and national" solution could be found for the elusive educational problem, which for decades had been enmeshed in party politics. Such a solution could be achieved if education were "placed outside party and political antagonisms" and if there was a convergence between the views of the government and the "experienced and reliable opinions of the invited experts".59

Although there was variation among these experts, the group could not be said to be representative of all shades of political opinion (for example, there were no members of PASOK or of EDA and the Communist Party KKE). Furthermore, there were no spokesmen for parents, students, workers, or business groups. It may not be surprising, therefore, that there was consensus on basic principles about Greek education and its reform as well as on several specific policy items.60

This conference can be interpreted as an indication of the importance the Government attached to educational reform and a perceived need to throw the weight and the personal prestige of 176

the Prime Minister behind a reform at a time of considerable

uncertainty, controversy, and teachers' strikes. Also, it can be

seen as a strategy to marshal support from a wider political and

educational spectrum. In this conference all the participants

accepted the extension of compulsory education from 6 to 9 years

to be provided in a 6-year primary school, and a 3-year 61 'Gymnasium'.

Also, there was general agreement on the division of secondary

education into an unselective 'Gymnasium' and a highly selective

'Lyceum', except for Theodorakopoulos who expressed the view of

the second committee, which he had chaired, that a fourth year

should be added to the 'Lyceum' for the preparation of pupils

intending to go on to higher education, and he added: "I want to

complete my presentation with the thought that the 9-year School

could be an independent level".62 The structure of technical and

vocational education was to comprise schools organised into a

Lower Vocational School (age 11+ and after), a Middle Vocational

School (age 14+ and after), and a Higher Technical School,

Although the educational policy under discussion here did not

explicitly encompass technical and vocational education, several

of the proposed changes clearly had a direct or indirect bearing

upon the policy towards it. The raising of the school-leaving age

(9-years compulsory attendance) implied the abolition of the

Lower Vocational Schools. Therefore, as it was expressed at this

conference, there would be a tripartite type of structure in

postcompulsory education: (a) highly selective general acaclemic

'Lyceums', glass very few equ a lly selee lye

classical uses, itT t( 177

Secondary Schools of 3-years which would prepare students for higher technical education, and (c) more narrowly vocational schools of 1 or 2 years which would lead directly to employment.63

Most discussions in this conference centred on the entrance examination into the 'Lyceum' and on higher education. The

Minister of Education proposed, "A rigorous selective entrance examination into the 'Lyceum'", and "the establishment of

Technical and Vocational Schools for most of the pupils who will 64 fail in the entrance examination for the 'Lyceum'''.

Papanoutsos also agreed:

"I think that if we make the examination into the 'Lyceum' rigorous and develop Technical and Vocational Schools, then we shall give more service to education and provide more opportunity for the young".65

And he added, "We have to set barriers" for pupils seeking higher education, and improve the method of admission to each higher school.

Theodorakopoulos said:

"I do not believe that the State can hold back the crowd of pupils who enter the 'Lyceum' and higher education... We have to apply a rigorous examination system, to put a barrier not for capacity, but for ignorance".66

Demaras proposed that there be,

"No compulsion, but a voluntary choice by pupils of the school they want to attend, after a campaign in the mass media".67

Finally, the Prime Minister eid,

178

68 "I am in favour of a rigorous examination system".

Thus the most basic principle was that education must remain

rigorously selective, especially after the 9-year compulsory stage. All participants accepted the idea of stringent examinations as a mechanism for selection into the 'Lyceum' and the universities, and the 'Lyceum' itself as a highly selective schools for those who were assessed to be capable of entering the university and institutions of non-university level. Those who

passed the examinations were considered capable of continuing their studies. Those who failed were eliminated; they could either go home or turn towards technical schools.69

Another major item discussed was the language question; the place of ancient Greek in the curriculum of the schools.

Selection for post-secondary institutions of university and non- university level was a problem which had acquired particular salience in the preceding years, partly as a consequence of increase in the demand for post-secondary education and the limited supply of available places.

G.Rallis, the Minister of Education, suggested that in place of the existing system, namely, uniform entrance examinations after graduation from Secondary School, examinations on a national scale should he given at the end of the fifth and sixth classes of the 'Lyceum', and admission into higher education should be base. of U owpo:Jite ilia x the results of these 179

After this conference, debates of the Parliamentary committee on

the draft law for the organisation and administration of general

education were held in the Parliamentary Conference of 5th April

1976.

4 Debates Inside Parliament on the Reform 1976_

Debates on the draft law covered all aspects of education.

4.1 Aims

This Bill was marked by two purposes: democratisation and

modernisation of education according to the ideology of liberal

democracy. The Bill had to provide real education, capable of

corresponding to the uneasiness and desires of the young today,

education which would make a man free, full of virtues (arete)

and daring, a citizen with high convictions (phronema). It was

the work of persons who really believed in democracy, inspired in

every aspect by democratic and popular ideas.71

The spokesman of the EDEK, in his speech in Parliament, remarked;

"It must be known that today the rich educate their children, the poor do not. This is not democratisation of education. This is the worst form of social inequality, educational inequality... We are anxious about another enemy, the most dangerous one, absence of education (apaedeusia) which may corrode the foundations of the nation".72

The spokesman of the PASOK expressed his views as follows;

"We are against any barrier to the learning of our young and especially against the spirit of this Bill which aims at turning the large mass of people towards work and not towards higher education. The aim of this Blli t( create many skilled wurkr:_. in blue screwdrivers in hand, to serve multi-national one t‘r inJustric: unr(, the hicher h( Greek:: con .crib and trPec by them. All 180

by a closed and controlled class... Our ideal is permanent education which gives the possibility of a continuous educational ascent of man. Life will be: Work-Learning- Thought".7q

The leader of the EDA advanced his views;

"The development of the intellectual personality of Greeks must rest on unquestionable foundations, the possibility for everyone of participating through his work in the creation of civilisation. Education must cultivate the spirit of national independence, far removed from national chauvinism. It must derive from the inheritance of the national civilisation, but must develop cooperation, emulation and solidarity amongst peoples. It must aim at creating loyal guardians and protectors of democratic freedom. Some of the aims commonly accepted might be: cultivation of the possibility of expression and formulation of thought; development of rational critical capacity; social and vocational education; and evolution of productive capacity... It is necessary to add to the formation of democratic convictions in the young in order for them to become responsible citizens and completed personalities".

In order to explain his goal he said;

"If we want to make a soldier of Marathon... then education must be founded on the dialectical materialistic philosophy. If we want to make imedizontes' (traitors)... or ridiculous, misunderstood mediators, who, with the slongan 'Greece Greek-Christian', know how to sell the sacred and holy body of the country to the grocers of international monopoly, then we shall give to the young the abstract, fully mystical, and obscure contrivance of the vain idealistic philosophy".74

The spokesman of the KKE exterior said,

"The communist Party from its establishment has never stopped seeking, and fighting for, popular and democratic education. This means that education must be an acquisition of the whole population, and social distinction in schools must be ended. Each child, independently of his social and financial situation, should get more knowledge, higher general and technical education, proportionately to his intellectual and physical capacity. We hold the opinion that this Bill does not correspond to such goals. The aims, of Secondary Schools remain substantially as they were in old legislation. Today it is well-known that high ideals are the ideals of democracy, nationa] independence, social justice, peace anc friendship of peoples, and freedom of ideas".7L.

Thn LK1:, interior expres:Peo nls ()\:,:s; 181

"The formulation of the aims of education by the Parliamentary Committee marks an advance on the original draft law. But it presents much that is inadequate on the Kindergarten and on the primary school. We should like most obviously to determine the aims of the 'Gymnasium' and the 'Lyceum', not as simply "substantial knowledge of the principle of Democracy", but as the assimilation of democratic principles and reliance on the protection they afford. The mentors of national convictions have to analyse national independence and dominion, cooperation with all peoples and the protection of peace. We propose also, the evaluation of work, the cultivation of the initiative and spirit of collective effort, the elevation of the value of the whole, and the rejection of individual pride (personal egoism). We wish also, according to our principles, to support voluntary education which does not enter strictly into formation of the philosophical consciousness of the young".76

More discussion took place on the principles of democracy. A

PASOK deputy pointed out that educational practice must include awareness of the ideological contradictions of our society, the removal from the school of every illiberal ideology, and the respect of the teacher for the personality of the child.77

A member of the EDEK stressed that education must not stand outside political, or social concerns. And he urged:

"Let us not be afraid.— to allow teachers to open the students' eyes to the social and political dimensions of the subject they teach".78

After lone, debates in Parliament the Dili received the warm support of the ruling party of the New Democracy, which had an overwhelming majority in the House. The EDEK, the major party of opposition, indicated that it was it favour of most of the essential provisions of the Bill. The smaller parliamentary parties (FASOE, EDA, KW merely presentec: tneir positions i r=Jrthe

Parliament d(21:vites witL(mt are inn aerie

v.' 182

Parliamentary on 15th April and entered the statutes as Law

No.309/1976.79

4.2 Administration of General Education

The second section of this Bill included provisions for the administration of general education, primary and secondary schools. There provisions were adopted by the Education Act

651/1970, with a few variations, and great emphasis was put on the provision for purging (katharsis) of the inspectors who had

been appointed by the military Junta and obviously had worked to support that Regime, and on some problems about the conditions of work such as appointments, promotions, class size, working hours, and so on.

According to this Bill, the country was divided into fifteen regions for primary schools and fifteen regions for secondary schools. Each region was to be headed by a supervisor of primary or secondary schools respectively. The regions for primary schools were subdivided into 240 districts under inspectors, who were to perform administrative, supervisory and advisory functions. The regions for secondary schools were subdivided into

80 districts under general inspectors, who were to perform administrative, supervisory and advisory functions. There were to be 60 special inspectors exercising supervisory and advisory functions in relation to the teachers of special lessons.

The primary school was to be managed by a head-t.eac H r, the

'Gymnasium' by herd-master called 'Gymna;:iarchis', ano 'Lyceum' .t): 'Ly _ .:r c. hl - 1 e3

The spokesman of the New Democracy characterisd as rmarkable the provisions which determined the number of pupils for each primary school teacher at 30, and the number for each secondary school teacher at 40, as an, the doubling of postb for the number of headmasters in secondary schools and the increase in posts for inspectors.80

But the spokesman of the EDEK saw this increase as "a curious open-handed gesture" and said,

"The number of posts for inspectors was increased by the dictatorship, for the strict control of teachers. Now, what reason is there to have 400 inspectors of primary and secondary school? I am sorry I have to say, the purge has not yet been achieved in general education, I am afraid that, according to article 73 of this Bill, the purge will not take place".81

The spokesman of the PASOK said,

"There is a need for a radical purge of the inspectorial members of the education service, and I propose that the term "inspector" should be replaced by the term "school- adviser" (Scholikos Symvoulos)".82

The spokesman of the 10A said,

"Our proposals are to iSriaL frog. their c) St S the inspectors who cooperated with the dictatorship DM1 carried out actions that were favourable to the dictators, as well as the "zoikous" (the theologians who belong to the union of Zoe), who participated in the Committee for the Curriculum".83

And the spol:. eslan of the 111 interior said adopt the sel c.tio . oi new inspectors,

"It ie necessary to have a outstardinF, educational staff with Ll'e,in leritionc ....n for their oeHaernti 18)4

"Article 72 is not sufictiently bold for a purge. It does not expel the few who consciously cooperated with the Junta to capture education and make it fascist. It is timid, inadequate and ineffective".84

And the speaker for the KKE exterior said,

"The purge, as the teachers have mentioned, is of a complicated mechanism which was established by the Junta to control the teachers strictly, and comprised educational councils, supervisors, general inspectors, special inspectors, and other inspectors; a few of them enthusiastically cooperated with the Junta".85

4.3 Finance of General Education

Free education at all levels of education was first introduced by the reform of 1964. These provisions were adopted by the military

Junta. The present reform applied free education to general education schools in the following words;

"Public general education is free; any financial burden on pupils and their parents is prohibited. Pupils who live some distance from school may be transported to school free of charge. Text-books are free. Schools receive grants from the State Budget".86

The debates in Parliament concentrated on the 'parapaedeia', especially on the 'frontisterl( , private schools, private lessons, and the students who were studying in foreign universities.

The spokesman for the New Democracy saic,

"It is strenee to speak about tree education, when the 'parapaedeia' (private schools) cost about 6 billion drachmas in one year, not including private lessons, plus 60-70 million dollars withdrawn from the Bank for students at foreign universities".87

The spokes! 1 85

"School buildings are inadequate and uncomfortable. Equipment, libraries and apparatus are very poor. The text- books are out-of-date and boring and in some schools there is a lack of classrooms, tables, text-books and teachers. Poor families go without bread to send their children to private schools. Thus the daily wage of the family goes to them. After that we speak about free education.... Money is needed. Certainly nothing is done without money. But, if the Government wanted to do so, the money could be found".88

And the leader of EDEK added;

"Education is the most expensive affair. But it is the most rewarding social investment too. The Government must investigate the financial resources of education. Education has equal priority with the defence of the country".89

All the spokesmen of the other political parties in Parliament

agreed and added further considerations. The spokesman of PASOK

proposed "a free luncheon, taken by pupils, together, it the

Kindergarten and the primary schoois".9°

The leader of the EDA said,

"In the countries of the Pest and the East investment in education constantly increases, contrary to the situation in the underdeveloped countries where it remains at a lower level".91

And the leader of the KKE exterior noted;

"The worker woe is obliged to send his, child to the rfrontisterio' submits to a great sacrifice".9 2

4.14 Structure and Organisation

The bilJ provluec for j"-yeor , which voluntary,

a 6-year mpaldory primary dchooj toJlowed by a coJpalsory non-

selectivc -year 1 suer ,', C':( , (H,1 the Tr:yt, us follawec u, ie 5.v r n dr 186

In the explanatory preamble to this bill it was explained that this reorganisation, especially the division of the 6-year

'Gymnasium' into two 3-year cycles, was in response to socio- economic and demographic changes, as well as to the concomitant increased demand for secondary and higher education. The large increase of students in the existing 6-year 'Gymnasium', coupled with. the very limited number of places available in higher education and the restrictions in the adsorptive capacity of the public and private employment sectors, created serious bottlenecks, unemployment, under-employment, and psychological frustrations. The new selection procedures at the age of 15

(i.e., strict examinations for entrance into the 'Lyceum') and the new institutional arrangements (the general 'Lyceum' for a few), would channel the bulk of the student population, who were unable to continue towards higher studies, into the direction of the growing new technical and vocational schools, which ensured a comfortable and respectable life.

In this way, a barrier would be erected to prevent the uncontrolled t roouction of graduate's of the b-year 'Gymnasium', taus alleviating the problem unepicyed graduates and 94 decreasing the pressure for further education.

This structure had been adopted in the reform of' 19()4, architect was Papanoutsos, the chief hd hationai spokes of

EDEK on this reform, and a key irt.1(•ipnt ire the pre ier's conference. It was widely believeu Hovernoent of ten

tit hidi (ant r 187

In his speech in Parliament he said,

"The Bill restores the structure of our educational system, which was legislated by G.Papandreou in 1964. For a good understanding of the new ideology of this structure I should offer a few words of explanation: until today the young had two barriers in the route of our educational system. One barrier was at 11-12 years old when they finished the primary school, and another at 17-18 years old when they finished the 6-year 'Gymnasium'. Now they have three barriers: one barriers remains at 11-12 years old, the second at 14-15 years old when they finish the 3-year 'Gymnasium', and another at 17-18 years old. If anybody has any question about the division of secondary education into two self-sufficient cycles, the reasons are the following: after primary school a diminution of the pupil population is noticed, because many children after finishing this school go to work or to other lower schools.- Secondly, after the age of 15 years old the economic advantage of a middle family, the tendency and wish of children, and some other circumstances of life do not let them continue their studies at schol. Another reason is the constitutional order for nine years' compulsory education".,b J _

The spokeman of the New Democracy party proposed a lower technical school parallel with the 'Gymnasium', because such a system of reform aimed at ending the existence of one single route from primary school to the University, and was intender to provide another path for children who were incapable of atending the 'Gymnasium'. "I have to propose that the entrance-examination Q6 into the Lyceum must be strict, out just" —

The spokesman of the PASOK said,

"This educational reform does not accord with the will of Parliament, the educationists and the students, and the Greek people generally._ with the division of the 6-year Gymnasium, into 3-year cycles they [lye s total bloc tc secondary education by the erection 01 a barrier, 'Chinese of an entrance-mination into the Lyceum. The barrier at the age of 15-years old will stop further education and turn children tow a rds ill-pais lord for domestic and foreirJ1 employers, area unumployent-,

The of this r(tor tc 11.1,1it the of vcurT . -!du ror. 11.f.• 'Atr Lhu 1.1 188

preparation of their children in the preparatoryprivate schools.

They (the spokesmen) told us that the young would turn towards the technical school, so that we should not have an 'intellectual proletariat'. This is a myth only for the near-sighted. Today the world is one community, and the one who has the best 'know how', has more posibilities of finding a job. Our idea] is 'permanent education', which gives the possibility of the continous educational raising of man".97

The leader of the EDE proposed to add a fourth class to the

'Lyceum' for the preparation of pupils for the entrance

examination into higher education and advocated the aPolitior of

the 'frontisterio'. "We beli eve", he said, "that there is stronF

objection tc the provision of the Bill, whereby compulsory

attendance ends with registration in the 'Gymnasium', while

allowing some parents to withdraw their children: from school

attendance".98

The leader of the KKE interior said,

"We agree with the provision regarding the structure of the educational system, but we have some reservations and objections to it. It is correct to establish technical and vocational schools to serve economic and social development, and the defence of the country. However, they must not operate ir the interests of monopoly or create social barriers to nigher education-- We are against any elitist education which destroys the unity of the population and introduces a moral, social and national separation between scientists and skilled workers, a 'Chinese Wail', for the preservation of the ruling class".99

The leader of the KKE exterior added,

"Th(: Provlijon for 9-years compulsory education de not Jssure a that it can be realised. First, the tochnico- material probiemp and the problems of the supply al teacher: are not, confronted. Secodly, they do not preserve s character in the 9-years' education. There is attedance ln the Primary School and -years' t:he - r shcscribe • Jedviw Cr(.)i' Fri 189

compulsory neither for the State nor for the Children. Strangely, it provides Night-schools. Why is education not compulsory? There is another problem concerning the entrance examination into the 'Lyceum'. It is true that examinations must be taken under the presumption that they provide an equal opportunity for all pupils. The fact that no provision is made for preparation for the examination favours rich children who go to the 'frontisterio'. In an explanatory report it is stated: "6 billion drachmas are spend annually on 'parapaediea' (private schools and lessons)". Thus, it [the Bill] aims at promoting technical schools and creating many skilled workers wearing blue overalls and operating with screwdrivers for the employers". 100

4.5 Curriculum and Language of Instruction

The other provision of this Bill which was extensively discussed

was the language question. The institution of the 'Demotike', the

popular form of modern Greek, as the language of instruction and

text-books in the primary school, the 'Gymnasium' and the

'Lyceum', and the study of the ancient Greek authors in

translation in the 'Gymnasium', were unquestioningly accepted by

all politica] parties except a few members of the New Democracy

party.

A proposal for further simplification of the system to institute

the 'monotoniko' (single accent), which was proposed by the

leader of the Enk, was adopted by aii the opposition parties,

but not by theruling'. party. The Ninister of Education said: "I

do not believe that the time is ripe for abolition of the 101 'tonon' (accent)".

Thy; Pro,posais for the Eelorn of Vocational. Eduction: 1977

5.1 Debates

The draft on technic , dnc eheatior ihtenuec

Lc otHJ ti r (ievi 190 government for the solution of the problems in pre-university schooling.102 This draft law aroused much controversy and disagreement outside and inside Parliament, so that it became the object of universal discussion.103 Finally the Minister of

Education remarked, "I could say that no draft law has ever confronted such an unjust, illogical, and slanderous reaction as this faultless draft law".1°4 Criticism was directed mainly towards the following points: (a) The draft law did not provide sufficient incentives to attract students, (b) it favoured the interests of great industrial enterprises, and (c) the entrance- examination after the 'Gymnasium' into both the general and the technical 'Lyceum was an undemocratic measure.105

After protractee controversy outside Parliament this Bill came before Parliament on 23th February 1977.

At the beginning of the discussion in Parliament the

Undersecretary of the Ministry of Education introduced the Oil] and said,

"This bill and the Law No.309/1976 are interdependent and express the philosophy of the government in education. According to it, education is ar investment of funds and creates the necessary personnel for the economic, social fane intellectual development of the country, especially after it joins the EEC countries. It gives the young the capacity to meet the needs of modern life". 106

During the draftinf of the Dili, if the reiev int inter

e, , „ .fmproyees, were invitee to pree fuel r vi ow. idf taCon int0_ consideratf el t rc,onition parties said that,

"Tnis C)iu, W ;1,1;C:::/ ammo j;Y; w 191

there was no consu tatior of scientific and professional authorities".108

"This draft law incorporated many changes, so that the opponents should be more moderate in their attack against the latest plan",

Papanoutsos said:" The most controversial aspect of the Bill lay in its aims ana goals.

The spokesman of the PASOK said,

"The PASOK is absolutely against this Bill, its shady aims and purposes, because it completes the barrier to learning by putting up a wall of entrance examinations, so that most of the pupils will be excluded from the 'Lyceum', and will remain in the half-learning of the 'Gymnasiumm.110

And he added:

'The graduates of these schools will be an easily captured prey for exploitation, especially by foreign and multi- national employers, who will not, be able to absorb all the workers offered to them". 111

The, view of the KKE was expressed by its spokesman as follows,

"The children of workers and peasants are to receive technical education, but technical schools may go because there are obstacles in their way. The children of the rich do not gc to these schools. Therefore technical schools are set aside and only slowly come into action to provide knowledge".

Ana he west on,

"Industrial aria large enterprises demand low-paid workers in order to meet the competition of European and other foreign monopolies who are continuously increasing, their large profits". 113

"[This 131 11] aims at pushin the maob of our your; downwards, with an orientation toardb factories inu various branches of production. The your:, of capitalist countries, such as Greece, are subjects of special exploitation as low paid workers".114 192

and foreign enterprises with workers virtually unpaid during their studies, and workers with dubious skill after their graduation from these schools".115

The spokesman of the EDEK, expressing hip views, stated,

"The EDEK votes for the Bill, although there are some gaps and omissions, for the following reasons: First it is necessary to provide relief from the changeable legislation of the dictatorship. Secondly, Law No.309/1976 must be complemented by another law for vocational education. Thirdly the draft law went through many changes and comes to Parliament unrecognizable from the original". 116

Finally, discussing the negative aspects of the Bill, he said,

"(a) The government does not establish a uniform authority for vocational education... Several services of various ministries exercise control over these schools...; (b) the main aspects of the Bill are regulated by a decree; (c) there is no legislation for private vocational schools; and (d) there is not any participation of industrial and commercial persons in the policy-making and operation of the vocational schools"'11( -

The Minister of Education replied,

"My view is that a uniform authority could not work effectively. The unification of all authorities under the Ministry of Education is impossible now".11 6

After protracted controversy and dispute: in Pariidmer, the Bill was passed, thanks to the majority held by the rulint, party, the

New Democracy, and with the support, of the major opposition party the EDEK, as Law 576/1977.119

5.2 Law No.576/ 1977 on TechnicH :ncj V( ,-Jcatlon

The structure of technical ano vQcQ,ipna ced ,cdt.or was net out as follows:

(a) The cconGary echnics1 1 93 two categories: ( ) The Technical Vocational Schools, where the course lasts 1 or 2 years, and entrance into these schools is possible after a school-leavinp certificate from the: 'Gymnasium'.

(ii) the Technical and Vocational 'Lyceum', where three year courses are offered. Registration in the first, class is possible for graduates of the 'Gymnasium' after successful completion of the entrance examination.

(b) The Higher Technical and Vocational schools where courses last 2 or 3 years. Registration in those schools is possible for graduates of the general 'Lyceum' or technical education, with equal opportunity for each group, after successful. completion of the entrance examination.

For the administration of technical and vocational education the country was divided into four regions, each headed by supervisor. These were subdivided into eighteen districts, each headed by a general inspector. There were 22 general. inspectors, one in each district and one associated with a supervisor. Each

Technical or Vocational School_ was managed by a headmaster. The

Higher Technical. and Vocational Schools, wer( to. Jaye a measure of independence; each one as tc he a self -overninE.. corporate oody under public law, administered by a chancellor and a council

(senatus) elected by the faculty.

Technical vocal iana caucatior was to provided free; the text-books were also free. State-scholarship were awardec to few students. The :ltate covereC students' accisent insurance, if they 194

Finally, an article was added for the provision of 'Polyciadica

Kentra Meses Ekpaebuseas'. These were to be multi-lateral

schools, incorporating a 'Gymnasium', a 'Lyceum' of general

education, Technical and Vocational Schools and a Technical and

Vocational 'Lyceum'. The aim of this school-unit waL the

improvement, of the schooling structure for all pupils undergoing

general and technical education by providing schooling in a

common place with common teaching staff. The Law provided for the 20 establishment of ten such units in the country)

6 The Education System of 1977

6.1 Aims

The aims of the Kindergarten are to complete and strengthen

family upbringing by teaching ways of expression and behaviour,

and also by the cultivation of habits through which infants will

develop physically and intellectually and will adapt themselves

to their natural and social environment (Article 4 par.1).

The aims of Primary Schools are to lay the basis of the first level of education, namely to give pupils more experience,

stimulate develop physical and intellectual capacity, introduce

them to knowledge of the natural and fistorieal world, cultivate observation, thought and sensitivity, awaken their moral

consciuousness, and instil the bash of reiipious, national and

human education ir them (Article 11 par.1).

The aims of the 'Gymnasium' are to co!i;plet(- Rhu strengthen the

Drip: enuc ati or of the young, espec1Ld "re lhh

or rr cr hie, of their. r 195

then i to observe and analyse natural ;A-id social phenomena, to

teach them briefly the history and the most important

intellectual conquests of Greek, European ariC human civilisation,

to help the young to realise their own nature and capacity, to

sharpen their moral judgments, to develop their religious and

national consciousness, and to inspire them with the principles

of the democratic system of government of the country (Article 20

par. 1).

The aims of the 'Lyceum' are to provide a richer and wider education than does the 'Gymnasium' for those young who are

destined for higher education or more demanding. vocations. This education includes a more systematic cultivation of oral. and

written _language, a deeper study of national. literature and history, and of world history as the monuments of civilisation,

especially of European history and civilisation, the development of critical thought and imagination, more research into the

social and natural world, the strengthening of religious and

national convictions, more substantial knowledge of the principles of the democratic system of government, of the country, and, as t aim, the illumination of the spirit ant the

formation or a free drld resporsihif cnar

6 .2 Administration

The country was divided ants 1.een ref,ihnh, of primary schools,

whi oh ,ur r u ry ilaucation. These regions wen( su civalee lftc lig-tr -Jets under inspectors who

perl'orm(:d inihtr ive, .,up(hv; Hhvisor'y function:,

iv, hhhhh!

.cniAhr 196

drawn up by the KEME and approved by the Minister of Education, was being applied. Each school was managed by a head-teacher. For secondary education the country was divided into fifteen regions, which were headed by a Supervisor of Secondary Education. These regions were subdivided intc 80 disctricts under general inspectors, who performed administrative, supervisory and advisory functions. There were 60 special inspectors having supervisory and advisory functions regarding the teachers of special lessons. The 'Gymnasium' was managed by a headmaster

('Gymnasiarchis'). The 'Lyceum' was also managed by a headmaster

('Lycearchis').

6.3 Finance

Public General. education was free; any financial burden on the pupils and their parents was. prohibited. The text- books were free. The schools received grants from the State Budget.

Pupil who lived some distance from school. may be transported to school. free of charge.

6.4 Structure sue OrRaniadtion

Gener education, public dn private, consisted of the

Kinder garten, the primary school, the 'Gymnasium' and the

'Lyceum'. The Kindergarten was to involve 2-years of voluntary attendance of children aged year,', one f: vhu!-IthL on October.

The primary school was to require corn attendance of children aged 5 years ana e months or 1:n October.

Secondary °ducal ion, ,:iver i the 'Cymnasinc:' CO

comp 01 -dry ,,;tt no nce, unto.; years; ; put,i ; i,11( )1""i;,;<,

1 97

without entrance examination. Th( 'Lyceum' was 3-years of

voluntary attendance by day, or 4-years by night; pupils were to

he registered in class A after the entrance examination. Both the

'Gymnasium' and the 'Lyceum' were self-sufficient schools.

1 1 Age 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 1R: 14115 16 17;18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26

Level I II III 1 IV

;Pre- 1 : 1 : Stage ;School Primary 2 3 4 15 16 17 ;8 _1 1 1 I 1 1 ;Pre- ;Compel.; Compulsory Post-Compulsory

General Demotiko ;Gymnasium Tech. Vocat. or Business Lyceum

Technical Vocational School

Higher Post Education Grad.

:Teacher ;Training 1 1

6.5 Language

The language of instruction and of text-book:. at all level of general educatioc nax beer th( ihe' or modern Greel.

since the school year 1976-1977. 198

7 Other Legal Measures on Education

Another draft law was passed by Parliament in respect of private and boarding schools, amid great controversy and disputes, as Law

No.682/1 977.121 According to this law the organisation and structure of general education are similar to that which obtains in public schools. The curriculum is uniform for all schools, private and public, except for the teaching of foreign languages in private schools, which may take place after permission has been given by the Minister of Education. The fees for these schools were to be paid by the parents. Control over private schools was exercised by the Minister of Education and school- inspectors.

Law No.186/1975 was passed nearly unanimously in Parliament, with the assent of all political parties. This was the first of the

Education Laws, which established the KEME, Centre of Educational

Studies and In-service Training, and abolished the AES, Higher

Council of Education.122

The Centre had wide ranging responsibilities for giving advice to the Minister on curriculum development, staff development, and. inspection of schools.123

8 A Critical Assessment of the Reforms

The selection of the staff of KEME was completed in 1975 and KEMP commenced. work early it 1976. This institute assembled three categories of advisers: (a) The selected advisers of KEME, who were responsible for the work KEME and supported the

Tov ern- o(.:r ipeciLl advisers, th(

AC C', LtiL 199

Higher Educational Council of Law No.651/1970, and (c) other special advisers, the members of the Pedagogical Institute of Law

No.4379/1964, who had supported EK.

The cooperation of these members was exceptionally difficult, since there was much animosity amongst them. Therefore the KEME did not contribute much to the attempt to change education, and finally it became the instrument of the government to apply government policy.

The majority of KEME work on the research into eductionai problems was not reflected in the theory and practice of schools. The effective work of the KEME was limited to giving an opinion about a problem in education according to the will of the

Minister of Education. This institute, like other such institutes in Greece, had not responded to the demands of education.

The. Law No.309/1976 on the organisation and administration of general education was immediately applied in the 1976-77 school year, except for the provision or the extension of. compul.sor ti education. The division of the 6-year 'Gymnasium' into the 3-year

'Gymnasium' and the 3-year 'Lyceum', similar to the measures taken under the reform of 1964, was made by decree without causing any serious difficulties. Entrance examinations into the

'Gymnasium' were immediately abolished, so that each child who finishec primary school could be registereo in the first, class of the "(;yr; fum'. the first year of operation of thiL system about 140 tido_ reri.ater 0 ir the first class, .,000 200 examinations into the 'Lyceum', called Pa nell enies ex eta sei s' began for all pupils in the 1977-78 school-year, one for the general education 'Lyceum', and others for the technical and vocational 'Lyceum'.

Unfortunately, these examinations, which were established to turn the mass of pupils towards technical education, did not achieve satisfactory results° The traditional orientation towards classical education was very strong in both pupils and their parents.

The extension of compulsory education from 6 to 9 years was applied in the 1980-81 school year by Decree No.739/1980.125 The increase in the number of pupils who were registered in the first class of the 'Gymnasium' was not sufficient to make that number equal to the total of pupils who had finished primary school. About 10 to 15 percent of the total of pupils who finished primary school received no further education. Thus, compulsory education has not been achieved yet in respect of all children for various reasons, but mainly because the government does not wish to give equal opportunity to all children.

The provisions for the administration of education were immediately applied. The number of posts for headmasters was doubled, corresponding to the number of new institutions which had been established from the division of . the 6-year 'Gymnasium'. The selection of supervisors and inspectors of primary and secondary schools was made in the 197P-1 but there are c - ntinnirp• ff the 201

Free education at all levels of education has been adopted as policy in Greece since 1964, but the grants to education from the

Budget remain at about 10 to 11 percent, or 2 percent of the

Gross National Product. Expenditure on schools is financed by the

State. Budget, and text-books are free for all children, but pupils who live in villages far away from schools are obliged to pay their fares to go to school. Free transport of these pupils has not been achieved yet. This inequality in education causes much uneasiness and many disputes in the social and political sectors of Greek life.

A new method of admission into higher educational institutions was legislated to complete the reform in secondary education.

According to the new method, criteria of selection were: (a) the pupil's expressed preference for an institution in his application, and (2) the pupil's marks in the second and third class of the Lyceum plus his marks in the two special examinations. 126

For this reasons in the 1978-79 school-year a new institution began to operate. The lessons at. the Lyceum were divided into two categories: core lessons and elective lessons. The lessons were studied in parallel.127 In 1980 this. mew method of admission wan applied to the entrance cf p( into hlater educstiomal institutions.

There were many candidates seeMirm acs cher- educh >

h_ the ns L 1 202 total of candidates were successful in obtaining a place in the universities or in higher educational institutions. The majority of the candidates were kept out of higher education. They immediately began to doubt the value of the results of this examination system. Thus the entrance examination system will remain an unsolved problem in education, so long as a limited number of candidates for higher education must be selected.

Law No.576/1977 on the organisation of technical and vocational education (middle and higher) came into force with many difficulties. The establishment of some technical and vocational institutions was realised in the 1977-78 school-year. Lack of school buildings, lack of school. equipment and technical material, and also the shortage of teachers, were some of the most serious difficulties concerning the operation of the technical and vocational schools.

Although G.Rallis, the Minister of Education, and later, the Prime

Minister, has written that, "14 billions drachmes will be spent on technical and vocation education in the next 5-years",128 the problems remain most serious in this sector of education. The stamp of the improm,tu was put on these institutions, so that technical and vocation education now requires another reorganisation in order to modernise it.

in general, the reforms introduced in the period 1974 to 1981 were very similar to those made in 1964. One significant differ-6 , c( was the increased emphasis placed or technical and

op:useu tc en rah educ tp, n, is t.ni, 203 proposals of the conservatives, as set out in the proposed reforms of 1973. In the final chapter this emerging consensus will be examined in more detail. 2014

CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSION

This thesis has traced the development of the educational system of Greece from the foundation of the modern Greek State to the present day. A very close link has been noted between political changes in Greece and the educational reforms which have been proposed. Liberal democratic governments have introduced reforms to introduce 'Demotike' to the schools, especially the primary schools, to make access to secondary education easier by removing selective examinations at the lower secondary level, and to introduce technical and vocational education. Right wing and dictatorial governments have introduced reforms diametrically opposed to these, the use of 'Katharevousa', strict examinations and an emphasis on classical Greek scholarship.

The bitterness and increasing polarisation in political life in

Greece has been reflected in educational debates. This has so dominated the framework within which education is discussed in

Greece that scholars have presumed that the language problem or the examination problem were the principal. problems of Greek education, There are, however, a number of paradoxes in the development of Greek education which indicate that. this is not really the case.

The reforms of education wtibh have been introduced by all parties have been seriously handicapped by the shortages of teachers, school bulidins ens sbuibment, and by a failure to

provide iarrL fl r of Greel,:

r 205

illiteracy rates have remained high) On these issues, both sides

in the educational debates have criticised their opponents, with

the possibly ironic result that right-wing educationist have

criticised the liberals for a failure to provide adequate funding, and, in 1964, they claimed that the liberal reforms were

no more than the policies of. the conservatives.2

There was certainly some justice in this claim, as, in spite of a failure to implement reforms, all political. parties had legislated reforms which involved the extension of free and compulsory primary education to all children, and later free education at all levels.

Moreover, by 1973, when the Military Junta, the most recent conservative government in Greece, came to prepare a plan for the reform of education, it was obliged to recognise both the aspirations of the majority of parents and the need for a modern society to have adequate technical education.3 In this final reform of the Junta one can see a further narrowing of the gap

between the policies of liberals and conservatives.

In these circumstances it would be wise to compare the policies of conservatives and liberals within Greek education, with the inteftion s seeing just how much they have now come to agree upon, rather than stressinc tho livi( iem. This would take attention away from the problems which have dominated discussion of education, and particularly the se called "fang uace problem", and permit more atl ,ntion to be paid to th, real

Lrob.1 206

no matter from what class, region, city or village of Greece they

come from. That the 'Demotike/Katharevousa' debate is more of a

focus for rhetoric than a serious problem can be seen by the very

large measure of agreement. which the proponents of each language

have been able to arrive at. In spite of periods of destroying

the books of the other party, there now seems to be considerable

consensus that 'Demotike' should be the language of the primary

school, and that 'Katharevousa' is desirable for the study of. the

Greek classics.4 The tempestuous debates on the language problem

therefore come down to little more than the exact stage at which

'Katharevousa' should be introduced into the schools, and this

should hardly be permitted to become a major obstacle to the

further development of the educational system.

Throughout the development of the Greek education system, the

conservatives pressed to retain the classical tradition of

Greece, and to strengthen the Helleno-Christian tradition. When

they were in power they had at their disposal a centralised

bureaucracy, which enabled them, to appoint their own supporters

to key positions, and the statements from educationists in

leading positions under the Junta illustrates the effectiveness

with which such power could be exercised.5 However, the proposed

reforms of 1973 were drawn up with the recognition that the

conservative pattern of education could not be imposed upon the

people of Greece entirely against their will. In this respect,

the proposed reforms of 1973 represent a pragmatic conservative

package; the most conservative package which would be accepted by

the majority of Greek people, bearing in mind the long history of

the aspiratior for hc:11( ti . citizens, and the

cc) ern 207

Greece a fully participating member of the European community.

In spite of the fact that these reforms were never enacted, one is struck by the fact that the reforms of 1975 to 1977 introduced by the liberal democratic government did not differ markedly from the proposed reforms of 1973. Certainly, there were differences, but the emphasis on the purging of personnel rather than the changing of policies indicates that in large measure the reforms represented the over-spill of political antagonisms into the field of education. Like the proposed reforms of 19735 the reforms of 1975-7 retained a secondary education system divided into two cycles, with strict entrance examinations into the

'Lyceums'.6

The major debate focused, as it had on so many previous occasions, on the language issue, the reforms of 1975-7 establishing. 1 Demotike' as the language of instruction at all levels of general education. However, since the 'Lyceum' was to retain its elite character and its role in preparing pupils for higher education, there was no suggestion that the 'Lyceum' could not also promote the study of the classical Greek traditions.

Paradoxically, the proposal to expand technical and vocational education at the upper secondary level, which was vigorously pursued by the liberals, is also the measure which is most nicely to relieve pressure for access tc the 'Lyceum', and help to preserve it as an elite school for university preparation, nich map the the consery tives. 208

The system of administration proposed by the two political groupings are broadly similar, differing largely on how many administrative districts the country should be divided into, and on how people should be appointed to office. This last point is clearly closely related to who is appointed, and again reflects more of concern of political control than it does of educational purpose.

A further major difference between the two political groupings is the period of teacher training, the conservatives pressing for shorter training, and the liberals for longer. Even here, in the reforms of 1976 the conservatives conceded that a minimum of two years of training was desirable, while the liberals have pressed for three. If this is a major difference, and turns out to be intractable, it can only be observed that in the majority of industrialised and industrialising countries the tendency has been, and the expectations of parents and teachers alike have been to support, the extension of teacher education, and the increase of a general education as part of the preparation of teachers.? In the long run, it would seem that the conservatives are only likely to delay development in this area somewhat, rather than bring about a major change in policy direction.

The picture which emerges in education is thus one of increasing,. convergence between the opposiny hrodbs in Greece, in tern:: of the policies proposed. In such circumstances one would expect the debates to become less heated. This has not been the case, one even where the differences in policy are the deba tes i e; extrel:,( 209

permitted to become symbols of broader political positions. This has been exacerbated by the disposition of academics to take such debates at face value, and assume that the "language problem" is the key problem in Greek education because it is the problem

which has most exercised Greek politicians. In fact, of course, it is the question on which the politicians have agreed, 4A-,1t

14.4q=i4EI they have ignored, the improved funding, of education and

better provision of material and personnel, which is the key problem in Greek education.

This spilling over of political debates into an educational arena is fully understandable in terms of the history of the country.

It serves to underline also the strong connection between the political system of a country and the educational system, which since the time of Aristotle, at least, Greeks have believed in and acted upon. It is, however, high time that education ceased to be a weapon with which first one side and then the other cudgel their opponents in political. debates. Education is too important for that.

What is now required is the will to separate educational reform from the violent swings of politics, and to consolidate upon; the areas of broad agreement which do exist within the education system. In that way a better level of educational provision could be extended to all children in Greece; as is their right under the Unesco charter. Giver) the opportunity, an education for national unity might do as much, if not more, for the development anu modernisation of Greece than a government of national unity. 210

NOTES AND REFERENCES

CHAPTER I

Castle, B.E., Ancient Education and Today, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1967, p.11.

Pericles was moved to declare, "Our city as a whole is an education to Greece". Thukidides, Peloponnesiakos Polemos (The Peloponnesian War), Vol.B, 41, Athens: I.Zacharopoulos, p.312. Dale, H., (translator), Thukidides, London: George Bell & Sons, 1891, p.114.

3 Statistike Epeteris tes Hellados 1933 (Statistical annual of Greece 1933), p.418.

4 Details of attempted reforms in the period 1828-1949 are given in Chapter II of this thesis.

5 Details of this period are given in Chapter III of this thesis.

0 Lindsay, D.A., I Believe in Democracy, London: Oxford University Press, 1941, pp.10-15. - Unesco, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, London: Allan Wingate, 1949, pp.273-280.

I Castle, B.E., op.cit., p.11.

8 Thukidides, op.cit., pp.200-203.

9 Castle, B.E., op.cit., p.81.

10 Ibid, P.94.

11 Maritain, J., The Person _.nd the Common Good, (translated by Fitzgerald, J.I.), New York: Charles Scribuer's Sons, 1947, pp.38-39.

Aristotle, Ethics, I, 1097b, quoted in Castle, B.E., Dpecit., p.93.

Aristotle, Poiltica I-III (Politics), Athens, I.Zacharopoulos, 1957, I, i, 1253a.

1 4

15 Ibid, VIII, 1337a.

16 Ibid.

17 Walsh, E.S., Education and Political Power, New York: Center for Applied Research in Education, 1964, pp.2-4.

18 Crancer, ,Encyclopaedia of the Sciences, Vol., 214.

19 rT.1(,) Notes to Chapter i 211

20 Unesco, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, op.cit., pp.273-280.

CHAPTER II

1 KEDE, Research and Publicity Centre, Greece: A Portrait, Athens: Athanasiadis Bros., 1979, pp.20-28.

2 Finley, G., History of the Greek Revolution, Vol.2, London: 1861. Woodhouse, G.M., The Greek War of Independence, London: 1952. Goulielmos, P., Neoellenike Pragmatikoteta (The New Greek Reality), 6th Edition, Athens: EPOEZO, 1970, p.53.

3 Forster, E.S., A Short History of Modern Greece 1821-1956, 3rd Edition, London: 1958.

4 Tsampis, G., Historia tes Agoges (History of Education), Thessalonike: 1969, p.280.

5 Goulielmos, P., op.cit., p.62.

6 Forster, E.S., op.cit.

7 Sophokles, S.M., He Historia tes Heilados (History of Greece), Thessalonike: 1961.

8 Tsampis, G., op.cit., p.281.

9 Decree of 1834, "Gia ten organose tou Demotikou Scholeiou" (On the Organisation of Primary Education), in Demaras, A., Tekmeria Historias (Historical Documents), Athens: Ekdotike Hermis EPE, 1974, Vol.A, pp.45-50.

10 Decree of 1836 on the Organisation of Secondary Education, Ibid, Vol.A, pp.61-63.

11 Decree of 1837 on the Organisation of the University of Athens, 11)1_0, Vol.A, p.73.

12 Decree of 1 834 on Primary Education, Article 19, Ibid, Vol.A, p.46.

13 Decree of 1836 on the Secondary Education, Article 39, Vol.A, pp.61-63.

14 Lefas, C., Historia tes Ekpaodouseos, (History of Education), Athens: Organismos Scholikon biblion, 1942, pp.271-274.

15 Decree of 1834, Article 26, in Demaras, A., op.cit.

16 Decree of 1836, ArticieD ly, b4, Rh, 38,

17 KEDH, Portrait ax IkJtes to Chapter II 212

18 Decree of 1838, On the Suspension of Fees for Higher Education, in Demaras, A., op.cit., Vol.A, p.75.

19 Circular of 20th January, 1837, in Lefa, C., op.cit., p.21.

20 Constitution of Greece, 1844, Article 11, in Demaras, A., op.cit., Vol.B, p.306, and Constitution of Greece, 1864, Article 16.

21 Decree of 1844, in Lefas, C., op.cit., p.22.

22 Rangavis' Memoirs, in Demaras, A., op.cit., Vol.A, pp.50-59.

23 Mylonas, N.T., He Anaparagoge ton koenonikon taxeon mesa apo toes Scholikous Mechanismous (The Reproduction of Social Classes through the School Mechanism), Athens: Ekdoseis Gregore, 1982, p.20.

24 Rangavis' Memoirs, in Demaras, A., op.cit., Vol.A, pp.50-55.

25 Ibid.

26 ELPIS (Hope), Newspaper, 6tIn/13th May, 1837, cited in Demaras, A., Ibid., Vol.A, p.89.

27 Goulielmos, P., op.cit., p.69.

28 Decree of 1857, on the Regulation of Secondary Schools, in Demaras, A., op.cit., Vol.A, pp.157-160.

29 Lefas, C., op.cit., pp.13-20.

30 Decree of 1836, Article 2, in Demaras, A., op.cit., p.61.

31 Article 64, ibid, p.63

32 Lefas, C., op.cit., p.21.

33 Ibid, P.23.

34 Tsoukalas, K., Exartise kai Anaparagoge (Dependence and Reproduction) 1830-1922, Athens: Historike Bibliotheke Themelio, 3rd Edition, p.392.

35 Statistike Epiteris tes Hellados 1933 (Statistical Annual of Greece 1933), op,eit., p.418.

36 Lefas, C., op.cit., p.37.

37 Tsoukalas, K., op.cit., pp.400-418.

38 Woodhouse, G.M., The Story of Modern Greece, London: 1968.

39

40 McNeill, H.U., The Metamorphosis of GrcecQ; Since -world War II, Oxford: Hasii. Piack0e11, p.J,

1 Lirece, AuLtury. Notes to Chapter II 213

42 Kerofilas, G., Eleftherios Venizelos, London: 1915.

43 Lefas, C., op.cit., p.58.

44 Laws of 1892 and 1895, in Demaras, A., op.cit., Vol.B, pp.1 - 10.

45

46 The 'Evangeliku' (Gospel), in Demaras, A., op.cit., Vol.B, pp.23-32.

47 Trapman, A.H., The Greek Triumph 1912-1913, London: 1915.

48 Cassaveti, D.J., Hellas and the Balkan Wars, 1914.

49 KEDE, A Portrait of Greece, op.cit., p.23.

50 Ibid.

51 McNeill, H.W., op.cit., pp.53-58.

52 Ekpaedeutikos Homilos, The Constitution, in Demaras, A., op.cit., Vol.B, p.69.

53 Mattheou, D., The Politics of Educational Change, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of London, 1980, pp.1- 2.

54 Kazamias, A., Education and Modernisation in Greece, Washington: Office of Education, Bureau of Research, 1974, p.15.

55 "Ta Atheistika" (The Atheist), from the minutes of the Court of Volos, 16th April, 1914, in Demaras, A., op.cit., pp.101- 114.

56 Glenos, D., Eklektes Sel_ides (Eclectic Pages), Athens: Stochastis, Vol.III, 2nd Edition, 1972, p.75.

57 Markopoulos, A., Organose ksi Dioikese tes Ekpaedeuseos (The Organisation and Administration of Education), Thessalonike: 1978, p.113.

58 Greek Constitution of 1911, in EK.

59 Lefas, C., op.cit., p.302.

60 Introductory Report Draft 191 , ire nerp op.cit., Vol.b, p.93.

61 Lefas, C., op.cit., p.304.

62

7'19;21 in Demaraa,

aaHan of Grecr.r.:r. Notes to Chapter II 214

65 Law No.4373/1929, in „ibid, p.148.

66 Law No.4379/1929, in ibid, p.176.

67 Law No.4373/1929, Article 3, in ibid, p.148.

68 Law No.4379/1929, Article 1, in ibid, p.176.

69 Lefas, C., op.cit., pp.308-312.

70 Law No.4379/1929, Article 19, in Demaras, A., op.cit., p.173.

71 Lefas, C., op.cit., p.85.

72 Ibid, p.494.

73 Gonatas, K., Minister of Education, Introduction to the Educational Reform of 1929, in Demaras, A., op,cit., Vol.B, p.164.

74 KEDE, A Portrait of Greece, op.cit., p.23.

75 Statistical Yearbook 1928, p.21.

76 Lefas, C., op.cit., pp.474-475, Law No.5019/1931.

77 KEDE, A Portrait of Greece, op.cit., p.24.

78 Goulielmos, P., op.cit., pp.58-60.

79 Lefas, C., op.cit., pp.225-230.

80 Takas, A., Diarkis Odegos ton Didaskolon (Durable Conductor of Teachers), Athens: 1971, Vol.A, p.202.

81 KEDE, A Portrait of Greece, op.cit., p.24-25.

82 Kokkotas, P., Ho Hobos tes Paedeias sten Economike Anaptyxe tes Hellados (The Role of Education in the Economic Growth of Greece), Athens: Tounta, 1978, p.11.

83 McNeill, H.W., op.cit., pp.65-68.

84 _aid, p.69.

85 Goulielmos, P., op.cit., p.157.

86 Ibid, p.202.

87 imbriote, R., Paedeia kai koenonia (Education and Society), Athens: 1978, pp.16-17.

88 Ibid, p.18.

Ibid, P.19. 90 l_k_Ad I.,. 0 . Notes to Chapter II 215

91 McNeill, H.W., op.cit., pp.80-87.

92 Kokkotas, P., op.cit., p.11.

93 Candilis, W.O., The Economy of Greece, 1944-1966, New York: Praeger, 1968, pp.19-20.

94 McNeill, H.W., op.cit., pp.87-91,

95 Meynaud, J., Hoe Politikes Dynameis sten Heilada (The Political Forces in Greece), Athens: Spoudes Politikes Epistemes, 1966, p.39.

9b Law No.509/1947, in EK, 27th October, 1947.

CHAPTER III

1 Meynaud, J., op.cit., p.40. Mattheou, D., op.cit., p.13.

2 Meynaud, J., op.cit., pp.85-89.

3 Ibid.

4

5 McNeill, H.W., op.cit., p.94.

6 p.98.

7 Ibid, p.99.

8 Ibid.

9 Ibid, p.98.

10 Meynaud, J., op.cit,, p.95.

11 Ibid, p.100.

12 Thick, pp.98-102.

13 Ibid, p.105.

14 McNeill, H.W., op.cit., p.110.

15 Meynaud, J., op.cit, p.111.

16 McNeill, Lb., op.cit, p.112.

17 Ibid, p.113.

18 Meynaud, J., op.cit., pp.117-120.

19 McNc 1, .W.. pp.110-111

00 C21).(2:11,, Notes to Chapter Iii 216

21 Papagos, A., Speech in the newspaper To Vema, 21st August, 1951

22 Ibid.

23 Stephanopoulos, S., Speech in the newspaper Helienikos Vorras, 3rd March, 1950.

24 Papagos, A., op.cit.

25 Venizelos, S., Speech in the newspaper Hellenikos Vorras, 5th March, 1950.

26 Venizelos, S., Speech in the newspaper ,To Vema, 11th August, 1951.

27 Plasteras, N., Speech in the newspaper To Vema, 6th September, 1951.

28 Meynaud, J., op.cit., p.192.

29 Ibitl, p.193.

30 Ilia.

31 32

33 Passalides, J., Leader of EDA, Speech in the newspaper Avee, 4th December, 1956.

34 Meynaud, J., op.cit., p.234.

35 Ibitl, p.258.

36 itiU, p.248.

37 Ibid, p.276.

38 Ibitl, p.292.

39 Ibid.

40 aid, p.295.

41 Papanoutsos, E., Aeones kae aconia jia ten Paedia (The Fight and Agony of Education), Athens: Ikaros, 1965, p.57.

42 Exarchopoulos, N., "To Ekpaedeutikon Problema" (The Problem in Education), in Vema. Demarars, A., op.cit., Vol.B, pp.225-227.

43 The Draft Law of 1952, in Demaras, A., c4ILLcit., p.222.

44 The oomAltutior of Greece or

45 Ern urLency Law No.1 Notes tc Chapter II1 217

p.221.

46 Papanoutsos, E., op.cit., pp.57-62.

47 Demaras, A., op.cit., p.216.

48 Law No.3094/1954, in Takas, A., Diarkis Odegos ton Didaskalon, op.cit, Vol.A, p.183.

49 Papanoutsos, E., op.cit., p.76.

50 Statistike tes Ekpaedeusos, 1955-56, (Statistics of Education), Athens: Vol.A, Table I.

51 Papanoutsos, E., op.cit., pp.57-62.

52 Zolotas, X., "Ekthesis pros ten 29 Geniken Syneleusin ton Metochon" (Report to the 29th General Assembly of the Shareholders), in Paedeia kai Zoe, Volume 10, No.94, May, 1961, p.1 26.

53 Ibid.

54

55 „aid.

56 Mattheou, D., op.cit., pp.100 -102.

57 Pippas, D., "Eisegesis kai apopsis epi tes Ekpaedeuseos en Helladi" (Proposals and Views on the Organisation of Education in Greece), in Porismata Epitropes Paedeias, Athens: National Printing Office, June 24, 1957, p.88.

58 Royal Speech in the Academy of Athens, 25th May 1957, in DOLME, No.109-110, June, 1957, p.3. Demaras, A., op.cit., pp.228-229. Mattheou, D., op.cit., pp.102-103.

59 Decision of the Prime Minister No.42400/14-6-1957, in Porismata Epitropes Paedeias, 24th June, 1957 - 10th January 1958, p.16.

60

61 bid, p.18.

62 Kazamias, A., "Greece: Modernising Secondary Education", in Thomas, R.M., Sands, L.B., and Brubaker, 0.L., Strategies for Curriculum Change, Scranton, Pens: International Textbook Company, 1968, p.45.

63

64 Porismata Epitropes Paedeias, 24th June, 1957 - 10th January 1958, p.19.

65 Int icy. Notes to Chapter lil 218

66 Ibid.

67 EEFSPA, Athens: Vol.7, 1956-1957, p.543.

68 Ibid.

69 Ibid.

70 School of Philosophy, University of Athens, "Hypomnema pros Hypourgion Ethnikes Paedeias kai Threskeumaton" (Memorandum to the Ministry of Education and Religion), in EEFSPA, Athens: Vol.8, 1957-1958, p.579.

71 Mattheou, D., op.cit., pp.107-108.

72 OLME, "Public Statement, 15th June, 1957", in DDLME, No.109- 110, June, 1957, p.3.

73 Association of Greek. Philologists, "To holon thema tes Paedeias hypo exetasin" (The Issue of Education under Examination), in DOLME, No.109-110, June, 1957, p.3.

74 Porismata Epitropes Paedeias, 24th June, 1957 - 10th January 1958, p.19.

75 Mattheou, D., op.cit., pp.108-109.

76 Porismata Epitropes Paedeias, 24th June, 1957 - 10th January 1958, p.17.

77 Ibid, pp.20-22.

78 Ibid, p.23.

79 Ibid.

80 Ibid, p.25.

81 Ibid.

82 Ibid.

83 Ibid, pp.26-27.

84 pad, p.39.

85 Ibid, p.46. 86 bi, pp.47-50. 87 "lad, p.62.

88 Ibid, p.37.

89 Ibid, Pp.40,57.

90 Ibid, p.60.

)1 I 1-)1Q. Note.:., to Chapter iii 219

92 Ibid, p.28. 93 Ibid, p.26,28. 94 "The Philosophike Schole kai to thema tes Paedeias" (The School of Philosophy and the Educational Question), in EEFSPA, Vol.9, p.561. 95 School of Phiulosophy, University of Athens, "Public Statement, 26th March, 1959", in EEFSPA, Vol.9, p.563. 96 Mattheou, D., op.cit., p.115. 97 School of Philosophy, University of Athens, "Hypomnema pros Hypourgion Ethnikes Paedeias kai Threskeumaton" (Memorandum to the Ministry of Education and Religion), in EEFSPA, Athens: Vol.8, 1957-1958, p.581. 98 Ibid, p.582. 99 Ibid, p.563. 100 Ibid, p.583. 101 OLME, "Porismata tes 24 genikes syneleuseos" (Conclusions of the 24th General Assembly), in DOLME, No.111-112, October, 1957, p.6. 102 OLME, "Hoe Hypeuthynoe as prosexoun" (Those Reponsible should be Careful), in DOLME, No.113-114, November, 1957, p.1.

10 OLME, "Hypomnema pros ten Epitrope Paedeias, 27th September, 1957", op.cit., p.6. 104 Ibid, p.5. 105 DOE, "Di oliga argyria" (For a little money), in Didaskalikon Vema, No.386, 30th September, 1958, p.1. 106 DOE, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.387, 10th October, 1958, p.1. 107 DOE, "Me dynamikotita K.Hypourge" (The Dynamic Mr.Secretary), in Didaskalikon Vema, No.390, 10th November, 1958, p.1. 108 Papandreou, G., "Speech to the Rotary Club, 13th June, 1957", in DOLME, No.109-110, June, 1957, p.5. 109 Kitsikes, N., "Speech in Parliament", in Parliamentary Proceedings, 23rd June, 1959, p.1096. 110 Porismata Epitropes Paedeias, 24th June, 1957 10th January 1958, p.16. 111 Prime Minister, "Deloseis too K.frothypourgou" (Declarations of the Prime Minister), in Pidaskallikon Verna, No.409, 20th June, 1959, 1. Notes to Chapter III 220

112 Ibid, p.2.

113 Law No.3971/1959 on Technical and Vocational Education, in EK, No.187, 7th September, 1959.

114 Law No.3973/1959 on the Unification and the Coordination of Vocational Education, in EK, No.187, 7th September, 1959.

115 Law No.3970/1959 on the Increase in the Number of Teachers and Inspectors of Primary, secondary and Vocational Education, in EK, No.187, 7th September, 1959.

116 Aposkites, K., "Speech in Parliament", in Parliamentary Proceedings. 23rd June, 1959, p.1091.

117 Ibid.

118 Ibid, p.1092.

119 Ibid,

120 Soteriou, K., "Speech in Parliament", in farkiamentary Proceedings, 24th June, 1959, p,1115.

121 Ibid, p.1116.

122 Sbolou, M, "Speech in Parliament", in Parliamentary Proceedings, 25th June, 1959, p.1123.

123 Ibid, p.1124.

124 Ibid, p.1126.

125

126 Kitsikes, N., op.cit, p.1096.

127 Ibid.

128 Kothres, E., "Speech in Parliament", in Parliamentary Proceedings, 23rd June, 1959, p.1105.

129 Ibid, p.1106.

130 Aposkites, K., op.cit., p.1093.

131 Bogiatzes, G., Minister % f Education, "Speech in Parliament", in Parliamentary Proceedings, 23rd June, 1959, p.1093.

132 Aposkites, K., op.cit., p.1093.

133 Ibid.

134 Papandreou, G., Leader of Ph, iarnent", in Parliamentary Proceedings. 23rd H10973.

135 Kanellopoulos, P., ldeH. Notes to Chapter Ill 221

in Parliament", in Parliamentary Proceedinz,5, 23rd June, 1959, p.1094.

136 Kitsikes, N., op.cit,, p.1099.

137 Aposkites, K., op.cit., p.1092.

138 Kitsikes, N., op.cit., p.1099.

139 Aposkites, K., op.cit., p.1095.

140 Kitsikes, N., op.cit., p.1100.

141 Kitsikes, N., op.cit., p.1099.

142 Sbolou, M., op.cit., p.1125.

143 Kothres, E., op.cit., p.1106.

144 Ibid, p.1107.

145 Gerokostopoulos, A., "Speech in Parliament", in Parliamentary Proceedings, 23rd June, 1959, p.1104.

146 Ibid.

147 Kitsikes, N., op.cit., p.1099.

148 Soteriou, K., op.cit., p.1115.

149 Kothres, E., op.cit., p.1106.

150 alit.

151 Law 3971/1959, Article 27, is discussed in Mattheou, D., op.cit., pp.122-125.

152 Law No.3971/1959 on Technical and Vocational Education, in EK, No.187, 7th September, 1959, pp.1639-1648.

153 Law No.3970/1959 on the Increase in the Number of Teachers and Inspectors of Primary, secondary and Vocational Education, in EK, No.187, 7th September, 1959.

154 Law No.3973/1959 on the Unification and the Coordination of Vocational Education, in EK, No.187, 7th September, 1959.

155 "Hidryma Kratikon Hypotropheion" (The Institute of State Scholarship), in EK, 1951.

156 Porismata Epitropes Paedeias, 24th June, 1957 - 10th January 1958.

157 ibid.

158 Soteriou, K., op.cit.

159 Law 509/1947 in EK. Notes to Chapter ill 222

160 Sbolou, M., op.cit. 161 "Ho Proypologismos tou Kratous" (The State Budget) of 1960. 162 Mattheou, D., op.cit., p.125.

CHAPTER IV 1 Vernicos, N., L'Economie de la Grece 1950-7Q, Paris: Typescript, 1970, p.116. McNeill, H.W., op.cit., p.104.

3 Sandis,E., Refugees and Economic Migrants in Greater Athens, Athens: 1973, p.180. 4 Mouzelis, P.N., Modern Greece (Facts of Underdevelopment), London: Macmillan, 1977, p.124. 5 Comninos, M., The Development of the Patronage System in Etolo-Acarnania and Kavala, unfinished thesis, London: London School of Economics. 6 Mouzelis, P.N., op.cit., p.125.

7 Ibid. 8 McNeill, H.W., op.cit., p.111. 9 Ibid, p.113. 10 Mouzelis, P.N., op.cit., p.126. 11 Gregoriadis, S., History of Contemporary Greece, (In Greek), Athens: 1974, Vol.2. 12 McNeill, H.W., op.cit., p.120. 13 Mouzelis, P.N., op.cit., pp.127-128. 14 Demaras, A., op.cit., p.253. 15 Ibid, p.252. 16 Ibid, pp.255-256.

17 Ibid, p.254. 18 Ibid, pp.252-253. 19 Ibid, p.258. 20 Ibid, "Deloseis tou Papandreou", pp.259-261. 21 Ibid, "Deloseis tou Gr.Kasimatis", pp.2b2-263. 22 Ibid, "Hypomnema tes Philosophikes Scholes tou Panapistimiou ton Athinon" (Memorandum of Philosophical School of the Notes to Chapter IV 223

University of Athens), pp.275-279. 23 Ibid , pp.279-280. 24 .Ibid, p.281. 25 Kournias, I.K., Ekpaedeutikae Netarrythmiseis (Educational Reforms), Athens: 1973, pp.87-91. 26 Lbid, p.56. 27 Demaras, A., op.cit., pp.281-282 28 Andriotes, N., "Antidrasis kae sophismos kata tou neou Nomoschediou" (Reaction and Sophism against the New Bill), in Verna, 27th August, 1964. 29 Kakrides, I., "He Panarchaea Hellenike Paradose kae hoe nees anages tes epohes" (The Long Greek Tradition and the New Needs of Our Time), in Vema, 29th August, 1964.

30 Sakellariou, M., "To Ekpaedeutiko Nomoschediou: Hoe skopoe kae hoe polemioe tou" (The Education Bill: Its Aims and Its Opponents), in Verna, 26th August, 1964. 31 Dekegorikos Syllolos Athenon (Athenian Association of Lawyers, Kodix Nomikou Vematos, Athens: 1964, pp.701-726. 32 Mattheou, D., op.cit., pp.134-137.

33 Kazamias, A., "The Politics of Educational Reform in Greece", Comparative Education Review, Vol.22, No.1, 1978, p.23.

34 Kodix Nomikou Vematos, op.cit., p.706.

35 Vogiatzes, G., "Speech in Parliament", P_arliamentary Proceedings, 2nd September, 1964, p.463. 36 Ibid, p.471.

37 Lychnos, G., "Speech in Parliament", Parliamentary Proceedings, 27th August, 1964, p.463. 38 Kasimatis, G., "Speech in Parliament", Parliamentary Proceedings, 8th September, 1964, p.591.

39 Kanellopoulos, P., "Speech in Parliament", Parliamentary Proceedings, 1st September, 1964, p.515.

40 Heliopoulos, S., "Speech in Parliament", Parliamentary Proceedings, 27th August, 1964, p.480.

41 Ibid, p.481.

42 Akritas, L., "Speech in Parliament", Parliamentary ,Proceedings, 28th August, 1964, p.493. 43 Kodix Nornihcu Vernatos, op.cit., pl,-71;' -7 2h . Notes to Chapter IV 224

44 The Constitution of Greece of 1952, Article 16, in EK, No.1, 1st January, 1952.

45 Kodix Nomikou Vematos, op.cit., p.701. 46 Papanoutsos, E., "Educational Demoticism", Comparative Education Review, Vol.22, No.1, 1978, pp.46-50. 47 Demaras, A., op.cit., p.290.

48 National Statistical Service of Greece, Table 2.

49 Kournias, K., op.cit., pp.56,65. 50 Kodix Nomikou Vemalu, op.cit., p.706. 51 Demaras, A., op.cit., VoJ.B, pp.267-274. 52 Decree of February 6/18, 1834, in Demaras, A., op.cit., Vol.A, pp.45-50.

53 Markopoulos, A., op.cit., p.46. e,5 54 Statistike tes Ek_paedpos (Statistics of Education), op.cit., Tables 4 and 5. 55 Demaras, A., op.cit., p.276. 56 Ibid, p.279. 57 Kournias, K., op.cit., p.30. 58 Kodix Nornikou Vematos, op.cit,, p.713. 59 Ibid, p.705. 60 Ibid, p.706. 61 Demaras, A., op.cit., Vol.B, p.260. 62 Kodix Nomikou Vematos, op.cit„ pp.704-705.

63 Demaras, A., o_p.cit., Vol.B, pp.260. 64 Ibid, pp262-263. 65 Kasimatis, G., op.cit., p.591. 66 National Budget of Greece, 1965, Table 3. 67 Goulielmos, P., op.cit., pp.120-150.

68 Sabbopoulos, A., Declaration of the Minister of Education, in Demaras, A., op.cit., p.290. Notes to Chapter V 225

CHAPTER V

1 McNeill, H.W., op.cit., p.120. KEDE, Greece_: A Portrait, op.cit., p.27. Blachou, H., "Oe syntagmatarches kae o typos" (The Colonels and the Press), in Giannopoulos, G, et al., (Eds.) He Hellada kato apo ton stratiotiko zygo (Greece under the Military Junta), Athens: Ekdoseis Papazise, 1976, pp.113- 135

2 Zacharopoulos, G., in Giannopoulos, G, et al., op.cit., P.75.

3 McNeill, H.W., op.cit., p.120.

4 Blachou, H., op.cit, p113.

5 Constitutional Act No.2/5th May, 1967, in a No.66/6th May 1967.

6 Constitutional Act No.1/5th May, 1967, in EK No.66/6th May 1967.

7 Constitutional Act No.3/19th May, 1967, in EK No.79/22nd May 1967.

8 Clogg, R., "The Ideology of the Revolution of 21 April 1967", in Clogg, R., and Yannopoulos, G., (Eds.), Greece under Military Rule, London: 1972, pp.38-58.

9 Chondrokoukis, D., 0 Golgothas tes Hellenikes Democratias (The Golgoth of Greek Democracy), Athens: Ekdoseis Mpoukoumane, 1974, pp.101-113.

10 Mouzelis, P.N., op.cit., pp.128-129.

11 Hitchens, C., "Detente and Destabilisation: Report from Cyprus", New Left Review, No.94. McNeill, H.W., op.cit., pp.132-133.

12 Mouzelis, P.N., op.ci..., pp.130-131.

13 Constitutional Act No.1/5th May, 1967, op.cit.

14 Greek Constitution of 1952, Article 101, in EK, 1952.

15 Emergency Law No.5/10-5-1967, Article 6, in EK, No.67, 10th May, 1967.

16 Constitutional Act No.4/23-5-1967, in EK, No.81, 23rd May, 1967.

17 Constitutional Act No.9/18-7-1967, in EK, No.125, 22nd July, 1967.

18 Constitutional Act. N0.10/20 ic)y, in EK, No.149, 31st August, 1967.

19 Constitutional Act N .9/9 —b-1c",; 100, 14th June, Notes to Chapter V 226

1967.

20 Constitutional Act No.15/19-12-1967, in a, No.227, 20th December, 1967.

21 Demaras, A., "Proselose sten paradose kae antidrase sten Hellenike Ekpaedeuse", in Clogg, R., et al., op.cit., p.223.

22 Greek Constitution of 1968, Article 17, N.D. No.180/30-4- 1969, in EK No.77/30-4-1969.

23 Emergency Law No.4/1967, op.cit., Article 3.

24 Chondrokoukis, D., op.cit., p.120.

25 Ibid, p.121.

26 Ibid, p.123.

27 Ibid, p.136.

28 Emergency Law No.59/27-6-1967, in EK, No.110/30-6-1967.

29 Emergency Law No.129/21-9-1967, in EK, No.163/25-9-1967.

30 Announcement of the Minister of Education on the Educational Law A.N. 129/1967, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.621/10-10-1967.

31 The Speech of the Minister of Education in Didaskalikon Vema, No.623/16-11-1967.

32 Papadopoulos, G., The Speech of the Prime Minister in the University of Thessalonike, in Didaskalikon Vema, 15-1-1968.

33 Papadopoulos, G., The Speech of the Prime Minister in the Teachers' Assembly in Athens, 21-3-1968, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.630/5-4-1968.

34 Didaskalikon Vema, No.617/8-6-1967.

35 Didaskalikon Vema, No.619/8-7-1967,

36 Didaskalikon Vema, No.620/10-9-1967.

37 Didaskalikon Vema, No.649/21-4-1967.

38 Menas, M., President of DOE, interview in newspaper Nea Politeia, No.236/22-6-1969.

39 Chondrokoukis, D., op.cit., p.126.

40 DOLME, 25-9-1967,

41 DOLME, 8-12-1967.

42 DOLME, 25-8-1968.

43 DOLME, 15-3-1969. Notes to Chapter V 227

44 Educational Act No.651/28-8-1970, in EK, No.179/29-8-1970.

45 Polychronopoulos, P., Paedeia kae PQIIUke sten Ellada (Education and Politics in Greece), Athens: Ekdoseis Kastaniote, 1980, Vol.A., p.219.

46 Demaras, A., "Proselose sten paradose kae antidrase sten Elllenike Ekpaedeuse", in Clogg, R., et al., op.cit., p.219.

47 Ibid.

48 Ibid, p.3.

49 Statistical Service Table III.

50 Emergency Law No.40/1967, in EK, No.104/1967, and Education Act No.237/10-7-1969, in EK, No.133/1969.

51 Kokkotas, P., op.cit., p.137.

52 KEPE, Schedion Protypou Makrochroniou Anaptyxeos tes Hellados 1972-1987 (Prototype Long Term Plan for the Development of Greece), Athens: KEPE, 1972, Part B.

53 Ibid, p.12.

54 Prime Minister, Decision No.5600, 14th June, 1971, in Porismata Epitropes Paedeias 1971-73 (Findings of the Committee on Education), Athens: National Printing Office, 1974, P.7.

55 Ibid.

56 Ibid, p.8.

57 Minister of Education, Decision No.156279, 15th November, 1971, in Porismata Epitropes Paedei_as 1971-73 (Findings of the Committee on Education), op.cit., pp.11-12.

58 Ibid, p.12.

59 Ibid, p.6.

60 Ibid, p.19.

61 Ibid, pp.36, 39-40, 48, 77.

62 lUid, p.40

63 ;lid, p.48.

64 Ibid, p.55.

65 Undersecretary of Education, Press Conference in the newspaper Bradyne, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.723, 10th June, 1972, p.1.

66 President of DOE, Press Conference in Lidaska..1.i.j_i_on Vem.a, No.724, 27th June, 1972, p.1. Notes to Chapter V 228

67 From memorandum of the Federation of Parents to the Minister of Education, in Didaskaiikon Vema, No.724, 27th June, 1972, p.11.

68 On the structure of general education, the view of OLME can be found in OLME, "Theseis tis Homospondias" (Place of the Federation), in DOLME, No.371/1-4-1972, pp.15-16.

69 Lygerou, S., Phoetitiko Kinema kai taxike _pale sten Heliada (The Students' Movement and Class Fighting in Greece), Athens: 1977, Vol.A, p.24.

70 Lygerou, S., op,cit., pp.65-67. Ciogg, R., op,cit., p.266. Katre, J., He Genose tou Neofasismou sten Hellada (The Birth of Neo-Facism in Greece), Athens: Ekdoseis Papazese, 1974, P.394.

71 Lygerou, S., .op.cit., p.70.

72 ILia, pp.65-67 .

73 Ipic, pp.73-75.

74 Ibid, x.84.

75 Ibid, p.120.

76 . I p.129.

77 iDia, p.131.

78 p.202.

79 ibid. Vol. B.

80 ilia, pp.98-104.

81 Katres, J., op,cit., p.394,

82 ibis, p.397.

3 jbic, p.398.

84 Ibid, p.391.

CHAPTLR V1

1 McNeill, H.W., op.cit.,

2 KEDE, op.cit., p.28.

3 Katre, J., op.cit., Vol.A, pp. 404-11D'

4 McNeill, H.W., p.133

p.134. tG Cnppter VI 229

6 Constitutional Act, 1st August, 1974, in a, No.A-213/1-8- 1974. 7 Constitutional Act, 3rd September, 1974, in EK, No.A-237/3- 9-19714. 8 Constitutional Act, 4th September, 1974, in EK, No.A-23 8/4,- 9-1974. 9 Law No.76 of 27th September, 1974, in EK No.A-266/27-9-1974. 1C) Law No.59 of 23rd September, 1974, in EK No.A-259/23-9-1974. 11 For details of the election results see Tourkobasile- Galanou, R., Ta Politika Kommata meta to 1967 (The Political Parties after 1967), Athens: Ekdoseis Papazese, 1980, p.97. 12 Ibid, p.208. The Statutes of PASOK, Article 4.

13 Ibid, p.141. 14 Law No.509 of 27th October, 1947, in EK, 27-10-1947. 15 Law No.59/23-9-1974, op.cit. 16 Constitutional Act of 3rd/4th October, 1 97 4, in EK, No.A- 282/4-10-1974.

17 Tourkobasile-Galanou, R., op.cit., p.103. 18 Decree No.975 of 20th October 1977, in EK, 20-10-1977. 19 For details of the election results see Tourkobasile- Galanou, R., op.cit., pp.104-110. 20 Ibid, p.115. 21 Katres, J., 0 Prodomenos Laos (Betrayed People), Athens: Ekdoseis Papazese, 1979, Vol.B, p.41.

22 Tourkobasile-Galanou, R., op.cit., p.115. 23 Constitutional. Act of 3rd September 1974, op.cit. 24 Law No.76/1974, op.cit. 25 Law No.84, 1974, in LK, No.A-280/3-10-1 974, and Law No.108/17th October 1974, in a No.A-306/17-10-1974. 26 Persianis, P., "Values Underlying the 1976-1977 Educational Reform in Greece", in Comparative Education Review, Vol.22, No.1, 1978, p.51. 27 Kazamias, A., "The Politics of Educational Reform in Greece, Law 309/1976", in Com,paratiy_e_ Education Review, op.c_it., p.23.

28 Voros, F., "Current Educati.or MDeforms: An Overview", in Notes to Chapter Vi 230

Comparative Education-Review, op.cit., p.7.

29 Telegram of DOE to the Minister of Education, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.762/10-9-1974.

30 DOE, "Draxasthe Paedeias" (Grasp of Education), in Didaskalikon Vema, No.763/25-9-1974, p.1.

31 OLME, "Democratic Kai Dikaeosis" (Democracy and Justification), in DOLME, No.416-417, 1-10 September, 1974.

32 Zeppos, P., Minister of Education, in his declaration, in Didaskalikon Verne, No.768/10-12-1974, p.12.

33 DOE, "Anoikte Epistole" (Open Letter), to leaders of political parties, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.764/10-10-1974, p.1.

34 DOE, "Demotikon Scholeion kai Didaskolas" (Primary School and Teacher), in Didaskalikon Vema, No.766/10-11-1974, p.1.

35 OLME, op.cit., p.1.

36 Kyrou, I., "Tha to xanapoume" (We will say again), in Helleniko Borra, 6-10-1974, and in DOLME, No.419/16-10-1974.

37 Xerotyres, I., "Epeigonta Problemata tes Paedeias" (The Urgent Problems of Education), in Didaskalikon VQma, No.764/10-10-1974, p.4.

38 Minister of Education, Decision of 20th December, 1974, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.770/10-1-1975.

39 Kazamias, A., "The Politics of Educational Reform in Greece", op.cit., p.23.

40 Conclusion of General Assembly of the Teachers' Union of Primary Schools, in Didaskalikon Verna, No.770/10-1-1975, pp.1-4.

41 Conclusion of General Assembly of the Teachers' Union of Secondary Schools, in DOLME, No.424-425, 10-20 January 1975, pp.1-6.

42 Memorandum of the Teachers' Union of Teacher Training Colleges, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.770/10-1-1975, p.12.

43 Decision of the Minister of Education, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.772/10-2-1975, p.8.

44 Conclusions of the Committee on Education, Athens: 1958.

45 Decision of the Minister of Education, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.773/25-2-1975, p.12.

46 Kazamias, A., "The Politics of EaucLAiono] NeforN it Greece", op.cit, p.24.

47 Meletes Kentrou Marxistikor breynor 9 (Studies of the Chtre Notes to Chapter Vi 231

for Marxist Research), Themata Paedeias 2 (Theme of Education), Seira 11, Athens: Ekdoseis Synchrone Epoche, 1980, p.20.

48 Michael, N., "Eisegesis pros ten homada ergasias" (Suggestions to the work group), in DOLME, No.428, 15-25 March, 1975, pp.3-9.

49 OLME, "Epi tou neon nomoschediou" (On the new Law-plan), in DOLME, No.434-435, 1-15 June 1975, p.1.

50 DOE, "Oi apopseis tou kladou gia to schedic nomou" (The prospects of teachers under the new Law-plan), in Didaskalikon Vema, No.778/16-6-1975, p.1.

51 Papanoutsos, E., Speech in the General assembly of the Teachers' Union, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.779/5-9-1975, p.12.

52 Kazamias, A., "The Politics of Educational Reform in Greece", op.cit., p.24.

53 DOE, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.778/16-6-1975, bp.1-4, and No.780/25-8-1975, p.1.

54 OLME, in DOLME, No.2434-435, 1-15 June 1975.

55 DOE, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.783/22-11-1975, pp.1-2.

56 OLME, in DOLME, No.444-445, 1-15 January, 1976.

57 Ploritis, M., Politika (Politics), Athens: Themelion, 1975, pp.209-215, quoted in the newspaper Vema, 4th December, 1975.

58 DOE, in Didaskalikon Vema, No.786/20-1-1976, p.16.

59 Rallis, G., Minister of Education and Religious Affairs, Conference on the Reform of Education, in Kathamerine, 1st February, 1976, p.6.

60 Kazamias, A., "The Politics of Educational Reform in Greece", op.cit., p.23.

61 aid.

62 Theodorakopoulos, I., Debates on the Reform, in Kathamerine, 1st February, 1976, p.6.

63 Kazamias, A., "The Politics of Educational Reform in Greece", op.cit, p.23.

64 Rallis, G., op.cit.

65 Papanoutsos, E., Debates on the Reform, in Kathamerine, 1st February, 1976, p.6.

66 Theodorakopoulos, I., ibid. Notes to Chapter VI 232

67 Demaaras, A., ibid. 68 Karamanlis, C., op.cit., p.28. 69 Kazamias, A., "The Politics of Educational Reform in Greece", op.cit., p.28. 70 Rallis, G., op.cit, p.6. 71 Aposkites, K., Spokesman of New Democracy, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 5th April, 1976, p.4017. 72 Papanoutsos, E, Speech in Parliament, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 5th April, 1976, p.4024. 73 Koutsocheras, I., Spokesman of PASOK, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 5th April, 1976, p.4029. 74 Heliou, H., Leader of EDA, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 5th April, 1976, pp.4113-4114. 75 Phlorakis, C., Leader of KKE Exterior, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 5th April, 1976, p.4115. 76 Kyrkos, L., Leader of KKE Interior, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 5th April, 1976, p.4132. 77 Acrita, S., Speech in Parliament, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 12th April, 1976, p.4254. 78 Tsatsos, D., Speech in Parliament, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 5th April, 1976, p.4043.

79 Law 309 of 30th April, 1976, in EK, No.100/30-4-1976, on the organisation and administration of general education. 80 Aposkites, K., op.cit., p.4018. 81 Papanoutsos, E., op.cit., p.4023. 82 Koutsocheras, I., op.cit., p.4025. 83 Heliou, H., op.cit., p.4113. 84 Kyrkos, L., op.cit., p.4133. 85 Papagiavis, G., Speech in Parliament, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 5th April, 1976, pp.4056-4058.

86 The Bill, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 5th April, 1976. 87 Aposkites, K., op.cit., p.4020. 88 Papanoutsos, E., op.cit.. p.4024. 89 Mavros, G., Leader of EDEN, it j_)a_rliamentary Proceedings, 5th April, 1976, p.4111-4112. 90 Koutsocheras, I., op.cit., Notes to Chapter Vi 233

91 Heliou, H., op.cit., p.4114.

92 Phlorakis, C., op.cit., p.4116.

93 The Draft Law "On the Organisation and administration of General Education", on 12th May, 1975, pp.43-47, and on 12th November, 1975, and the Bill of 5th April, 1976. 94 Explanatory note on the Draft Law (Bill) of 5th April, 1976. 95 Papanoutsos, E., op.cit., pp.4020-4021. 96 Aposkites, K., op.cit., pp.4017-4019. 97 Koutsocheras, I., op.cit., pp.4024-4029. 98 Heliou, H., op.cit., p.4113. 99 Kyrkos, L., pp.4131-4133.

100 Phlorakis, C., op.cit., pp.4115-4116.

101 Rallis, G., op.cit., p.4119.

102 Kontogiannopoulos, B., Undersecretary of the Ministry of Education, Speech in Parliament, Parliamentary Proceedings, 23rd February, 1977, p.3358. 103 Heliou, H., Leader of EDA, Speech in Parliament, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 23rd February, 1977, p.3397.

104 Rallis, G., Minister of Education, Speech in Parliament, Parliamentary Proceedings, 23rd February, 1977, p.3401.

105 Voros, F., op.cit., p.9.

106 Kontogiannopoulos, B., op.cit., pp.3358-3359.

107 Ibid, p.3358.

108 Koutsocheras, I., Spokesman of PASOK, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 23rd February, 1977, p.3372.

109 Papanoutsos, E, Speech in Parliament, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 23rd February, 1 977, p.3364.

110 Koutsocheras, I., op.cit., p.3371.

111 Ibid, p.3371.

112 Gontikas, D., Spokesman of KKE, Speech in Parliament, in Parliamentary Proceedings, 23rd February, 1977, p.3376.

113

114

115 Giannou, A.. :;peech in Parlianlent, in Notes to Chapter Vi 234

Proceedings, 23rd February, 1977, p.3396.

116 Papanoutsos, E., op.cit., p.3363.

117 Ibid.

118 Rallis, G., op.cit., p.3401.

119 Law 576/1977 on the organisation and administration of secondary and higher technical and vocational education, in EK, No.102/13-4-1977.

120 Ibid, Article 71.

121 Law 682/1977 on private schools of general education and boarding schools, in EK, No.244/1-9-1977.

122 Law 1 86/ 1975 in EK, No.214/4-10-1975.

123 Unesco, International Guide to Education Systems, Paris: Ibedata, 1979, pp.141-142.

124 Statistical Services of Education, 1976-1977, Athens: 1979, p.102.

125 Decree No.799/1980 in EK, No.184/13-8-1980.

126 Law 1035/1980 in EK, No.60/15-3-1980.

127 Ministry of Education Pamphlet, Panellenies exetaseis Lyceion, epiloze spoudaston gia tis Anotates Scholes (Panellenic Examination of Lyceum, Selection for Higher Education), Athens: 1980.

128 Rallis, G., Ores Eutbtnis (Time of Responsibility), Athens: Euroekdotike, 1983, pp.102-103.

CHAPTER VII

1 National Statistical Service of Greece. See Appendix 2 of this thesis.

2 Chapter IV, Section 4 in this thesis, especially footnote No.20.

3 Chapter V, Section 8 in this thesis.

4 Chapter V, Section 6 in this thesis.

5 Chapter V, Section 4 in this thesis.

6 Chapter VI, Section 6 in this thesis.

7 Holmes, B., (Ed.), International Yearbook cf Education, Paris: Unesco, 1983, pp.122-123. Appenuix 235

The Concititution of Greece of 1952

Article 16

Education operates under the higher supervision of the State and is entitled to financial assistance by the State or local authorities.

The teaching at all schools of primary and secondary education aims at moral and intellectual training and the development of the national conscience of the young according to the ideology of the Hellenico Christian civilisation.

Primary education is compulsory and free. The number of years of compulsory education shall not be less than six.

Higher institutions are self-governed under the supervision of the State. Professors are public officers. The establishment of private educational institutions is allowed with the State's permission, according to the Constitution and the Law.

In EK, No.1, 1st January, 1952 Appendix 236

The Constitution of Greece of 1968

Article 17

1. Education operates under the higher supervision of the State,

it is free, and aims at ethical and intellectual training and the

development of the national conscience of the young according to

the ideology of the Hellenico Christian civilisation,

2. The principles of national policy in education are exercised

according to the Law in accordance with the opinion of the

National Council of Education.

3, Primary education is compulsory. The number of years of

compulsory education shall not tie less than six.

4. Higher institutions are self-governed public law corporate

bodies, and operate under the supervision of the State, and are entitled to financial assistance thereof. Professors are public

officers. The authority of these institutions is elected by

professors. The Minister of. Education, as governmental guardian, exercises the supervision of the higher educational institutions.

5. The establishment of private educational institutions is allowed with the State's permission. Persons who establish such institutions and teach in them have to have similar qualifications to those of public officers.

In a, No.267, 15th November, 1968 Appendix 237

The Constitution of Greece of 1975

Article 16

1. Art and science, research and teaching, shall be free and

their development and promotion shall be an obligation of the

State. Academic freedom and freedom of teaching shall not exempt

anyone from his duty of allegiance to the Constitution.

2. Education is a basic mission of the State, and shall aim at

ethical, intellectual, professional and physical training of

Greeks, the development of national and religious conscience and

at the formation of the young as free and responsible citizens.

3. The number of years of compulsory education shall not be less

than nine.

4. All Greeks are entitled to free education at all levels at

State educational institutions. The State shall provide financial

assistance to those who distinguish themselves, as well as to

students in need of assistance or special protection, in

accordance with their abilities.

5. Education at university level shall be provided exclusively by institutions which are fully self-governed public law corporate

bodies. These institutions shall operate under the supervision of

the State, and are entitled to financial assistance thereof; they shall operate on the basis of their statutory laws. Merging or splitting of university level institutions may take place,

notwithstanding any contrary provision, as a law shall provide. A special law shall define all matter:_- pertaining to student Appendix 238 associations and the participation of students therein.

6. Professors of university level institutions shall be public officers. The remaining teaching staff likewise perform a public function, under the conditions specified by law. The statutes of respective institutions shall define matters relating to the status of all the above.

Professors of university level institutions shall not be dismissed prior to the lawful termination of their terms of service, except in the case of substantial provisions under

Article 88, paragraph 4, and following a decision by a council whose majority is constituted by the highest judicial functionaries, as specified by law.

The retiring age of professors of university level institutions shall be defined by law; until such law is issued professors on active service shall retire ipso jure and the end of the academic year in which they have reached the age of sixty seven.

7. Professional and any other form of special education shall be provided by the State, through schools of a higher level and for a time period not exceeding three years, as specifically provided by law which also defines the professional rights of graduates of such schools.

8. The conditions and terms for granting a licence for the establishment and operation of schools not owned by the State, the supervision of such and the professional status of teaching personnel therein; shall be specified by law. Appendix 239

The establishment of university institutions by private persons is prohibited.

9. Sports shall be under the protection and the ultimate supervision of the State.

The State shall make grants to and shall control all types of sporting associations, as specified by law. The use of grants, in accordance with the purpose of the associations receiving them shall also be specified by law.

In EK, No.111, 9th June, 1975 Appendix 240

TABLE 1

The Total Population of Greece from 1951 to 1981

YEAR INHABITANTS

1951 7,632,801

1961 8,388,553

1971 8,768,641

1981 9,740,417

Source: The census of population in 1951, 1961, 1971 and 19b1 of Ethnike Statistike Hyperesia tes Hellades (National Statistical Service of Greece), published in Athens by the National Printing Office.

TABLE 2

Illiterates and Semi-literates in Greece

YEAR ILLITERATES i SEMI-LITERATES

1951 2,455,676 2,885,670

1961 1,200,000 2,031,600

1971 1,040,000 2,431,160

1981 758,258 1,281,839 1

Source: National Statistical Service of Greece Appendix 241

TABLE 3

Credit Granted to Education from the Total National Budget

in Millions of Drachmes

YEAR EDUCATION TOTAL BUDGET PERCENTAGE

1950-51 320 5,246 6.1

1960 1,403 20,847 6 .7

1965 3,819 33,923 12.2

1970 5,397 65,126 8.2

Source: National Budget of Greece

TABLE 24

Pupils in the First Three Classes of Six-year 'Gymnasiums'

School Year 1958/59 1959/60 1960/61 1961/62 1962/63 i 1963/64

Class A 57,168 63,514 64,789 59,547 62,948 76,791

Class B 37,060 47,501 48,798 47,531 46,063 159,271

Class C 28,571 38,182 42,451 43,995 43,216 51,936

Source: National Statistical Service of Greece, and the introductory report of Education Law No.4379/1964 Appendix 242

TABLE 5

Pupils of Three-year 'Gymnasiums'

School Year 1964/65 1965/66 1966/67 1967/68

Class A 104,481 97,154 102,509 100,199

Class B 66,257 80,359 76,995 82,414

Class C 56,731 60,669 67,164 65,318

Total 227,469 238,182 246,668 247,931

Source: National Statistical Service of Greece

TABLE 6

Pupils in the First Three Classes of Six-year 'Gymnasiums'

School Year 1968/69 1969/70 1970/71 1971/72 1972/73 1973/74

Class A 92,094 94,576 110,166 108,942 112,955 i 110,814

Class B i 81,411 i 83,574 i 84,191 102,253 i 97,909 i 100,186 Class C 71,054 74,526 76,159 80,621 91,980 89,382

Total 244,559 252,676 270,516 291,816 302,844 300,382

Source: National Statistical Service of Greece dix 2)43

TABLE 7

)ulation aged 10 years and over, by Educational level, Sex and Area

Total Higher Completed Completed Incomplete Unknown Illiterai Education : Secondary i Primary Primary Graduate Education Education Education

.al i 7,269,200 i 210,104 ! 800,920 3,594,648 2,382,884 280,644 1,015,18C

es 3,515,740 149,884 1 429,316 1,943,808 928,392 64,340 216,94C

'ales 3,753,460 60,220 1 371,604 1,650,840 1,454,492 216,304 i 798,24C

URBAN AREAS

.al 3,925,664 172,828 1 700,404 1 1,986,128 970,292 96,012 351,648 1 1 1 es : 1,899,460 124,672 1 364,528 1 1,027,568 358,456 24,236 79,020 1 1 1 'ales 1 2,026,204 48,156 1 335,876 I 958,560 611,836 71,776 272,628 1 1 1

SEMI-URBAN AREAS

al 835,776 1 15,664 1 47,400 427,692 1 308,556 36,464 129,508

es 413,552 1 10,608 1 28,464 238,248 1 126,508 9,724 31,084 1 1 ales 422,224 : 5,056 18,936 189,444 1 182,048 26,740 98,424 I I

RURAL AREAS

1 1 1 al 1 2,507,760 I 21,612 53,116 1 1,180,828 1,104,036 148,168 534,024 1 1 1 1 1 es : 1,202,728 1 14,604 36,324 677,992 443,428 30,380 106,836 1 1 ales 1 1,305,032 : 7,008 16,792 502,836 660,608 117,788 427,188 1 1

The category of illiterate population has resulted from a questionnaire and independent of the measurement for educational level: illiterates will also be inclu under some educational level, probably incomplete primary education or unknown.

;e: Statistical Yearbook of Greece, 1977, Athens: The National Statistical Service Greece, 1978, pp.130-131. Bibliography 2424

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Shareholders), in Paedeia kai Zoe, Volume 10, No.94, May, 1961. Biblioraphy 254

LEGISLATIVE DOCUMENTS

1 Constitutions andlConstitutional Acts

Provisional Constitution of Greece, 1822

Provisional Constitution of Greece, 1823

Political Constitution of Greece, 1827

Princely Constitution of Greece, 1932

Greek Constitution of 1844

Greek Constitution of 1864

Greek Constitution of 1911

The Constitution of Greek Democracy 1927

Greek Constitution of 1952

Greek Constitution of 1968

Greek Constitution of 1975

Constitutional Act No1/5th May 1967, "On the Way Constitutional and Legislative Authority is exercised, and on Constitutional Amendments", in EK, No.66/6th May, 1967.

Constitutional Act No.2/5th May 1967, "On Declaring a State of Emergency in the Country and Suspending Articles of the Constitution", in EK, No.66/6th May, 1967.

Constitutional Act No.3/19th May 1967, "On the Abolition of Parliament", in EK, No.79/22nd, May, 1967.

Constitutional Act No.4/23rd May 1967, "On the Suspension of Rights of Public Service Staff to Appeal to Higher Administrative Courts", in a, No.81/23rd May, 1967.

Constitutional Act No.5/9th June 1967, "On Restoring the Healthy Functioning of the Institutions of Higher Education, in EK, No.100/14th June, 1967.

Constitutional Act No.9/18th July 1967, "On the Amendment of the Legal Provisions Related to the Law-Abidingness of Civil Employees, in EK, No.125/22nd July, 1967.

Constitutional Act No.10/29th August 1967, "On the Amendment of the Legal Provisions of the Judges of the Higher Court", in No.149/31st August, 1967.

Constitutional Act No.15/19th December 1967, "On the Election of Professors in Higher Education Institutes", in EE, No.227/20th December, 1967,

Constitutional Act of 1st August 1974, "On the Restoration of Democratic LeF,itimacy and PutUjc 1Hfc" in No.213/1st August, 1974.

Constitutional Act of 3rd September 1974, "On the Restoration of Legitimacy in Higher Education", in EK, No.237/3rd September, 1974.

Constitutional Act of 4th/5th September 1974, "On the Restoration of Legitimacy in the Justice", in EK, No.238/4th September, 1974.

Constitutional Act of 3rd/4th October, 1974, "On the Recourse in Elections", in EK, No.282/4th October, 1974.

2 Laws and Emergency Laws

Decree of February 6/18, 1834, "On the Organisation of Primary Education".

Decree of December 31, 1836, "On the Organisation of Hellenikon Scholeion and the Gymnasium".

Decree of April 14, 1837, "On the Establishment of the University of Athens".

Decree of March 7/19 1838, "On the Suspending of Fees in Higher Education".

Decree of October 19, 1857, "On the Regulation of the Hellenikon Scholeion and the Gymnasium".

Law BAE of August 12 1892, "On the Organisation of Primary Education Schools".

Law BTM of September 3 1895, "On the Organisation of Primary Education Schools".

Law 2858/1921, "On the Organisation of Primary Education".

Law 4373/August 13, 1929, "On the Arrangement of Secondary Education Schools".

Law 4397/August 16, 1929, "On the Organisation of Primary Education Schools", in EK, No.232/1930.

Law 4799/1930, "On the Borrowing of Money for School Buildings", in a, No.232/1930.

Law 5019/1931, "On the School Committees", in EK, No.160/1931.

Emergency Law 509/1947, "Some Emergency Measures on Security of the State", in EE/27th October 1947.

Emergency Law 49/April 17, 1948, "On Sfeguarding the Law- abidingness of Civil Employees and Servants", in EK No.98/April 19, 1948.

Emergency Law 1823/May 26, 1951, "On the Urnanisation of Secondary Educatior 256

Law 3094/1954, "On the Illiterates". 3 971/September 4, 1959, "On Technical and Vocational Education, Organisation of Secondary Education, and Administration of Education", in EK, No.1 87/September 7, 1959. Law 3973/September 4, 1959, "On the Unification and Coordination of Vocational Education", in EK, No.187/September 7, 1959. Law 3 970/September 4, 1959, "On Increasing the Numbers of Teachers and Inspectors of Primary, Secondary and Vocational Education", in EK, No.187/September 7, 1959.

Law 437 9/October 20, 1964, "On the Organisation and Administration of General (Elementary and Secondary) Education", in Ez, No.182/October 24, 1964. Emergency Law 4/May 10, 1967, "On Restoring the Regular Function of Civil Services, or Public Organisations", in EK No.67/May 10, 1967. Emergency Law 59/June 27, 1967, "On the Abolition of the Pedagogical Institute...", in EK, No.110/June 30, 1967. Emergency Law 129/September 19, 1967, "On the Organisation and the Administration of General Education and Several Other Provisions", in EK, No.163/September 25, 1967. Emergency Law 237/July 10, 1969, "On the Entrance Examinations to Higher Education Institutions", in EK, No.133/July 10, 1969. Emergency Law 651/August 28, 1970, "On the Administration of Education and Several Other Provisions for In-service Teachers", in EK, No.179/August 29, 1970. Law 59/September 23, 1974, "On the Abolition of Law 509/1947, and the Organisation of Political Parties", in LE, No.259/September 23, 1974. Law 76/September 27, 1974, "On Restoring the Legitimacy of Public Services Staff", in , No.266/September 27, 1974. Law 84/October 3, 1974, "On Restoring the Legitimacy of Students' Unions", in EK, No.280/October 3, 1974.

Law 108/(October 17, 1 07 4 , "Some Regulations for Students' Unions", in a, No.306/October 17, 1974. Law 1 86/October 4, 1975, "On the Organisation of the Centre for Education Studies (KEME)", in EK, No.214/October 4, 1975. Law 309/April 30, 1976, "On the Organisation and Administration of General Education", in EK, No.100/April 30, 1976. Law 576/April 13, 1977, "On the Organisation and Administration of Technical and Vocational Education", in FCC, No.1 02/1:pril 1 3, 19`7,