Introduction Electoral System Design Is a Key Mechanism in the Broader Institutional Design Approach to the Resolution of Conflict in Multiethnic Societies
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Working Group Report and Nine Policy Recommendations by the PES Working Group on Fighting Voter Abstention
Working Group report and nine policy recommendations by the PES Working Group on fighting voter abstention Chaired by PES Presidency Member Mr. Raymond Johansen Report adopted by the PES Presidency on 17 March 2017 2 Content: 1. Summary…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….4 2. Summary of the nine policy recommendations…………………………………………………………..………6 3. European elections, national rules….…………………………………………………………………………………. 7 4. The Millennial generation and strategies to connect…………..…………………………………………… 13 5. Seven key issues with nine policy recommendations…………..…………………………………………… 20 Early voting……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….20 Access to polling stations…………………………………………………………………………………………………. 22 Age limits for voting and standing for election…………………………………………………………………. 23 Voting registration as a precondition…………………………………………………………………………….... 25 Voting from abroad…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..26 Safe electronic systems of voting……………………………………………………………………………………… 28 Citizens’ awareness…………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 30 Annexes Summary of the PES working group`s mandate and activity………………………………………..……33 References……..…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………41 3 SUMMARY The labour movement fought and won the right to vote for all. Therefore we in particular are concerned about the trend of too many voters not using the fundamental democratic right to vote. Since the European Parliament was first elected in 1979, we have seen turnout steadily decrease. Turnout in 2014 reached a historic low. We must -
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, 1996-2001
ICPSR 2683 Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, 1996-2001 Virginia Sapiro W. Philips Shively Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 4th ICPSR Version February 2004 Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research P.O. Box 1248 Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 www.icpsr.umich.edu Terms of Use Bibliographic Citation: Publications based on ICPSR data collections should acknowledge those sources by means of bibliographic citations. To ensure that such source attributions are captured for social science bibliographic utilities, citations must appear in footnotes or in the reference section of publications. The bibliographic citation for this data collection is: Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Secretariat. COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ELECTORAL SYSTEMS, 1996-2001 [Computer file]. 4th ICPSR version. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan, Center for Political Studies [producer], 2002. Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research [distributor], 2004. Request for Information on To provide funding agencies with essential information about use of Use of ICPSR Resources: archival resources and to facilitate the exchange of information about ICPSR participants' research activities, users of ICPSR data are requested to send to ICPSR bibliographic citations for each completed manuscript or thesis abstract. Visit the ICPSR Web site for more information on submitting citations. Data Disclaimer: The original collector of the data, ICPSR, and the relevant funding agency bear no responsibility for uses of this collection or for interpretations or inferences based upon such uses. Responsible Use In preparing data for public release, ICPSR performs a number of Statement: procedures to ensure that the identity of research subjects cannot be disclosed. Any intentional identification or disclosure of a person or establishment violates the assurances of confidentiality given to the providers of the information. -
Elections and Democratization in Post-Mengistu Ethiopia.Pdf
PN-ABZ-710 ELECTIONS AND DEMOCRATIZATION IN POST-MENGISTU ETHIOPIA John W. Harbeson City University of New York Report prepared for The United States Agency for International Development project on Elections in War-Torn Societies September, 1996 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. COUNTRY CONTEXT 3 1.1. Socioeconomic 3 1.2. Nature of the Conflict 9 1.3. Political Chronology 22 1.3.1 Ethnic Regionalism . 24 1.3.2. Encampment and Security Forces. 26 1.3.3. Election Preparations 28 1.4. Political Scene at the Time of the Elections. 30 1.5. Human Rights Situation 34 2. ELECTIONS 36 2.1. Initiative 36 2.2.. International Electoral Assistance 38 2.3. Electoral Institutions 42 2.4.. Conduct of Elections 49 2.4.1. Overview. 49 2.4.2. Voter Registry 50 2.4.3. Electoral Committees. 51 2.4.4. Candidate Registration 52 2.4.5. Balloting 52 2.4.6. Civic Education. 54 2.4.7. Appeals 54 2.4.8. General Administration 54 2.5. Election Outcome. 57 2.6. Effects of International Assistance 62 3. CONSEQUENCES FOR DEMOCRACY AND GOVERNANCE 66 3.1. Executive Branch. 66 3.2. Representative Bodies 67 3.3. Electoral Authorities and Future Elections. 68 3.4. Local Authorities. 68 3.5. Judiciary 69 3.6. Political Parties 69 3.7. Mass Media 70 3.8. Civic Organizations 71 4. CONSEQUENCES FOR RECONCILIATION PROCESSES 72 4.1. Implementation of Peace Accord 72 4.2. Demobilization and Resettlement 73 4.3. Repatriation and Return of Displaced Persons 73 4.4. Ethnic/Religion/Regional Cleavages 74 5. -
Some Applications II – Various Mathematical Models and Its Applications
Mathematical Modeling Lecture Some Applications II – Various mathematical models and its applications 2009. 11. 2 Sang-Gu Lee, Duk-Sun Kim Sungkyunkwan University [email protected] Apportionment is the process of allocating political power among a set of principles (or defined constituencies). In most representative governments, political power has most recently been apportioned among constituencies based on population, but there is a long history of different approaches. The United States Constitution, however, apportions political power differently between its upper house, the Senate, and its lower house, the House of Representatives. Within the Senate, each state is represented by two seats, the result of compromise when the constitution was written. Seats in the US House of Representatives (the House) are apportioned among the states based on the relative population of each state in the total population of the union. The states then create districts from which representatives will be elected to serve in the US House of Representatives. The ideal is that each district would have an equal amount of population. States can lose or gain seats at each decennial census. Districts must be redrawn within each state after each census to reflect population changes. Apportionment Poster (한국선거관리위원회) Apportionment is also applied in party-list proportional representation elections to distribute seats between different parties once they've won a particular percentage of the vote. Current philosophy is that each person's vote should carry the same weight in legislative bodies that are derived from population. There are many different mathematical schemes for calculating apportionment, which can produce different results in terms of seats for the relevant party or sector. -
Abbysinia/Ethiopia: State Formation and National State-Building Project
Abbysinia/Ethiopia: State Formation and National State-Building Project Comparative Approach Daniel Gemtessa Oct, 2014 Department of Political Sience University of Oslo TABLE OF CONTENTS No.s Pages Part I 1 1 Chapter I Introduction 1 1.1 Problem Presentation – Ethiopia 1 1.2 Concept Clarification 3 1.2.1 Ethiopia 3 1.2.2 Abyssinia Functional Differentiation 4 1.2.3 Religion 6 1.2.4 Language 6 1.2.5 Economic Foundation 6 1.2.6 Law and Culture 7 1.2.7 End of Zemanamesafint (Era of the Princes) 8 1.2.8 Oromos, Functional Differentiation 9 1.2.9 Religion and Culture 10 1.2.10 Law 10 1.2.11 Economy 10 1.3 Method and Evaluation of Data Materials 11 1.4 Evaluation of Data Materials 13 1.4.1 Observation 13 1.4.2 Copyright Provision 13 1.4.3 Interpretation 14 1.4.4 Usability, Usefulness, Fitness 14 1.4.5 The Layout of This Work 14 Chapter II Theoretical Background 15 2.1 Introduction 15 2.2 A Short Presentation of Rokkan’s Model as a Point of Departure for 17 the Overall Problem Presentation 2.3 Theoretical Analysis in Four Chapters 18 2.3.1 Territorial Control 18 2.3.2 Cultural Standardization 18 2.3.3 Political Participation 19 2.3.4 Redistribution 19 2.3.5 Summary of the Theory 19 Part II State Formation 20 Chapter III 3 Phase I: Penetration or State Formation Process 20 3.0.1 First: A Short Definition of Nation 20 3.0.2 Abyssinian/Ethiopian State Formation Process/Territorial Control? 21 3.1 Menelik (1889 – 1913) Emperor 21 3.1.1 Introduction 21 3.1.2 The Colonization of Oromo People 21 3.2 Empire State Under Haile Selassie, 1916 – 1974 37 -
Poland Parliamentary Elections, September 2005 Inga Kwiatkowska | Program for Representative Government August 1, 2006
International Snapshot: Poland Parliamentary Elections, September 2005 Inga Kwiatkowska | Program for Representative Government August 1, 2006 ABSTRACT Poland held elections to its parliament in September 2005. Its lower house, the Sejm, is elected proportionally from closed lists. The Senate is elected in two- or three-member winner-take-all districts. While this feature of Senate elections should discourage small parties from running candidates, more and more parties contest elections with each passing cycle. Despite a relatively high threshold of 5% to enter the Sejm, small, ideologically similar parties proliferate, and coalition-building remains a challenge. This paper looks the intersections of Poland’s electoral system and party behavior, coalition-bulding, and turnout. It also considers the potential implications of a change to the formula used to allocate Sejm seats. Inga Kwiatkowska interned with FairVote’s Program for Representative Government during the summer of 2006. ______________________________________________________________________________ INTRODUCTION Poland held parliamentary elections in September 2005. In that vote, the center-right Law and Justice party took power away from the governing Democratic Left Alliance, winning 155 out of 460 seats. Law and Justice formed a coalition with the populist Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland and far right League of Polish Families parties. The election results were a reflection of disappointment with former post-communist government and longing for more social welfare. POLISH ELECTIONS IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE Poland held its first semi-democratic elections in 1989, when the ruling communist party allowed 35% of seats in the Parliament to be elected in free voting, while the remaining 65% of the seats were reserved for the communist party. -
Democracy Deferred: Understanding Elections and the Role of Donors in Ethiopia Abbink, G.J.; Abbink G.J., Bruijn M.E
Democracy deferred: understanding elections and the role of donors in Ethiopia Abbink, G.J.; Abbink G.J., Bruijn M.E. de Citation Abbink, G. J. (2011). Democracy deferred: understanding elections and the role of donors in Ethiopia. In B. M. E. de Abbink G.J. (Ed.), African dynamics (pp. 213-239). Leiden: Brill. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/31868 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Leiden University Non-exclusive license Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/31868 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). 11 Democracy deferred: Understanding elections and the role of donors in Ethiopia Jan Abbink This chapter revisits the issue of elections and democracy in Africa, a theme that emerged as dominant in scholarly dis- cussions in African Studies in the 1990s. The trigger for fea- turing Ethiopia as a case study was the May 2010 parliamen- tary elections when the incumbent party, which had been in power since 1991, took 99.6% of all the seats. While the various Ethiopian elections will not be discussed in detail, the political culture or wider context in which they occur – and always pro- duce the same overall result – will be highlighted to demon- strate the enduring mechanisms and problems of hegemonic rule and how difficult it is to create a democratic system that allows for changes in power (i.e. alternation). The relationship between one-party rule and economic development will also be discussed – the latter being a donor obsession that clouds the political agenda. The chapter closes with some reflections on the recurring donor-country dilemmas when it comes to dealing with electoral autocracies, such as Ethiopia. -
The Elite and the Quest for Peace, Democracy and Development in Ethiopian: Lessons to Be Learnt
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU International Conference on African Center for African Development Policy Development Archives Research 8-2001 The Elite and the Quest for Peace, Democracy and Development in Ethiopian: Lessons to be learnt Merera Gudina Addis Ababa University and The Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, Netherlands Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/africancenter_icad_archive Part of the African Studies Commons, and the Economics Commons WMU ScholarWorks Citation Gudina, Merera, "The Elite and the Quest for Peace, Democracy and Development in Ethiopian: Lessons to be learnt" (2001). International Conference on African Development Archives. 6. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/africancenter_icad_archive/6 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Center for African Development Policy Research at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Conference on African Development Archives by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact wmu- [email protected]. The Elite and the Quest for Peace, Democracy and Development in Ethiopian: Lessons to be learnt Merera Gudina, AAU & ISS Introduction Donald N. Levine (1974), author of Greater Ethiopia: The Evolution of a Multi-ethnic Society , who has popularized Carlo Conti-Rossin's description of Ethiopia as 'un museo di popoli' - 'a museum of peoples' (pp. 19-20) has credited the evolution of multi-ethnic Ethiopia as an 'Amhara thesis', 'Oromo anti-thesis' and the 'Ethiopian synthesis'. Whatever the merits of his historical analysis and the anthropological fascination thereof for the making of Ethiopia, at a point in time his work did go to the press, the country moved to a crisis of major proportion whose resultant effect was a revolutionary reconstitution of both state and society that relegated the country's ancien regime to the museum of history. -
Elections in Ethiopia: 2021 General Elections Frequently Asked Questions
Elections in Ethiopia 2021 General Elections Frequently Asked Questions Africa International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | USA | www.IFES.org June 7, 2021 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? .............................................................................................................................. 1 Why are the upcoming elections important? .......................................................................................... 1 What is the electoral system? .................................................................................................................. 1 Which positions will candidates compete for in the general and local elections? ............................ 3 Who is eligible to run as a candidate in the upcoming general elections, and how many candidates are there? ................................................................................................................................ 3 Who organizes elections in Ethiopia? ..................................................................................................... 4 What is the legal framework for the upcoming elections? ................................................................... 4 What is the electoral campaign timeline? ............................................................................................... 5 Who can vote in the upcoming general elections? ............................................................................... 5 How -
Journal 3.1 Osaghae
74 JOURNAL OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS INDEPENDENT CANDIDATURE AND THE ELECTORAL PROCESS IN AFRICA Churchill Ewumbue-Monono Dr Churchill Ewumbue-Monono is Minister-Counsellor in the Cameroon Embassy in Russia UI Povarskaya, 40, PO Box 136, International Post, Moscow, Russian Federation Tel: +290 65 49/2900063; Fax: +290 6116 e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT This study reviews the participation of independent, non-partisan candidates in Africa. It examines the development of competitive elections on the continent between 1945 and 2005, a period which includes both decolonisation and democratic transition elections. It also focuses on the participation of independent candidates in these elections at both legislative and presidential levels. It further analyses the place of independent candidature in the continent’s future electoral processes. INTRODUCTION The concept of political independence, whether it refers to voters or to candidates, describes an individual’s non-attachment to and non-identification with a political party. Generally, voter-centred political independence takes the form of independent voters who, when registering to vote, do not declare their affiliation to a political party. There are also swing or floating voters, who vote independently for personalities or issues not for parties, and switch voters, who are registered voters with a history of crossing party lines. Furthermore, candidate-centred political independence may take the form of apolitical, independent, non-partisan candidates, as well as official and unofficial party candidates (Safire 1968, p 658). The recognition of political independence as a feature of the electoral process has led to the involvement of ‘independent personalities’ in managing election institutions. Examples are ‘independent judiciaries’, ‘independent electoral commissions’, and ‘independent election observers’. -
Alternative Electoral Systems and the 2005 Ethiopian Parliamentary Election
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 10, Issue 4 | Spring 2009 Alternative Electoral Systems and the 2005 Ethiopian Parliamentary Election JOHN ISHIYAMA Abstract: What if an alternative set of electoral rules had been used to govern elections when an authoritarian regime introduces its first real competitive elections? Would this alter the trajectory of democratic transition, after the introduction of political competition? In this paper, I conduct a set of electoral simulations with different electoral systems using the results from the 2005 Ethiopian parliamentary election. Would the results have been different had something other than the single member district plurality system been employed in the 2005 election? Would the opposition parties have attained more seats and if so, how many more? I find that had certain electoral rules been employed (particularly the Block Plurality system), the opposition parties would have fared much better in the 2005 parliamentary elections, and this would have had an important impact affecting the course of events that immediately followed the 2005 election. This has important implications for the negotiations over the rules governing future Ethiopian elections. Introduction As many scholars have noted, electoral systems exert a powerful influence on the process of democratization.1 Indeed first competitive or “transitional” elections are crucial moments for newly democratizing countries. Although these elections mark only a beginning point in an often arduous journey, their outcomes crucially affect the future course of democratic transition and democratic consolidation.2 Whoever wins the transitional election often has the opportunity to re-write the rules of the game to their advantage and, hence, significantly influence future political developments. -
Local Government in Ethiopia: Still an LAW LAW Apparatus of Control?
Local government in Ethiopia: still an LAW LAW apparatus of control? DEMOCRACY ZEMELAK AYELE DEMOCRACY Doctoral intern with Local Democracy, State, Peace and Human Security Programme, Community Law & DEVELOPMENT & DEVELOPMENT Centre, University of the Western Cape 1 INTRODUCTION Ethiopia was an extremely decentralised country until the second half of the nineteenth century. From around 1855 a gradual centralisation of power was initiated. By the second half the twentieth century Ethiopia had become a highly centralised unitary state. The process of centralisation, as this article argues, was accompanied by the policy and practice of using local authorities for purposes of control. “Control” in this article means using local authorities as political and administrative extensions of the political centre for repressing opposition against the political centre and/or for extracting free labour and revenue in the form of taxation and tribute for the centre. Presently Ethiopia is undergoing a process of decentralisation, which began in 1991 with the coming to power of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The decentralisation process is premised on, amongst others, instilling grassroots democracy, enhancing This paper has benefited immensely from the comments I received from Dr. Yonatan Fessha and Prof. Jaap de Visser. I VOLUME 15 (2011) would also like to thank Douglas Singiza and Conrad Bosire for their invaluable comments on earlier drafts of this paper, and Prof. Israel Leeman for editing an earlier draft. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ldd.v15i1.7 Page | 1 ISSN: 2077 -4907 LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN ETHIOPIA development and accommodating ethnic diversity.1 This article argues that in spite of the declared objectives of the re-decentralisation programme, the tradition of using local authorities and local government as a means of control remains very much intact.