General Assembly - F!Fteenth Session - Flrst Commlttee 8

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

General Assembly - F!Fteenth Session - Flrst Commlttee 8 f',. ·.• ., ..,,,.. United Nations FrnST COMMITTEE, 1116th GENERAL MEETING Friday, 25 November 1960, ASSEMBLY at 10.30 a.m. FIFTEENTH SESSION Official Records NEW YORK CONTENTS it had frequently made clear its V!ews on the Mauri­ Page tanian question. It had persisted ln demanding respect Agenda item 79: for its rights over the territory 1 and had made its The problem of Mauritania (continued) reservations known to the French Government, the General debate (continued). • • • . • . • • • • • 169 United Nations and the special!zed agencies. 4. In the course of the negotiations preceding Mo­ Chairman: Sir Claude CO REA CCeylonl. rocco's independence, Morocco had agreed with the French Government on the appointment of a mixed commission to study the still unresolved frontiers AGENDA !TE M 79 problem. That commission, however, had never met, because France had rejected the Moroccan claims in The problem of Mauritania (A/4445 and Add. l) (continued) advance and had stated on 20 January 1960 that terri­ tories under the sovereignty of France and the States GENERAL DEBATE (cont!nued) members of the French Community must be excluded :from the discussions. 1. Mr. EL HAKIM (United Arab Republic) observed tbat the problem of Mauritania was one of the conse­ 5. In the circumstances, the Moroccan Government quences of tbe partitioning of Africa by colonial had had no other course than to bring the matter to Powers which had begun at the end of the nineteenth the United Nations, ln accordance wlth the Charter, century. Mauritania, wlùch, as the Moroccan repre­ which ca!led for the settlement of disputes between sentative had shown at tbe 1109th meeting, had never Member States by peaceful means, i.e. by means of been a national entity separate from Morocco, had negotiations. been conquered by France and proclaimed a French colony in 1920. Similar methods had been used in the 6. One of the most Important questions that had been Middle East; at tbe end of the First World Wa:r the raised in the discussion, ln particular by the French territories which had been detached from tbe Turldsh delegation, was that of the w!ll of the Mauritanian Empire had been partitloned in the same way. people. According to the French representative, the 2. The representative of Moroccohad clearlydemon­ peoples of the former French overseas territories strated the ties that had exlsted hetween Morocco had been able to choose hetween the status quo and and Mauritania before the French occupation, ties of immediate independence wlth the right of becoming the same nature as those generally in existence at autonomous members of the French Com.munity. If the beginning of the century between central authori­ the Mauritanian people, he had said, hadreallywlshed ties and local administrations in that part of the to join Morocco they could easily have voted against world, and reflect!ng political and administrative memhersh!p ln the Community and then decided for integration wlth Morocco; however, they had opted conditions in the area. It was significant that the French delegation had not denied those facts, hut had for membership of the Community. But the truth of mere!y tried to minimize the ties which had existed the matter was that the Maur!tanian people had not bet\veen Mauritania and Morocco. It would, indeed, been asked whether or not they wished to become part of Morocco. If the French authorities had really have been in no position to deny the historical fact, vouched for by no less an authority than Marshall wlshed to consult them on that subject, the question should surely have been one of those included in the Lyautey, that the Sultan of Morocco had always exer­ referendum. If any Mauritanian had actually asked clsed undisputed authority over that part of the for lntegration wlth Morocco, his vote would have continent. undouhtedly been cons!dered vold, slnce the question 3. From the moment of its occupation of Morocco, had not heen asked. If France1s real desire at the France, despite its pledges under the General Act of time had heen to bow to tbe freely expressed w!ll of the International Conference of Algeciras, signed on the people, it should have negotiated wlth Morocco 7 April 1906, and the Convention between France and through the mixed commission; a plebiscite could Germany signed at Berlin on 4 November 1911, had then have been held under United Nations supervision consistently pursued. a policy designed to weaken the to ensure free elections. Such a solution would have country and to facilitate partition, and had gone on to been quite feasible; but unfortunately France had detach the Mauritanian portion of Morocco's terri­ chosen to ignore the Moroccan Governm.ent, and after tory. The French representative had been unable to taldng unilateral decisions had organized a refer­ give any valid reason for his Government1s attitude endum which was now disputed and had only made a in respect of the agreements referred to and of the solution of the problem more difficult. other evidence which had heen cited. There was no douht that the Moroccan position, which was baeed on 7. For all those reasons, the United Arab Republic international agreements and on the fact of its former was obliged to support Morocco1s case. It confidently soverelgnty over the territory, was well founded. hoped that Morocco and Maur!tania would eventually Since Morocco's accession to independence in 1956, he reunited, in the interests of both peoples. 169 A/C.1/SR.1116 170 General Assembly - F!fteenth Session - Flrst Commlttee 8. In conclusion, he expressed surprise at some of Africa, Morocco's clalm seemed not only out of date tbe remarks made in his statement at the ll14tb but extraordinary. It was paradox!cal, too, tbat it meeting by tbe representative of Upper Volta. The should be put forward at tbe very moment when tbe position of tbe United Arab Republic on colonial ques­ General Assembly, under item 87 of its agenda, was tions and national freedom was well lmown; he could about to consider a draft declaration on tbe immedi­ only hope tbat tbose remarks made by a fellow Afri­ ate and unconditionai granting of independence to all can had stemmed from nùsinformation. dependent territories. The Committee would no doubt remember tbe enthusiasm witb which that ides had 9. Mr. DADET (Congo (Brazzaville)) sald that his been greeted when it had first been pnt forward by people had had great adnùration for King Mohammed tbe Chairman of tbe Council of Ministers oftbe USSR, V of Morocco ever since 1953, when France had sent Mr. Khrushchev, in tbe General Assembly (869tb him into exile in order to prevent tbe Moroccan plenary meeting). In granting independence to Mauri­ people from exercising its right of self-determina­ tania, tberefore, France could not be accuaed of tion. It was aston!shing that Morocco, in seeking to trickery, as Morocco claimed; on tbe contrary, itwas annex Mauritania, had now joined tbe ranks of tbe to be commended for tbus wishing to complete its expansionists and imperialists. !le cited tbree letters work of liberating its former West African colonies. he had received from young Congolese to show tbat tbe Congolese people, while it did not favour tbe 13. One point that puzzled him in tbe matter was balkanlzation of Africa, strongly disapproved of Mo­ the clalm that tbe dispute was not one between M<>­ rocco's clalm to Mauritanie. !lis delegation found the roccans and Mauritanians but one between Morocco arguments advanced by Morocco unconvincing, and and France, due to France's refusai to cons!der any felt that it was possible to create large. territoriiil adjustment of Morocco's soutbern frontiers to extend groupings witbout employing tbe metbods proposed Moroccan territory as far as tbe SenegalRlver. It did by Morocco. Countrles which considered tbelr present not seem reasonable to imagine that all tbe Mauri­ boundaries too narrow could not be pernùtted to seize tanians, with the exception of the very small mlnority territory belonging to tbeir neighbours. !le recalliid which had seen fit to seek asylum in Morocco, were that at one tirne much of tbe territory of tbe t\vo puppets of the French colonialiste. His delegation present-day Republics of tbe Congo had comprised a refused to entertain .!lllY such insulting opinion of its single huge kingdom, whose capital had been in what West Afrlcan compatriots. was now tbe Republic which he represented; surely, however, that did not entitle his Government to clalln. 14. Indeed, it did not find any of the arguments tbe entire territory of tbe ancien! kingdom of Anzlka. advanced by Morocco convinc!ng. The Moroccan claim !le appealed to Morocco to join on 28 November 1960 that France was signing nùlitary agreements witb in celebrating tbe independence of Mauritan!a. By the Islanùc Republic of Mauritania did not irnpress doing so, it would promote tbe cause of world peace. it, for such agreements were not unustial, as witnèss 10. Mr. IGNACIO-PINTO (Dahomey) said that while tbose recently signed between tbe United Kingdom his delegation could not agree witb those delegations and Nigeria for the use by the United Kingdom of ail which had seen expansionist designs in tbe IV!oroccan of Nleeria1il a!rports. It would be inadnùsslhle i11ter­ clalm that Mauritania had been an integral part of the ference ln tbe interna! affaira of a sovere!gn Sta:te to Sherifian Empire and should be restored to Morocco, crlticize Nigeria for coming t,o such an agreement !t felt that the Moroccan Government had perhaps witlj tbe .former colonial Power. allowed itself to be carried away by tbe arguments of those who, for reasons which mlght perhaps be valid 15.
Recommended publications
  • Central African Republic (C.A.R.) Appears to Have Been Settled Territory of Chad
    Grids & Datums CENTRAL AFRI C AN REPUBLI C by Clifford J. Mugnier, C.P., C.M.S. “The Central African Republic (C.A.R.) appears to have been settled territory of Chad. Two years later the territory of Ubangi-Shari and from at least the 7th century on by overlapping empires, including the the military territory of Chad were merged into a single territory. The Kanem-Bornou, Ouaddai, Baguirmi, and Dafour groups based in Lake colony of Ubangi-Shari - Chad was formed in 1906 with Chad under Chad and the Upper Nile. Later, various sultanates claimed present- a regional commander at Fort-Lamy subordinate to Ubangi-Shari. The day C.A.R., using the entire Oubangui region as a slave reservoir, from commissioner general of French Congo was raised to the status of a which slaves were traded north across the Sahara and to West Africa governor generalship in 1908; and by a decree of January 15, 1910, for export by European traders. Population migration in the 18th and the name of French Equatorial Africa was given to a federation of the 19th centuries brought new migrants into the area, including the Zande, three colonies (Gabon, Middle Congo, and Ubangi-Shari - Chad), each Banda, and M’Baka-Mandjia. In 1875 the Egyptian sultan Rabah of which had its own lieutenant governor. In 1914 Chad was detached governed Upper-Oubangui, which included present-day C.A.R.” (U.S. from the colony of Ubangi-Shari and made a separate territory; full Department of State Background Notes, 2012). colonial status was conferred on Chad in 1920.
    [Show full text]
  • Independence and Trade: the Speci C E Ects of French Colonialism
    Independence and trade: the specic eects of French colonialism Emmanuelle Lavallée¤ Julie Lochardy June 2012z Very preliminary. Please do note cite. Abstract Empirical evidence suggests that colonial rule and subsequent indepen- dence inuence past and current trade of former colonies. Independence ef- fects could dier substantially across former empires if they are related to the end of dierent preferential trade arrangements. Thanks to an original dataset including new data on pre-independence bilateral trade, this paper explores the impact of independence on former colonies' trade (imports and exports) for dierent empires on the period 1948-2007. We show that independence reduces trade (imports and exports) with the former metropole and that this eect is mainly driven by former French colonies. We also nd that, after independence, trade of all former colonies increase with third countries. A close inspection of the eects over time highlights that independence eects are gradual but tend to be more rapid and more intense in the case of exports. These results oer indirect evidence for the long-lasting inuence of colonial trade policies. Author Keywords: Trade; Decolonization; French Empire. JEL classication codes: F10; F54. ¤Université Paris-Dauphine, LEDa, UMR DIAL. Email: [email protected]. yErudite, University of Paris-Est Créteil. Email: [email protected]. zWe would like to thank participants at the IRD-DIAL Seminar and participants at the Con- ference on International Economics (CIE) 2012 for useful comments and suggestions. 1 1 Introduction Several studies highlight the consequences of colonial rule on bilateral trade. Mitchener and Wei- denmier (2008) assess the contemporaneous eects of empire on trade over the period 1870-1913.
    [Show full text]
  • Preserving Power After Empire: the Credibility Trap and France's
    Preserving Power after Empire: The Credibility Trap and France’s Intervention in Chad, 1968-72 Marc R. DeVore Open Access Copy—Please Do Not Cite Forthcoming in War in History 1 Abstract France’s 1968-72 intervention in Chad constitutes a forgotten turning point in the Fifth Republic’s foreign relations. Inter-connected institutions and treaties gave France a disproportionate influence over its African ex-colonies. French security guarantees underscored this system, however, whereby francophone African leaders continued to accept French economic and political leadership. French leaders discovered in Chad, however, that they had fewer choices and needed to dedicate more resources to fulfilling these commitments than President Charles de Gaulle had intended. Prosperous ex-colonies’ leaders judged French commitments’ value according to how France responded to crises in its least valued ex- colonies. Thus, although French analysts viewed intervening in Chad as irrational from a cost/benefit perspective, they found themselves pressured into doing so by other African governments who let it be known that they would interpret failing to support Chadian President François Tombalbye as a sign that they too could not count on France. Entrapped by prior commitments, French policymakers developed a new approach to using force, which I term strategic satisficing, far different from traditional French counterinsurgency practices. The tightly-coupled application of force and diplomacy in pursuit of limited objectives enables France to intervene with the frequency needed to uphold its post-colonial order in Africa. Introduction France’s role in Africa sets it apart from other states of its size. France is arguably the most politically potent foreign actor in Sub-Saharan Africa even though it is today a medium- sized European state with an economy that only occasionally ranks amongst the world’s top half dozen.
    [Show full text]
  • Self-Perceptions of the French Community in Morocco
    SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Spring 2019 Self-Perceptions of the French Community in Morocco Madeleine L. Breunig Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the French and Francophone Language and Literature Commons, International and Intercultural Communication Commons, Migration Studies Commons, Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies Commons, Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons, and the Sociology of Culture Commons SELF-PERCEPTIONS OF THE FRENCH COMMUNITY IN MOROCCO Breunig, Madeleine L SIT Morocco: Migration and Transnational Identity Abstract: North-South migration is growing trend; however, this type of migration is overlooked in the literature because it is not viewed as urgent or negative. Migrants from the global North are associated with wealth, and are referred to by the term expatriate, which distinguishes them from migrants, placing them in a more positive light. In Morocco, there is a growing community of Europeans. Among them, the French community stands out as one of the largest migrant groups in Morocco. Their presence is an interesting one, as they have a shared history with Morocco and a common language in Morocco, in theory facilitating their integration. This study aims to find out whether the French in Morocco view themselves as migrants or expatriates and their perceived integration in Morocco. 14 interviews, informal group conversations and visits to French Institutions in Morocco were conducted with French citizens. Overall, members of the French community do not identify as migrants, associating the term with negative connotations. Despite having a shared language with Moroccans, they do not view themselves as integrated because their lack of knowledge in Arabic.
    [Show full text]
  • The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2016 The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason Timothy Scott Johnson The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1424 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN THE FRENCH-ALGERIAN WAR (1954-1962): HISTORICAL ANALOGY AND THE LIMITS OF FRENCH HISTORICAL REASON By Timothy Scott Johnson A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2016 © 2016 TIMOTHY SCOTT JOHNSON All Rights Reserved ii The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason by Timothy Scott Johnson This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in History in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Richard Wolin, Distinguished Professor of History, The Graduate Center, CUNY _______________________ _______________________________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee _______________________
    [Show full text]
  • University of Oklahoma Graduate College Legacies of Empire: Greater France from Colonialism to Terrorism a Thesis Submitted To
    UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE LEGACIES OF EMPIRE: GREATER FRANCE FROM COLONIALISM TO TERRORISM A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES By MONICA GOODWIN Norman, Oklahoma 2016 LEGACIES OF EMPIRE: GREATER FRANCE FROM COLONIALISM TO TERRORISM A THESIS APPROVED FOR THE COLLEGE OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES BY __________________________ Dr. Jessica Pearson-Patel, Chair __________________________ Dr. Emily Rook-Koepsel __________________________ Dr. Michael Winston © Copyright by MONICA GOODWIN 2016 All Rights Reserved. Table of Contents Abstract………………………………………………… v Introduction……………………………………………. 1 Chapter 1……………………………………………….. 8 Chapter 2……………………………………………….. 37 Chapter 3……………………………………………….. 57 Conclusion……………………………………………... 72 Bibliography……………………………………………. 73 iv Abstract Legacies of empire: Greater France from colonialism to terrorism Author: Monica Goodwin (University of Oklahoma 2016) In this thesis, I argue that the legacies of empire and colonization are influencing the development of French identity and are challenging notions of contemporary French society. I argue that these colonial legacies reached a watershed moment in 1989 with the headscarf affair and further provoked violent and socially divisive events such as the 2005 riots and the 2015 terrorist attacks. Furthermore, I argue that the effects of France’s colonial past have created a psychological empire that is negatively affecting many of France’s youths of immigrant
    [Show full text]
  • General Assembly- Fifteenth Session- First Committee the Protests Made and Reservations Presented to Integrity of a State Was Being Threatened
    United Nations FIRST COMMITTEE, 1117th GENERAL MEETING Friday, 25 November 1960, ASSEMBLY at3.20 p.m. FIFTEENTH SESSION Official Records NEW YORK CONTENTS the Kingdom of Morocco before France assumed the Page protectorate over it. The question was, of course, Agenda item 79: whether Mauritania was one of those territories. The The problem of Mauritania (continued) representative of France had said (1109th meeting) 173 that it was not, and that there was no historical evi­ General debate (concluded) • ••.•••••••• dence that Morocco had ever established durable and Consideration of draft resolutions ••••••• 175 effective authority over any portion of Mauritania. It should be noted, however, that the indices of sove­ Chairman: Sir Claude CO REA (Ceylon). reign authority varied in different social and eco­ nomic environments and that the same criteria could not apply in a nomadic community as in a more settled society. On the other hand, the Moroccan delegation had argued that, until quite recently, AGENDA ITEM 79 prayers had been said in Mauritania in the name of the King of Morocco. In that connexion it might be The problem of Mauritania (A/4445 and Add.l, A/C.l!L.261, noted that in India, before partition, the Caliph of A!C, 1/L.262) (continued) Turkey had been mentioned by the Muslims in their Friday sermon, for he had been their spiritual leader GENERAL DEBATE (concluded) until the abolition of the Caliphate by Turkey; yet 1. Mr. ALEMAYEHOU (Ethiopia), noting that Indo­ there had never been any question of temporal suze­ nesia, Jordan and Libya had submitted a draft resolu­ rainty or authority of the Caliphate of Turkey over tion (A/C.1/L.261), reserved the right to submit the Muslims of India.
    [Show full text]
  • Present Day Effects of French Colonization on Former French Colonies
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Supervised Undergraduate Student Research Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects and Creative Work Spring 5-1998 Present Day Effects of French Colonization on Former French Colonies Lori Liane Long University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj Recommended Citation Long, Lori Liane, "Present Day Effects of French Colonization on Former French Colonies" (1998). Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/266 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Supervised Undergraduate Student Research and Creative Work at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNIVERSITY HONORS PROGRAM SENIOR PROJECT - APPROVAL Name: lO I t-DI/\q ----------------- ~ ----------------------------------- I \ - . fj College: jJrJ~~ _~.f_1Ck"_ ~~~___ Departmen t: .' ~L_=b~- i- ~ __~(~ _ . J~~ __ _ Faculty Mentor: _ hi. -"- :~ _Q._~t.:.~~~~::_______________________________ _ PROJECT TITLE: I have reviewed this completed senior honors thesis with this student and certify that it is a project commensurate with honors level undergraduate research in this :i~~:e ~~___ :::~ ________________________ , Facu Jty Men tor Da te: !-~Llft - ~<j- ] -l-------- Comments (Optional): The Present-Day Effects of French Colonization on Former French Colonies Lori Liane Long Senior Project May 13, 1998 In the world today. it is indisputable fact that some states have much higher standards of Jjving than others. For humanitarians, concerned with the general state of mankind, this is a troublesome problem.
    [Show full text]
  • British and French Styles of Influence in Colonial and Independent Africa
    British and French Styles of Influence in Colonial and Independent Africa: A Comparative Study of Kenya and Senegal Laura Fenwick SIS 419 002: Honors Capstone Dr. Patrick Ukata 23 April 2009 Fenwick 2 Introduction The goal of colonialism was universal: extract economic benefits for the colonizing government. However, France and England had fundamentally different approaches to their colonial rule. While England wanted to exploit resources and create a profitable environment for its settler communities, France espoused an additional goal of transforming the African populations within its sphere of influence into French citizens. Nowhere is this effort epitomized better than in Senegal. These different approaches affected the type of colonial rule and the post- colonial relationship in an elemental way. The two powers had many similarities in their colonial rule. They imposed direct rule, limiting rights of the African peoples. The colonial administrations established a complementary economy based on exporting raw goods and importing manufactured goods. They introduced European culture and taught their own history in schools. France, however, took the idea of a united French Empire a step further with the policy of assimilation. Reeling from the ideals of equality from the 1848 Revolution, the French Republic granted political rights and citizenship for francisé (Frenchified) Africans. Its rule in West Africa was characterized by an unprecedented degree of political representation for Blacks. The English government did not grant this amount of political rights until the final years of colonial rule, when international and domestic pressures for decolonization were mounting. French West African colonies enjoyed their close economic, political, and cultural ties with the metropole.
    [Show full text]
  • Notes on the Political Sociology of Chad
    The Dynamics of National Integration: Ladiba Gondeu Working Paper No. 006 (English Version) THE DYNAMICS OF NATIONAL INTEGRATION: MOVING BEYOND ETHNIC CONFLICT IN A STATE-IN-WAITING LADIBA GONDEU October 2013 The Sahel Research Group, of the University of Florida’s Center for African Studies, is a collaborative effort to understand the political, social, economic, and cultural dynamics of the countries which comprise the West African Sahel. It focuses primarily on the six Francophone countries of the region—Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad—but also on in developments in neighboring countries, to the north and south, whose dy- namics frequently intersect with those of the Sahel. The Sahel Research Group brings together faculty and gradu- ate students from various disciplines at the University of Florida, in collaboration with colleagues from the region. Acknowledgements: This work is the fruit of a four month academic stay at the University of Florida Center for African Studies as a Visiting Scholar thanks to the kind invitation of the Profesor Leonardo A. Villalón, Coordinator of the Sahel Research Group. I would like to express my deep appreciation and gratitude to him and to his team. The ideas put forth in this document are mine and I take full responsibility for them. About the Author: Ladiba Gondeu, Faculty Member in the Department of Anthropology at the University of N’Djamena, and Doctoral Candidate, Paris School of Graduate Studies in Social Science for Social Anthropology and Ethnology. Ladiba Gondeu is a Chadian social anthropologist specializing in civil society, religious dynamics, and project planning and analysis.
    [Show full text]
  • Discrimination Towards Algerian-French Citizens in Post-Colonial French Cinema Jessica Bou-Anak John Carroll University, [email protected]
    John Carroll University Carroll Collected Senior Honors Projects Theses, Essays, and Senior Honors Projects Winter 2015 Discrimination Towards Algerian-French Citizens in Post-Colonial French Cinema Jessica Bou-Anak John Carroll University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://collected.jcu.edu/honorspapers Part of the Film and Media Studies Commons, and the French Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Bou-Anak, Jessica, "Discrimination Towards Algerian-French Citizens in Post-Colonial French Cinema" (2015). Senior Honors Projects. 87. http://collected.jcu.edu/honorspapers/87 This Honors Paper/Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Essays, and Senior Honors Projects at Carroll Collected. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of Carroll Collected. For more information, please contact [email protected]. John Carroll University Discrimination Towards Algerian-French Citizens in Post-Colonial French Cinema Jessica Bou-Anak French 499 Independent Study Dr. Pereszlenyi-Pinter Professor Rolland December 2015 Bou-Anak1 Abstract Three French films, Elise ou la vraie vie by Michel Drach, La Haine by Matthiew Kassovitz, and The French Democracy by Alex Chan, were analyzed in order to view the discrimination by Caucasian-French citizens towards Algerian-French citizens. The films were released in the aftermath of a significant event in France dealing with racism. Two main themes were prevalent throughout this analysis: discrimination by Caucasian-French citizens towards Algerian-French citizens in public spaces, and Caucasian-French police brutality against Algerian-French youths. The findings from this analysis suggest that discrimination and racism in France still persist today, although in different forms.
    [Show full text]
  • Use of the French Franchise Militaire Stamps (FM)
    Use of the French Franchise Militaire Stamps (F.M.) From the French Colonies During the Era of the Group Type Use of the French Franchise Militaire Stamps (F.M.) From the Colonies During the Era of the Group Type Ed Grabowski Hamilton Stamp Club May 2016 1 The Franchise Militaire (F.M.) Stamps • What are these stamps? • Why were they created? • When were they created? • How were they used from the Colonies during the Group Type Era? • Was the use abused? 2 French Military Mail Prior to 1901 • Occupation forces and soldiers on station received a special military concession rate of 15 centimes in lieu the regular 25c rate within the French Community – Rate required validation by local commander consisting of unit cachet, manuscript endorsement and commander’s signature • Forces engaged in combat received full franchise – their mail was sent for free – Franchise also required validation by local commander consisting of unit cachet, manuscript endorsement and commander’s signature • Both types of mail required significant time to process at the point of origin before being carried to nearest post office 3 Typical Military Concession Rate • Sent from Papeete, French Oceania in 1894 • Concession rate of 15c in lieu of 25c French Community rate • Octagonal CORR D’ARMEES PAPEETE military datestamp • Unit cachet on front • Manuscript validation and signature on reverse • Paris arrivals on front and back 4 5 Typical Military Franchise Letter • Posted Sainte Marie, Saint Marie de Madagascar in 1898 • Military cachet (Marine Unit), manuscript endorsement
    [Show full text]