Method Change in Scores Between 2008 and 2009 Interpreting the CPI

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Method Change in Scores Between 2008 and 2009 Interpreting the CPI policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2009/FAQs http://archive.transparency.org/layout/set/print/policy_researc... Print Close Window Frequently asked questions Method How many countries/territories are included in the 2009 CPI? How are countries/territories chosen for inclusion in the CPI? Why are countries/territories no longer covered in the CPI, and why are new countries/territories added? Which countries/territories might be included in future CPIs? What are the sources of data for the 2009 CPI? Whose opinion is polled for the surveys used in the CPI? Does the CPI’s prominence influence respondents? How is the 2009 CPI produced? Have there been any changes in the CPI methodology in 2009? Change in scores between 2008 and 2009 Can country/territory scores in the 2009 CPI be compared to those in past editions of the CPI? Which countries/territories scores have gone down most between 2008 and 2009? Which countries/territories scores have improved most? Interpreting the CPI Is the country/territory with the lowest score the world's most corrupt country and vice versa? Example: What is implied by Somalia’s bottom ranking and New Zealand’s top ranking in the 2009 CPI? Why is the impact (or lack thereof) of anti-corruption reform or recent corruption scandals not always evident in a country/territory’s CPI score? Is the CPI a reliable measure of a country/territory's perceived level of corruption? Is the CPI a reliable measure for basing decisions on aid allocation? How does the CPI relate to other TI research products? General For the purpose of the CPI, how is corruption defined? The CPI focuses on corruption in the public sector. The surveys used in compiling the CPI ask questions relating to the abuse of public power for private benefit. These include questions on: bribery of public officials, kickbacks in public procurement, embezzlement of public funds, and questions that probe the strength and effectiveness of public sector anti-corruption efforts, thereby covering both the administrative and political aspects of corruption. Why is the CPI based only on perceptions? It is difficult to assess the overall levels of corruption in different countries/territories based on hard empirical data, e.g. by comparing the amount of bribes or the number of prosecutions or court cases directly related to corruption. In the latter case, for example, such data does not reflect actual levels of corruption; rather it highlights the extent to which prosecutors, courts and/or the media are effectively investigating and exposing corruption. One reliable method of compiling cross-country data is, therefore, to draw on the experience and perceptions of those who see first hand the realities of corruption in a country. Method 1 of 4 3/9/14, 16:24 policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2009/FAQs http://archive.transparency.org/layout/set/print/policy_researc... How many countries/territories are included in the CPI? The 2009 CPI ranks 180 countries/territories, the same number as in 2008. How are countries/territories chosen for inclusion in the CPI? A minimum of three reliable sources of corruption-related data is required for a country or territory to be included in the CPI. Inclusion in the index is not an indication of the existence of corruption but rather depends solely on the availability of the minimum data requirements. Why are countries/territories no longer covered in the 2009 CPI, and why are new countries/territories added? Countries/territories are only included in the index if at least three sources of data are available. In 2009 a change in the country coverage of individual sources resulted in Brunei Darussalam being included, but Belize had to be dropped from the Index, as there was only one source available. Which countries/territories might be included in future CPIs? Transparency International is continuously and actively seeking to increase the number of countries and territories included in the CPI. Countries or territories with two sets of data (insufficient for inclusion) are: Anguilla, Antigua and Barbuda, Aruba, Bahamas, Bermuda, Cayman Islands, Grenada, Kosovo, Liechtenstein, Micronesia (Federated States of), Netherlands, Antilles, North Korea, St. Kitts & Nevis and Tuvalu. At least one additional set of data is necessary for inclusion in the CPI. What are the sources of data for the CPI? The 2009 CPI draws on 13 different polls and surveys from 10 independent institutions. Data sources must be published in the past two years to be eligible for inclusion. All data sources must provide a ranking of countries/territories and measure the overall extent of corruption. This condition excludes surveys which mix corruption with other issues, such as political instability, decentralisation or nationalism. TI strives to ensure that the sources used are of the highest quality and that the survey work is performed with complete integrity. To qualify, the data must be well documented and the methodology explained to permit a judgment on its reliability. Some institutions that donate their data to TI free of charge, for use in the CPI, do not allow disclosure of the data they contribute because their evaluations are only available to subscribers. Other institutions make their data publicly available. For a full list of data sources, details on questions asked and number of respondents for the 2009 CPI, please see the CPI methodology at http://www.transparency.org/cpi Whose opinion is polled for the surveys used in the CPI? The expertise reflected in the CPI scores draws on an understanding of corrupt practices held by those based in both the industrialised and developing world and includes surveys of business people and country analysts. Sources providing data for the CPI rely on non-resident and resident experts. It is important to note that residents' viewpoints correlate well with those of non-resident experts. Does the CPI’s prominence influence respondents? The CPI has gained wide prominence in the international media since its first publication in 1995. This has raised concerns that respondents’ judgements may be overshadowed by the data reported by TI, which would introduce a problem of circularity. This hypothesis was tested in 2006 using a survey question posed to business leaders around the world. Based on more than 9,000 responses, knowledge of the CPI does not appear to induce business experts to ‘go with the herd’. Rather, knowledge of the CPI may motivate respondents to determine their own views, and there is therefore little indication of circularity in the present approach. How is the 2009 CPI produced? The 2009 CPI is produced by the Transparency International Secretariat in Berlin. TI gathered the data, liaised with experts on the method, and calculated the Index. In past years, this work was carried out by a consultant and senior adviser to TI. TI has a rigorous process for cross-checking final results, in collaboration with a number of experts from leading universities and institutes. As in years past, advice on the CPI methodology was provided by TI's Index Advisory Committee (http://transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/about). In addition, in 2009 a group of experts both advised TI during the calculation phase and reviewed the production of the Index: Andrew Gelman (Columbia University), Rajshri Jayaraman (European School of Management and Technology), Meghan O'Malley Berry (Columbia University), Piero Stanig (London School of Economics) and Andreas Stephan (JIBS, Jönköping University; CESIS, KTH Stockholm). Catherine Muller and Marc Vothknecht (DIW Berlin - German Institute for Economic Research) provided additional advice and independently checked the calculation of the 2009 CPI. For further information on the CPI’s method, please consult the 2009 CPI methodology (www.transparency.org/cpi). 2 of 4 3/9/14, 16:24 policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2009/FAQs http://archive.transparency.org/layout/set/print/policy_researc... Have there been any changes in the CPI methodology in 2009? By and large, the CPI 2009 follows the same method as in previous years. The one small change that was introduced is that the CPI 2009 uses the previous year’s scores, the CPI 2008, as its master list (for more on the overall method, see http://www.transparency.org//policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/cpi_2009/in_depth/methodology). This was the approach taken to the CPI until 2006. In the 2007 and 2008 CPI editions, the previous year’s scores were used but also adjusted. For more on this see http://transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2007 Change in scores between 2008 and 2009 Can country/territory scores in the 2009 CPI be compared to those in past CPIs? The index provides a snapshot of the views of business people and country analysts for the current or recent years. Given its methodology, the CPI is not a tool that is suitable for monitoring progress or lack of progress over time. The only reliable way to compare a country’s score over time is to go back to individual survey sources, each of which can reflect a change in assessment. Year-to-year changes in a country/territory's score could result from a changed perception of a country's performance, a change in the ranking provided by original sources or a change in the CPI’s methodology. Wherever possible, TI has identified those changes in scores that can be identified in the sources themselves. Which countries/territories' scores deteriorated most between 2008 and 2009? As indicated above, the CPI method is not well-suited to making comparisons of scores from year to year. To the extent that changes can be traced back to individual sources, however, trends can be identified. Noteworthy examples of deteriorations from scores in the 2008 CPI to 2009 CPI on which more than half of the sources agreed include: Bahrain, Greece, Iran, Malaysia, Malta and Slovakia.
Recommended publications
  • Minutes of Commemoration Event of International Anti-Corruption Day (IACD) December 9, 2019
    جمهورية الصومال الفدرالية Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya Wasaaradda Caddaaladda وزارة العدل Federal Republic of Somalia Ministry of Justice Minutes of Commemoration Event of International Anti-Corruption Day (IACD) December 9, 2019 Through Resolution 58/4 of October 31, 2003, the UN General Assembly designated December 9 as an International Anti-Corruption Day (IACD) to raise people’s awareness of corruption and governments to renew political commitment to the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) in combating and preventing it. The assembly urged all states and competent regional economic integration organizations to sign and ratify it to ensure its rapid effort toward curbing corruption. UNCAC is the first legally binding, international anti-corruption instrument that provides a chance to mount a global response to corruption. On 9 December 2019, National Integrity Coordination Unit under Ministry of Justice & Judiciary Affairs convened a commemoration event of the 16th global anniversary of International Anti- Corruption Day (IACD) at Aden Abdulle International Airport (AAIA Hanger, Mogadishu) with the national and international stakeholders to renew the commitments of the society to improve integrity, accountability, and transparency. This event highlighted the achievements by the Integrity Coordination Unit, Ministry of Justice over the past year and the strengthening anti-corruption efforts across Somalia at Federal and Federal Member State level and the establishment strong network with civil society, private sector as well as international community to lay the foundations for a long-term approach in Somalia to fight corruption. Somalia has made significant progress over the past few years in putting together the building blocks for a comprehensive National Integrity System, with the passing of several laws and the establishment of the required institutions.
    [Show full text]
  • Serious Fraud Office Investigations Regarding the Extractive Industry
    SERIOUS FRAUD OFFICE INVESTIGATIONS REGARDING THE EXTRACTIVE INDUSTRY 24 March 2017 | London Legal Briefings – By Daniel Hudson and David Knott The mining industry presents a high risk of corruption as operations are often located in high risk regions and it is often necessary to interact with government officials and agencies in order to obtain licenses and approvals for the exploration, development, construction and operation of a mine. These factors, when combined with the general increase in enforcement of anti-bribery and anti-corruption laws, primarily by the United States and United Kingdom authorities, which has led to more investigations and prosecutions, higher monetary sanctions, and the imposition of monitors and other agents to oversee businesses, means that it critical that mining operators ensure that they have in place adequate procedures to prevent bribery from taking place. In this article we set out a brief recap on the key features of the UK Bribery Act 2010 and provide examples of recent and ongoing bribery investigations by the UK authorities regarding mining companies and other companies within the extractive industries. There are a number of ongoing overseas investigations which are outside the scope of the article but which demonstrate the high levels of activity by enforcement bodies around the world regarding the mining industry (e.g. the cross-border investigation into BSG Resources Limited, which has seen charges brought in the US against Guinea's former minister of mines and the arrest and subsequent release without charge of Beny Steinmetz). Overview of UK Bribery Act 2010 The UK's Bribery Act 2010 came into force in 2011 and updates the criminalisation of both public and private sector bribery.
    [Show full text]
  • 2016 the Legacy Center for Peace and Transparecy
    ~For Transparency, a Leap Forward, a Better Future ~ Overview of Corruption, Underlying Causes, and its Impacts in Somalia! 2016 Transparecy and Peace for "To stabilize Somalia,Center efforts to combat corruption must be robust, effective, and thorough. But above all, these efforts must be independent." Legacy The A mother runs with her child after a suicide bomber attack on April14, 2013 in Mogadishu (AFP Photo / Mohamed Abdiwahab) Compiled by the Legacy Center for Peace and Transparency (LCPT) Transparecy @ 2016 Legacy Center for Peace and Transparency All Rights Reserved. and No part of this publication may be produced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmit-ted in any form, by any means; mechanical, via photocopying, recording or other-wise-without prior permission from the Legacy Center for Peace and Transparency. LCPT is an independent, nonpartisan, nonprofit research organization dedicated to fighting corruption, building peace, and democratic societyPeace in Somalia. Our aim is to conduct high- quality and independent research, to provide innovative practical recommendations that advance three broad goals: 1) Transparency and Accountability for 2) Peace and Equality 3) Democratic and Prosperous Somalia The LCPT conducts extensive research across Somalia, using quantitative and qualitative data collection methods. In addition to household surveys using mobile phones and Interviews with key community figures and other stakeholders, LCPT also analyses publicly available data to complete its secondary research. Center To learn
    [Show full text]
  • Africanreview of 4 Pnl.T.Politicaly Economy
    AfricanREVIEW OF 4 Pnl.t.PoliticalY Economy EDITORS: The Review of African Political Economy Chris Allen and Jan Burgess (ROAPE) is published quarterly by Carfax Publishing Company for the ROAPE BOOK REVIEWS: international editorial collective. Now 24 Ray Bush, Roy Love and Morris Szeftel years old, ROAPE is a fully refereed journal covering all aspects of African political EDITORIAL WORKING GROUP: economy. ROAPE has always involved the Chris Allen, Carolyn Baylies, Lyn Brydon, readership in shaping the journal's coverage, Janet Bujra, Jan Burgess, Ray Bush, Carolyne welcoming contributions from grass roots Dennis, Anita Franklin, Jon Knox, Roy Love, organisations, women's organisations, trade Giles Mohan, Colin Murray, Mike Powell, unions and political groups. The journal is Stephen Riley, David Seddon, David Simon, unique in the comprehensiveness of its Colin Stoneman, Morris Szeftel, Tina bibliographic referencing, information Wallace, Gavin Williams, A. B. Zack- monitoring, statistical documentation and Williams coverage of work-in-progress. CONTRIBUTING EDITORS: Editorial correspondence, including Africa: Rok Ajulu (Grahamstown), manuscripts for submission, should be sent Yusuf Bangura (Zaria), Billy Cobbett to Jan Burgess, ROAPE Publications Ltd, (Johannesburg), Antonieta Coelho (Luanda), PO Box 678, Sheffield S1 1BF, UK. Bill Freund (Durban), Jibril Ibrahim (Zaria), Tel: 44 +(0)1226 +741660; Fax 44 +(0) 1226 Amadina Lihamba (Dar es Salaam), +741661; E-mail: [email protected]. Mahmood Mamdani (Cape Town), Trevor Parfitt (Cairo), Lloyd Sachikonye (Harare), Business correspondence, including orders Carol Thompson (Arizona); Canada: and remittances relating to subscriptions, Jonathan Barker (Toronto), Bonnie Campbell advertisements, back numbers and offprints, (Montreal), Dickson Eyoh (Toronto), John should be addressed to the publisher: Carfax Loxley (Winnipeg), John Saul (Toronto); Publishing Ltd, PO Box 25, Abingdon, Europe: Björn Beckman (Stockholm), M.
    [Show full text]
  • Dadaab Returnee Conflict Assessment August 2017
    DADAAB RETURNEE CONFLICT ASSESSMENT AUGUST 2017 PREPARED FOR DANISH DEMINING GROUP (DDG) BY KEN MENKHAUS Dadaab Returnee Conflict Assessment | i Foreword and Acknowledgements This conflict assessment was implemented as part of the UK Department for International Development (DFID) funded and Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) and Danish Refugee Council (DRC) implemented project: ‘Promoting Durable Solutions through Integrated Return, Reintegration and Resilience Support to Somali Displacement affected Populations’. The project aims to support conditions conducive for safe and dignified return and sustainable reintegration of Somali refugees. The project was implemented between October 2016 and June 2017. The Conflict Assessment was implemented by the Danish Demining Group (DDG), under the supervision of Mads Frilander. The principal investigator and author of the study is Ken Menkhaus, and he alone is responsible for any errors or misinterpretations in the report. He and Ismahan Adawe formed the research team that conducted fieldwork for this study in Mogadishu, Kismayo, Baidoa, and Nairobi in December 2016 and January 2017. The analysis combines existing studies and reports collected in a literature review with over 60 field interviews, as well as a survey carried out in Kismayo. The interviews were semi-structured in format, some held with key informants and others with focus groups of men and women representing host communities, internally displaced persons (IDPs), and returnees. The survey was carried out by the company Researchcare Africa. The research was conducted in challenging security and political conditions, and the research team is deeply indebted to many individuals and organisations who provided essential help to overcome those obstacles. We are also very grateful to the hundreds of Somali stakeholders and international aid officials who volunteered their time to meet with the research team and discuss these issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing the Financial Accountability of the Somali Federal Government Organizations
    Public Policy and Administration Research www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-5731(Paper) ISSN 2225-0972(Online) Vol.4, No.2, 2014 Assessing the Financial Accountability of the Somali Federal Government Organizations Abdirisaq Ibrahim Mohamed Faculty of Business and Accountancy, SIMAD University Tel: 252-61-5539547, E-mail: [email protected] Ali Yassin Sheikh-Ali (Corresponding author) Department of Public Administration, SIMAD University Tel: 252-61-2225577, E-mail: [email protected] Abstract Building robust financial accountability system is an essential step in making the Federal government of Somalia (FGS) a more effective institution that is able to deliver basic public services to the people of Somalia. The purpose of this study is to assess the financial accountability in the FGS. The study collected data from six federal institutions employing questionnaires. Seventy civil servants participated in the study. The Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics of mean and standard deviation. The study found that the system of financial accountability in the FGS is improving. The study recommends to the FGS to upgrade internal controls and financial reporting systems, publish significant budget information in a regular and timely manner to the public; promote public participation in the budget process and strength the auditor general to carry out its functions effectively. Keywords: Accountability, Financial matters, Federal government, Somalia 1. Introduction Accountability is a broad term that reflects a range of understandings rather than a single paradigm. There are indeed many different approaches and definitions of accountability but this study adopts the definition of Curtin & Nollkaemper, (2005). They referred accountability as a process in which an actor explains conduct and gives information to others, in which a judgement or assessment of that conduct is rendered on the basis of prior established rules or principles and in which it may be possible for some form of sanction to be imposed on the actor .
    [Show full text]
  • External Interventions in Somalia's Civil War. Security Promotion And
    External intervention in Somalia’s civil war Mikael Eriksson (Editor) Eriksson Mikael war civil Somalia’s intervention in External The present study examines external intervention in Somalia’s civil war. The focus is on Ethiopia’s, Kenya’s and Uganda’s military engagement in Somalia. The study also analyses the political and military interests of the intervening parties and how their respective interventions might affect each country’s security posture and outlook. The aim of the study is to contribute to a more refined under- standing of Somalia’s conflict and its implications for the security landscape in the Horn of Africa. The study contains both theoretical chapters and three empirically grounded cases studies. The main finding of the report is that Somalia’s neighbours are gradually entering into a more tense political relationship with the government of Somalia. This development is character- ized by a tension between Somalia’s quest for sovereignty and neighbouring states’ visions of a decentralized Somali state- system capable of maintaining security across the country. External Intervention in Somalia’s civil war Security promotion and national interests? Mikael Eriksson (Editor) FOI-R--3718--SE ISSN1650-1942 www.foi.se November 2013 FOI-R--3718--SE Mikael Eriksson (Editor) External Intervention in Somalia’s civil war Security promotion and national interests? Cover: Scanpix (Photo: TT, CORBIS) 1 FOI-R--3718--SE Titel Extern intervention i Somalias inbördeskrig: Främjande av säkerhet och nationella intressen? Title External intervention in Somalia’s civil war: security promotion and national Interests? Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--3718--SE Månad/Month November Utgivningsår/Year 2013 Antal sidor/Pages 137 ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet/Ministry of Defence Projektnr/Project no A11306 Godkänd av/Approved by Maria Lignell Jakobsson Ansvarig avdelning Försvarsanalys/Defence Analysis Detta verk är skyddat enligt lagen (1960:729) om upphovsrätt till litterära och konstnärliga verk.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption Threatens Global Economic Recovery, Greatly Challenges Countries in Conflict
    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Corruption threatens global economic recovery, greatly challenges countries in conflict Berlin, 17 November 2009 – As the world economy begins to register a tentative recovery and some nations continue to wrestle with ongoing conflict and insecurity, it is clear that no region of the world is immune to the perils of corruption, according to Transparency International’s 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), a measure of domestic, public sector corruption released today. “At a time when massive stimulus packages, fast-track disbursements of public funds and attempts to secure peace are being implemented around the world, it is essential to identify where corruption blocks good governance and accountability, in order to break its corrosive cycle” said Huguette Labelle, Chair of Transparency International (TI). The vast majority of the 180 countries included in the 2009 index score below five on a scale from 0 (perceived to be highly corrupt) to 10 (perceived to have low levels of corruption). The CPI measures the perceived levels of public sector corruption in a given country and is a composite index, drawing on 13 different expert and business surveys. The 2009 edition scores 180 countries, the same number as the 2008 CPI. Fragile, unstable states that are scarred by war and ongoing conflict linger at the bottom of the index. These are: Somalia, with a score of 1.1, Afghanistan at 1.3, Myanmar at 1.4 and Sudan tied with Iraq at 1.5. These results demonstrate that countries which are perceived as the most corrupt are also those plagued by long-standing conflicts, which have torn apart their governance infrastructure.
    [Show full text]
  • And Corruption Derequiation, and Civil Service
    WPs 1$O POLICY RESEARCH WORKING PAPER 1780 Public Disclosure Authorized For international aid and High-Level Rent-Seeking lendinginstitutions Encourageiiberaiization and Corruption derequiation, and civil service reform where rulersare in African Regimes credibly Public Disclosure Authorized autocraticbut cormmieedto growth and Theory and Cases efficiency.Be cautiousabout financinghalf-hearted reform ruledby Jacqueline Coolidge in systems In particular,do Susan Rose-Ackerman kleptocrats. not expecttax, custurms,and pror Litementreformr to be inipierientedas designedin Public Disclosure Authorized systernswhere top rulersand their alliesrotirnely poCket state resources. The WorldBank Public Disclosure Authorized PrivateSector Development Department and ForeignInvestment Advisory Service June 1997 POLICY RESEARCH WORKING PAPER 1780 Summary findings One explanation for Africa's failure to develop is the * Facing a kleptocrat, citizens prefer a smaller than weakness of its public institutions. Coolidge and Rose- optimal-sized government but get one that is too big. Ackerman consider one aspect of that weakness: rent- * A kleptocrat may need to permit lower-level officials seeking and corruption at the top of government. to share in corrupt gains thus introducing additional Under the conditions of their model, an autocrat who costs. He or she will then favor a smaller government seeks to maximize personal financial return favors an than if subordinates could be perfectly controlled. inefficiently large public sector and distorts other public * Dropping the assumption of a single dimension of sector priorities more than does an autocrat who seeks to government intervention, the kleptocrat will favor a maximize national income. However, if civil servants and different mixture of tax, spending, and regulatory public officials are also venal, the ruler will not favor so programs than will a benevolent autocrat.
    [Show full text]
  • Mexico Is Not Colombia Alternative Historical Analogies for Responding to the Challenge of Violent Drug-Trafficking Organizations
    CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Security Research Division View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This report is part of the RAND Corporation research report series. RAND reports present research findings and objective analysis that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND reports undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for re- search quality and objectivity. Supporting Case Studies Christopher Paul, Colin P. Clarke, Chad C. Serena C O R P O R A T I O N NATIONAL SECURITY RESEARCH DIVISION Mexico Is Not Colombia Alternative Historical Analogies for Responding to the Challenge of Violent Drug-Trafficking Organizations Supporting Case Studies Christopher Paul, Colin P.
    [Show full text]
  • CPI 2008 Press Kit 290908
    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Persistently high corruption in low-income countries amounts to an “ongoing humanitarian disaster” Against a backdrop of continued corporate scandal, wealthy countries backsliding too Berlin, 23 September 2008 - With countries such as Somalia and Iraq among those showing the highest levels of perceived corruption, Transparency International’s (TI) 2008 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), launched today, highlights the fatal link between poverty, failed institutions and graft. But other notable backsliders in the 2008 CPI indicate that the strength of oversight mechanisms is also at risk among the wealthiest. “In the poorest countries, corruption levels can mean the difference between life and death, when money for hospitals or clean water is in play,” said Huguette Labelle, Chair of Transparency International. “The continuing high levels of corruption and poverty plaguing many of the world’s societies amount to an ongoing humanitarian disaster and cannot be tolerated. But even in more privileged countries, with enforcement disturbingly uneven, a tougher approach to tackling corruption is needed.” The 2008 Results The Transparency International CPI measures the perceived levels of public-sector corruption in a given country and is a composite index, drawing on different expert and business surveys. The 2008 CPI scores 180 countries (the same number as the 2007 CPI) on a scale from zero (highly corrupt) to ten (highly clean). Denmark, New Zealand and Sweden share the highest score at 9.3, followed immediately by Singapore at 9.2. Bringing up the rear is Somalia at 1.0, slightly trailing Iraq and Myanmar at 1.3 and Haiti at 1.4.
    [Show full text]
  • Effect of Anti-Corruption Strategies on Economic Development in Somalia
    EFFECT OF ANTI-CORRUPTION STRATEGIES ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN SOMALIA Omar, M. B., & Kising’u, T. Vol. 5, Iss. 1, pp 473- 495, February 15, 2018. www.strategicjournals.com, ©strategic Journals EFFECT OF ANTI-CORRUPTION STRATEGIES ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN SOMALIA Omar, M. B., *1 & Kising’u, T.2 *1Masters Scholar, Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology [JKUAT], Mombasa, Kenya 2Ph.D, Lecturer, Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology [JKUAT], Mombasa, Kenya Accepted: February 13, 2018 ABSTRACT The general objective of the study was to assess the effect of anti-corruption strategies on economic development of Somalia. The specific objectives of the study were to assess the effect of anti-corruption policy strategy, anti-corruption government transparency strategy, anti-corruption government accountability strategy and anti-corruption education strategy on economic development of Somalia. A quantitative correlational research design was adopted utilizing a cross-sectional survey methodology to assess the effect of anti- corruption strategies on economic development in Somalia. This study was conducted in Mogadishu, the capital city of Somalia. The target population of this study was 5,000 residents of Mogadishu from the University students, government officials and civil society members. The study selected a sample of 370 respondents using Cochran equation from the different segments of the larger population in Mogadishu. The researcher employed percentages and frequencies to analyze the results of questionnaire using Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS version 22.). The study used mean and standard deviation analysis for descriptive statistics while correlation and regression analysis used for inferential statistic. The result was presented in the form of summaries, such as statistical tables, discussions and illustrations.
    [Show full text]