Submitted Article

Changing Malian Women’s Economic Activities Vending in the Market, Travelling the World

Miku Ito University of Hyogo

Abstract: From around the year 2000, Malian women have begun to actively involve themselves in trans- national trade with Dubai (UAE) and Guangzhou (). They travel alone and purchase commodities by themselves using the help of the Malian diaspora and the commercial network. Although there have been women merchants in ’s past, they have gone unnoticed because of the mono- gendered view of the history of long-distance trade. Even in current-day Mali, studies on women’s economic activities tend to be limited to those describing vending in the market. Observing Malian women working in the market as well as conducting trans-national trade in contemporary Mali, we realise the diversification of their economic activities and the social change that has occurred in Malian society.

Key words: women merchants, trade, economic activity, gender, Mali

I conducted fieldwork for two years for my Ph.D. thesis in Djenné, a small traditional town with a population of around 15,000 in Mali. The town is located on an island surrounded by a branch of the Bani River, one of the tributaries of the . Djenné is famous for its distinctive architecture, especially its Great Mosque, one of the world’s largest adobe structures. In the town’s public square in front of the mosque, a weekly market is held on Mondays, and thousands of people come here to buy and sell products. There is also a daily market in the centre of the town. Almost all the vendors in the latter market are women, and they are active vendors in the weekly market as well. The prominent role of women in local markets can be observed in other Sub-Saharan West African societies as well (Herskovits 1962: xi-xii). Three years after my work in Djenné, I conducted fieldwork in , the capital of Mali, to conduct comparative research on women’s commercial activities. I observed many women working as vendors at the daily markets in each district. At the same time, I found a considerable number of women selling goods that they had purchased by themselves in Dubai (UAE) or Guangzhou (China). It was known that women trans-national merchants

Japanese Review of Cultural Anthropology, vol. 18-2, 2017 64 Miku Ito existed at the time and that they travelled among West African countries taking advantage of intra-regional free movement among ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) member states or occasionally went on pilgrimage to Mecca. However, in general, it was rare for Malian women to travel abroad and engage in long-distance and large-scale trade by themselves. It is widely known among West Africans that Mali has a long history of trade and that Malians are good at commercial activities. Malian merchants can be found in almost every West African city. Furthermore, Malian men have been migrating beyond their continent to European countries and the United States. According to the 2000 census data, over 1.5 million Malians out of an 11 million population at the time were estimated to be living abroad (OIM 2009). In Mali, travelling to peddle or emigrating abroad is not done for economic reasons alone but also as a cultural practice, a kind of rite of passage for young men (Castle and Diarra 2003). Therefore, long-distance and large-scale commercial activities have been dominated by Malian men while women have played an important role in the local markets. Unlike trading or wholesaling, vending in markets is not considered a profession and has been open to all people, regardless of gender, ethnicity, and level of acquired education. To become a market vendor is relatively easy for women, as it requires low initial investment and little specialisation (Sheldon 1996). However, in Bamako, currently, the mono-gendered understanding of trade and markets is poised to alter as an increasing number of Malian women merchants have made their impact on trade. In this paper, first, I provide an overview of the historical background of long-distance trade that Malians have engaged in since medieval times. Through this, I reveal how Malian women merchants have played a secondary role to male merchants. Second, I depict the activities of women vendors in the local markets in rural Mali, taking the example of Djenné. Vending the products of their family agriculture in the local market is regarded as a woman’s job. Their work is indispensable for maintaining the household. Third, I describe some women merchants engaging in transnational/transregional business in Bamako. By comparing these two forms of economic activity in contemporary Mali, I reveal the on-going changes in Malian society.

Historical Background of Malians’ Long-Distance Trade

Malian Merchants in West Mali’s territory extends alongside the Niger River. As the upper part of the Niger River is rich in mines, some great kingdoms or empires like , Mali, and (or Songhay) flourished from the 8th to the 16th century in the river’s middle-course zone. To obtain gold not only for making jewellery but also for use as currency, many merchants from North Africa and even from the Middle East crossed the Sahara with camel caravans. In exchange Miku Ito Changing Malian Women’s Economic Activities 65 existed at the time and that they travelled among West African countries taking advantage for gold, the merchants brought valuable goods like precious textiles, copper products, and of intra-regional free movement among ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African ceramic wares to these kingdoms. States) member states or occasionally went on pilgrimage to Mecca. However, in general, it As these kingdoms had never dominated the gold mines, the rulers needed brokers who was rare for Malian women to travel abroad and engage in long-distance and large-scale could mediate between the owners of the mines and merchants. The brokers who engaged in trade by themselves. the gold trade were Muslims, speaking the Soninke language, an offshoot of the Mande It is widely known among West Africans that Mali has a long history of trade and that linguistic group, and they were called ‘Wangara’ by other ethnic groups. With economic Malians are good at commercial activities. Malian merchants can be found in almost every development, the brokers began to engage in trade of goods imported from North Africa to West African city. Furthermore, Malian men have been migrating beyond their continent to distribute them to other regions of West Africa. A Portuguese of the early 15th century European countries and the United States. According to the 2000 census data, over 1.5 remarked that the merchants who controlled the gold trade in El Mina (a trade port million Malians out of an 11 million population at the time were estimated to be living constructed by on the south coast of today’s Ghana) were the same ‘Ungaros’ abroad (OIM 2009). In Mali, travelling to peddle or emigrating abroad is not done for (Wangaras) as those in , 2000 km away from the port (Levtzion 1973:165-166). economic reasons alone but also as a cultural practice, a kind of rite of passage for young This indicates the wide extent of trade activities of the Wangara people at that time. men (Castle and Diarra 2003). After the collapse of the , the Wangara merchants expanded their trade Therefore, long-distance and large-scale commercial activities have been dominated by network throughout West Africa, from the Sahara in the north to the Atlantic coast in the Malian men while women have played an important role in the local markets. Unlike south (Levtzion 1973:166; Wilks 2000). They gradually came to be recognised as an ethnic trading or wholesaling, vending in markets is not considered a profession and has been open group and were called Jula or Yarse in different regions (Maasing 2000, Sakai 2003: 76). All to all people, regardless of gender, ethnicity, and level of acquired education. To become a the appellations still imply ‘professional merchants’ today. market vendor is relatively easy for women, as it requires low initial investment and little As they went beyond their original territory for trade, they needed to learn certain skills specialisation (Sheldon 1996). However, in Bamako, currently, the mono-gendered to be accepted by the local people who were neither Muslim nor able to speak the Soninke understanding of trade and markets is poised to alter as an increasing number of Malian language. One of these skills was to be able to organise an armed caravan to transport and women merchants have made their impact on trade. sell commodities. This was written by René Caillié, a French traveller at the beginning of In this paper, first, I provide an overview of the historical background of long-distance the 19th century, who accompanied an armed caravan to reach Djenné from the Atlantic trade that Malians have engaged in since medieval times. Through this, I reveal how Malian coast (Caillié 1996). women merchants have played a secondary role to male merchants. Second, I depict the Another and more frequent approach was to extend their commercial network. Young activities of women vendors in the local markets in rural Mali, taking the example of Djenné. male merchants moved to towns outside their home territory with goods to sell. They also Vending the products of their family agriculture in the local market is regarded as a displayed their skills in cotton weaving and metalworking. To be accepted by non-Muslim woman’s job. Their work is indispensable for maintaining the household. Third, I describe chiefs, they adopted a pacifist form of Islam (Takezawa 1990; Sakai 2003). Once the local some women merchants engaging in transnational/transregional business in Bamako. By people accepted them, they often married the local women and their settlements became a comparing these two forms of economic activity in contemporary Mali, I reveal the on-going kind of commercial entrepôt. They brought other male members of the same extended family changes in Malian society. or of the same village to live with them and strengthen the trading enclave. In this manner, they extended their commercial network to cover all areas of West Africa before colonisation Historical Background of Malians’ Long-Distance Trade by European countries. Even today, it is typical for a male Soninké to leave his natal village for a foreign country Malian Merchants in West Africa and engage in trade or to find a job to earn money to send to his family (Mishima 2002:123- Mali’s territory extends alongside the Niger River. As the upper part of the Niger River is 125). In contrast, Soninké women tended to stay in their natal places (Lovejoy 1978; Wilks rich in gold mines, some great kingdoms or empires like Ghana, Mali, and Gao (or Songhay) 1982; Law 1995). Therefore, studies and historical documents on long-distance trade in West flourished from the 8th to the 16th century in the river’s middle-course zone. To obtain gold Africa have described it as a domain controlled by men. However, a close examination of the not only for making jewellery but also for use as currency, many merchants from North documents and oral traditions reveals the existence of women merchants. Africa and even from the Middle East crossed the Sahara with camel caravans. In exchange

66 Miku Ito

Women Merchants in Mali’s Past There have been women merchants in Mali for over a thousand years. In Mali, several oral traditions narrate stories of famous women merchants in various important historical periods. Sakai (2003) relates the story of a famous woman merchant, Aminata Cissé, who played an important role in society from the end of the 18th century to the beginning of the 19th century, during the time of the Segou State of Bamana (1712-1861). Aminata Cissé accumulated considerable wealth by being actively involved in the trade of indigo textiles. This enabled her to extend her political and religious influence in the area. Oral tradition says that she supported a Sufi leader and financed a mosque in Sinssani, one of the commercial centers of the State (Sakai 2003:320-321). Roberts (1984) has shed light on the important role of women in long-distance trade in West Africa during the 19th century. In West Africa, women had for long been producing indigo textiles and using them themselves. With the increasing value of these textiles as a luxury commodity in long-distance trade, some women began to produce more of the textiles by employing labour forces and then consigning the textiles to male traders. The women accrued wealth for themselves through indigo textile production, and this enabled them to invest in other domains like the jewellery trade (Roberts 1984:230-245). A famous oral tradition in Djenné tells that Nana Wangara, a great and enterprising woman merchant, was engaged in trade during the 17th and 18th centuries. According to the oral tradition, she was very smart and employed a hundred men in her business. The garbu (large earthenware water jar) in her house yard was always full of fresh water even though no one had transferred water into it from the well. It was considered a blessing of God and a sign of her riches. This legendary well continues to be preserved by her descendants and is considered to possess sacred powers according to the Djenné people. Despite the existence of these legendary women merchants, why was long-distance trade always considered the domain of men? The reason could be the form of the women’s trade and activities. Although the women merchants produced commodities such as indigo cloth and smoked fish, they generally did not conduct the vending themselves, but consigned it to men, probably their husbands or other relatives, in order to avoid danger. In this sense, women merchants’ trading activity was more indirect and invisible than that of the male merchants, despite the fact that their commodities covered a large area of West Africa and fetched considerable profit. Therefore, historical studies on Malian trade activities seldom focused on women merchants. This resulted in constructing a dichotomy between men in trade and women in local markets.

Miku Ito Changing Malian Women’s Economic Activities 67

Women Merchants in Mali’s Past Women Market Vendors in Djenné There have been women merchants in Mali for over a thousand years. In Mali, several oral traditions narrate stories of famous women merchants in various important historical In this section, I depict the activities of women vendors in the local markets in Djenné, in periods. rural Mali. To analyse the characteristics of the women merchants, I present here some of Sakai (2003) relates the story of a famous woman merchant, Aminata Cissé, who played the ‘traditional’ economic activities engaged in by most Malian women. an important role in society from the end of the 18th century to the beginning of the 19th century, during the time of the Segou State of Bamana (1712-1861). Aminata Cissé Two Markets in Djenné accumulated considerable wealth by being actively involved in the trade of indigo textiles. Djenné is one of the oldest towns of sub-Saharan Africa. The town is located in central This enabled her to extend her political and religious influence in the area. Oral tradition Mali, about 570 km north-east of Bamako in the vast flood plain of the Inland . says that she supported a Sufi leader and financed a mosque in Sinssani, one of the The town of Djenné is constructed on an island of 88 ha between two branched flows of the commercial centers of the State (Sakai 2003:320-321). Bani River. The town had a population of about 14,000 in 2005, comprising seven different Roberts (1984) has shed light on the important role of women in long-distance trade in ethnic groups: Songhay, Fulbé, Marka, Sorko, Bamanan, Dogon, and Mossi,1 and the first West Africa during the 19th century. In West Africa, women had for long been producing three groups formed the majority of the town’s population. The major subsistence of Djenné indigo textiles and using them themselves. With the increasing value of these textiles as a is agriculture, fishing, and pastoralism, to which can be added maraboutage (a French term luxury commodity in long-distance trade, some women began to produce more of the textiles meaning works concerning Islam),2 trade, and tourism. by employing labour forces and then consigning the textiles to male traders. The women According to oral traditions and archaeological excavations, the town was built around the accrued wealth for themselves through indigo textile production, and this enabled them to 12th century after the abandonment of Djenné-Djenno (‘ancient Djenné’ in Djennéciini, invest in other domains like the jewellery trade (Roberts 1984:230-245). Djenné dialect of Songhay language), 3 km away from the actual town. In its heyday around A famous oral tradition in Djenné tells that Nana Wangara, a great and enterprising the 13th to 16th centuries, the town flourished due to the trans-Saharan trade. Goods like woman merchant, was engaged in trade during the 17th and 18th centuries. According to and textiles were transported to Djenné from the Sahara to be distributed to the towns the oral tradition, she was very smart and employed a hundred men in her business. The of the coastal area, while gold was brought from the upper part of the Niger River. The garbu (large earthenware water jar) in her house yard was always full of fresh water even earlier contact with Muslim merchants from the north of the Sahara had made Djenné a though no one had transferred water into it from the well. It was considered a blessing of famous Islamic scholarship centre as well. Although the importance of Djenné as a long- God and a sign of her riches. This legendary well continues to be preserved by her distance trade centre declined after the Portuguese and Dutch established trading bases on descendants and is considered to possess sacred powers according to the Djenné people. the coastal areas, the weekly Monday market continued to be the largest in the Inland Niger Despite the existence of these legendary women merchants, why was long-distance trade Delta. With its Grande Mosque, one of the biggest buildings made of dried mud bricks, always considered the domain of men? The reason could be the form of the women’s trade Djenné’s Monday market still attracts many people including foreign tourists today.3 and activities. Although the women merchants produced commodities such as indigo cloth There are two types of market in Djenné: yobu bɛr (grand market in Djennéciini) held on and smoked fish, they generally did not conduct the vending themselves, but consigned it to Mondays at the town’s public square in front of the Grand Mosque, and the daily market in men, probably their husbands or other relatives, in order to avoid danger. In this sense, an enclosed space of about 30m x 45m. The latter has different names in Djennéciini, one of women merchants’ trading activity was more indirect and invisible than that of the male the town’s common languages among different ethnic groups. Some women of the Sorko (an merchants, despite the fact that their commodities covered a large area of West Africa and ethnic group specializing in fishing) call it ham hangani yobu (fresh fish market) in contrast to fetched considerable profit. Therefore, historical studies on Malian trade activities seldom the Monday market where a large amount of ham hanbibi (black smoked-dried fish) from focused on women merchants. This resulted in constructing a dichotomy between men in fishing villages is available. Other women distinguish the daily market from the Monday trade and women in local markets. 1 According to the CIA Fact Book, the Malian ethnic composition is Bamanan 34.1%, Fulbé (Peul) 14.7%, Sarakole 10.8%, Senufo 10.5%, Dogon 8.9%, Malinke 8.7%, Bobo 2.9%, Songhay 1.6%, Tuareg 0.9%, other Malian 6.1%, ECOWAS citizens 0.3%, and others 0.4% (estimate as of 2012-13). 2 Maraboutage includes teaching at Koranic schools, making amulets and prayers for protection against illness or evil, obtaining riches or power, or helping a woman conceive or a man look for a wife using knowledge of Islam (Mommersteeg 2009). Djenné is famous for maraboutage among the Malians. 3 Djenné and its surrounding archaeological sites were designated a World Heritage Site by UNESCO as ‘Old Towns of Djenné’ in 1988. 68 Miku Ito market by calling it yobu deydey (market to buy the day’s groceries). These distinctions are unfamiliar to men because they rarely go to the daily market. The daily market is considered ‘exclusive’ to women (Ito 2016). In the daily market, almost all vendors and shoppers are women of Djenné and its neighbouring villages (3 to 15 km afar). In Djenné, it is difficult for women to hold professional positions such as that of a teacher or administrative officer. Despite improved enrolment rates at primary school (1st to 6th grade from age 7 to 12), the rate for the following three years, or secondary school, remained at 52.78% (63.63% for boys and 40.61% for girls) in 2004 (ADM 2004:23). Therefore, working as a market vendor is one of the few jobs available for Djenné women.

Women Vendors in Djenné’s Daily Market There are about 30 to 50 women vendors with their own tables in the daily market. They pay about 2,500 CFA Francs4 per year to the town administration to retain their space in the market. They also pay 500 CFA Francs each month for cleaning and maintaining the enclosure walls. Most vendors in the daily market sell items such as , fish, milk, and that has been produced by their family or by people of the same ethnic group. One of the older vendors, Dadi, is about 50 years old, and she sells fresh and smoked fish and small consommé cubes. She buys 10-20 kilogrammes of smoked fish at 1,200 CFA Francs per kilo at the Monday market, to sell them at 1,250 CFA Francs per kilogram at the daily market. Although her sons work as fishermen, their catches are not sufficient to sell at the market. Therefore, she buys smoked fish at the Monday market from a Sorko belonging to Mounga (a village about 25 km west from the town), a fisher of the same ethnic group as hers. Table 1 shows each vendor’s ethnicity, her family’s major occupation, and the main commodities sold in the daily market. In Mali, a person’s profession is often strongly associated with the ethnic group or clan to which the person belongs. People practicing a common profession are generally considered as members of one ‘ethnic group’ (Gallais 1962). For example, the Bozo or Sorko people are always referred to as fishers regardless of their actual involvement in the profession. Likewise, if someone introduces himself as a Fulbé, it is clear that his family are or his ancestors were pastoralists.

4 Mali is a member state of the West African CFA (Communauté Financière d’Afrique) Franc zone. CFA Francs have a fixed exchange rate to the euro. 100 CFA Francs are worth 0.152449 Euro (1 former French franc). Vending in Market, Travelling the World: Dynamics of Malian Women’s Economic Activities Miku Ito Changing Malian Women’s Economic Activities ITO Miku 69 Table

Vendor’s Ethnicity Family Occupation Main Commodity Vendor’s Ethnicity Family Occupation Main Commodity market by calling it yobu deydey (market to buy the day’s groceries). These distinctions are 1 Fulbé pasturage yoghurt 14 Sorko macon and fishery fresh small fish unfamiliar to men because they rarely go to the daily market. The daily market is 2 Djawambé teaching at Koranic school juice 15 Sorko macon smoked fish 3 Fulbé pasturage and touristic guide yoghurt, milk 16 Sorko fishery smoked fish considered ‘exclusive’ to women (Ito 2016). 4 Fulbé pasturage and teaching at yoghurt 17 Songhay agriculture fried ball made by In the daily market, almost all vendors and shoppers are women of Djenné and its Koranic school flour 5 Fulbé pasturage bread 18 Songhay agriculture rice, oil neighbouring villages (3 to 15 km afar). In Djenné, it is difficult for women to hold 6 Bamanan agriculture 19 Songhay agriculture cabbage, tomato puree 7 Bamanan agriculture onion, dried okra 20 Songhay teaching at Koranic school crepe made by millet flour professional positions such as that of a teacher or administrative officer. Despite improved 8 Bamanan agriculture onion, tomato 21 Songhay agriculture palm oil, condiments enrolment rates at primary school (1st to 6th grade from age 7 to 12), the rate for the 9 Bamanan agriculture dried okra, soumbara* 22 Songhay grocery palm oil, tomato puree 10 Bamanan agriculture and teaching at soumbara, condiments 23 Dogon agriculture onion, tomato following three years, or secondary school, remained at 52.78% (63.63% for boys and 40.61% Koranic school 11 Sorko fishery smoked fish, condiments 24 Bwa agriculture and teaching at dried okra, dried red Medersa (Franco-Arab pepper for girls) in 2004 (ADM 2004:23). Therefore, working as a market vendor is one of the few school) 12 Sorko fishery fresh small fish 25 Marka agriculture fried sweet jobs available for Djenné women. 13 Sorko fishery and mason dried small fish (for soup stock) Women Vendors in Djenné’s Daily Market Soumbara is traditional condiment made from néré (Parkia biglobosa) seeds. It is used widely in West African couisine. There are about 30 to 50 women vendors with their own tables in the daily market. They Table 1: Vendors’ ethnicity and their commodities in the daily market in Djenné (October pay about 2,500 CFA Francs4 per year to the town administration to retain their space in the Table1: Vendor’s ethnicity and their commodities in the daily market in Djenné (October 2007) 2007) market. They also pay 500 CFA Francs each month for cleaning and maintaining the enclosure walls. There is a considerable correlation between the commodities they sell and their family’s Most vendors in the daily market sell items such as vegetables, fish, milk, and rice that main occupation. Women vendors generally sell commodities that the other members of the has been produced by their family or by people of the same ethnic group. One of the older family produce in order to support their family’s household expenses. In this sense, their vendors, Dadi, is about 50 years old, and she sells fresh and smoked fish and small commercial activities are embedded within the family structure. This tendency can be seen consommé cubes. She buys 10-20 kilogrammes of smoked fish at 1,200 CFA Francs per kilo in the Monday market as well. at the Monday market, to sell them at 1,250 CFA Francs per kilogram at the daily market. Although her sons work as fishermen, their catches are not sufficient to sell at the market. Women Merchants in Bamako Therefore, she buys smoked fish at the Monday market from a Sorko belonging to Mounga (a village about 25 km west from the town), a fisher of the same ethnic group as hers. In February-March 2014 and in February 2015, I visited the homes of 26 Malian women Table 1 shows each vendor’s ethnicity, her family’s major occupation, and the main merchants in Bamako and interviewed them. Compared to local towns like Djenné, Bamako, commodities sold in the daily market. In Mali, a person’s profession is often strongly the largest city in Mali with a population of about 1.8 million, has seen rapid associated with the ethnic group or clan to which the person belongs. People practicing a industrialisation and urbanisation. I carried out comparative research on women merchants’ common profession are generally considered as members of one ‘ethnic group’ (Gallais 1962). economic activities in Bamako. For example, the Bozo or Sorko people are always referred to as fishers regardless of their I started with one woman and continued to the next and so on through a chain of personal actual involvement in the profession. Likewise, if someone introduces himself as a Fulbé, it introductions. They are all married Muslim women having one to five children. They is clear that his family are or his ancestors were cattle pastoralists. introduce themselves as ‘businesswomen’ or ‘commerçante’. The term ‘business’ refers to trade and commerce conducted for oneself rather than for a company or someone else. They use these words, such as ‘business’, in English or in French even when talking in local languages such as Bamanan or Songhay. This specific self-presentation term conveys their pride in being ‘businesswomen’, who manage trade by themselves, as opposed to being mere ‘vendors’ in the market. Based on the information I acquired from the interviews, the commercial activities of the women merchants in Bamako can be categorised into three types: informal private import,

intra-regional commerce, and trans-regional trade. 4 Mali is a member state of the West African CFA (Communauté Financière d’Afrique) Franc zone. CFA Francs have a fixed exchange rate to the euro. 100 CFA Francs are worth 0.152449 Euro (1 former French franc). 70 Miku Ito

Informal Private Import Of the 26 women I interviewed, 9 of them imported commodities, mostly cosmetics, from France, Canada, and the United States, using networks of family or friends. Diakité is the manager of a cosmetics shop in Bamako. She started her business in her twenties with two small parcels of cosmetics. One of her sisters living in Paris sent the cosmetics by parcel and she sold them to her neighbours. She expanded her business gradually, and after 12 years she opened a shop along with her brother. According to another woman, parcels sent from foreign countries by emigrant Malians are not subjected to stringent checks at the customs when they arrive in Mali. This means that the customs office often does not impose duties on them. Thus, many businesswomen begin their businesses with a single item or parcel sent as a ‘souvenir’ or ‘gift’ from a friend or family member living abroad As these women become deeply involved in the business, they contract permanent trade relations with their friends or family living abroad. They transfer money from Mali to foreign countries through international financial institutions such as Western Union or Money Gram, and their partners send them the merchandise. In the case of Sima, a 28-year- old woman, her Malian friend in Montreal sends her cosmetics. Her friend moved there with her husband some dozen years ago. Sima pays her friend in Canada through a money transfer service and sends her a list of items by email for purchase. Several times a year, she receives parcels. She imports about 20 parcels of cosmetics a year with an estimated value of 750,000 CFA Francs. Yet, she says, she has never been asked to pay customs duties. Many Malian men also import commodities in this manner. However, according to her analysis, as men deal in more valuable products, such as electronic devices, and in larger quantities, their parcels cannot pass through customs without paying the duty. Contrasting her way of doing business from that of men, she cites a famous Mande proverb, Dôônin dôônin kononin bè a nyaga da (Little by little, a bird makes a nest). As the Malian diaspora increased in the 1990s, women began to engage more in this form of commerce. Mali has a high rate of emigration and this form of commerce takes advantage of this phenomenon.

Intra-Regional Commerce Of the 26 women I interviewed, 10 were engaged in intra-regional commerce. These businesses take advantage of the regional unity of the West African countries. They travel and purchase commodities from the neighbouring UEMOA (Union économique et monétaire ouest-africaine / West African Economic and Monetary Union) countries such as , the , , Togo, and Benin,5 which have a common currency and the same official language as Mali’s. Their main commodities are kola nuts,6 fruits, second-

5 This union consists of eight states. It was founded in January 1994, but was based on the pre-existing West Africa Monetary Union of the CFA Franc zone. 6 The kola nut is the fruit of the kola tree (Cola acuminata). It contains caffeine and is used as a tonic medicine in Mali, especially for the elderly. Miku Ito Changing Malian Women’s Economic Activities 71

Informal Private Import hand clothes, accessories, and textiles such as African wax print, bedclothes, and curtains. Of the 26 women I interviewed, 9 of them imported commodities, mostly cosmetics, from All of them travel alone to purchase these commodities, and they stock and sell these at France, Canada, and the United States, using networks of family or friends. home or at the local market. Diakité is the manager of a cosmetics shop in Bamako. She started her business in her I now present the case of a middle-aged Songhay woman who has been in this business for twenties with two small parcels of cosmetics. One of her sisters living in Paris sent the more than 20 years. She was born in and moved to Bamako after her marriage. cosmetics by parcel and she sold them to her neighbours. She expanded her business She had never engaged in commerce before coming to Bamako. In Bamako, she became gradually, and after 12 years she opened a shop along with her brother. According to acquainted with a neighbouring woman, who bought textiles to Mali from Togo. She began to another woman, parcels sent from foreign countries by emigrant Malians are not subjected accompany the woman as an ‘apprentice’ on her purchasing trips. to stringent checks at the customs when they arrive in Mali. This means that the customs After several trips, she started working for herself with funds borrowed from a mutual office often does not impose duties on them. Thus, many businesswomen begin their bank and her uncle. Now, she travels to either Lomé (Togo), Cotonou (Benin), or to Bobo- businesses with a single item or parcel sent as a ‘souvenir’ or ‘gift’ from a friend or family Dioulasso () by bus every two months to buy merchandise from wholesalers. member living abroad She started by dealing in wax-print cloth and bazin textiles, and then extended the business As these women become deeply involved in the business, they contract permanent trade to perfumes, cosmetics, and shoes. relations with their friends or family living abroad. They transfer money from Mali to She gave an example of her accounts for business trips between Bamako and Lomé. The foreign countries through international financial institutions such as Western Union or round-trip bus fare between the two cities (about 1,800 km each way) costs about 50,000 Money Gram, and their partners send them the merchandise. In the case of Sima, a 28-year- CFA Francs. She always travels alone, but often encounters other women merchants on the old woman, her Malian friend in Montreal sends her cosmetics. Her friend moved there with bus and they exchange news of their business. Arriving at Lomé, she hires a Malian man her husband some dozen years ago. Sima pays her friend in Canada through a money living in Lomé as an interpreter because although the two countries share a common official transfer service and sends her a list of items by email for purchase. Several times a year, she language (French), she cannot speak French well enough to conduct business. Aside from the receives parcels. She imports about 20 parcels of cosmetics a year with an estimated value of interpreter, she has a Malian ja-tigi (in Bamanan language, it refers to a family member or 750,000 CFA Francs. Yet, she says, she has never been asked to pay customs duties. Many other person who accommodates a traveller at his/her place), in each city. Hence, she does Malian men also import commodities in this manner. However, according to her analysis, as not need to stay at a hotel during the trip. men deal in more valuable products, such as electronic devices, and in larger quantities, Usually, she purchases one large bolt of wax prints for about one million CFA Francs from their parcels cannot pass through customs without paying the duty. Contrasting her way of a wholesaler in Lomé. She transfers her money through a Western Union account and pays doing business from that of men, she cites a famous Mande proverb, Dôônin dôônin kononin bè the wholesaler in cash. The export tariff depends on the commodity and its quantity. She a nyaga da (Little by little, a bird makes a nest). pays, for instance, about 25,000 to 50,000 CFA Francs for a million CFA Franc wax print As the Malian diaspora increased in the 1990s, women began to engage more in this form bolt. On leaving Togo, the merchant passengers in the same bus gather their tariffs and the of commerce. Mali has a high rate of emigration and this form of commerce takes advantage driver pays all these together at the customs office. She retails the textiles at home in of this phenomenon. Bamako, selling to neighbours and vendors in the market. She earns about 100,000-200,000 CFA Francs per trip after expenses. Intra-Regional Commerce While she complains about the low profit margin, she wants to continue the business for Of the 26 women I interviewed, 10 were engaged in intra-regional commerce. These as long as possible. ‘Although I invest as much as millions to buy the goods, the profit is at businesses take advantage of the regional unity of the West African countries. most 200,000 CFA Francs. But, the business is so exciting. I’m getting old. But I’d love to They travel and purchase commodities from the neighbouring UEMOA (Union économique travel farther, even out of Africa to places like Europe, Japan, and China someday.’ It is not et monétaire ouest-africaine / West African Economic and Monetary Union) countries such common for a Malian woman to travel for leisure alone or with women friends. When I asked as Senegal, the Ivory Coast, Guinea, Togo, and Benin,5 which have a common currency and if she wanted to travel to Japan for trade or for leisure, she looked puzzled and said, ‘That is the same official language as Mali’s. Their main commodities are kola nuts,6 fruits, second- a very strange question. For me, travel is always for business. Business is not easy at all, but it is a kind of leisure as well. Leisure is for someone who doesn’t love their business.’ 5 This union consists of eight states. It was founded in January 1994, but was based on the pre-existing West I came across another form of intra-regional business. Two women, both managers of Africa Monetary Union of the CFA Franc zone. 6 The kola nut is the fruit of the kola tree (Cola acuminata). It contains caffeine and is used as a tonic medicine haute-couture ateliers, take advantage of West African regional unity. Their ateliers process in Mali, especially for the elderly. 72 Miku Ito the manufacturing of Malian dresses, which includes importing the cloth, dyeing, designing, and stitching, and the selling of the finished dresses. One of the women, Adina Sanougou, is in her fifties. She is the manager of her own fashion studio called ‘Adina Couture’. She started her career when she was in her thirties and initially travelled with some co-workers to neighbouring countries and opened temporary studios in many West African cities such as Bamako, Dakar, Lagos, Cotonou, Lomé, and . Finally, two years ago, she returned to Mali and opened a big, unique studio there with 12 employees. In Mali, tailoring is generally considered a man’s profession. Dress designing is also typically done by a tailor. She analysed the success of her business like this. ‘I succeeded, of course thanks to Allah, but also because I am a woman. When I was a child, there were only men tailors, even though it’s women who know women’s taste in fashion.’ Her clients are the new middle-class, which is rising powerfully in Sub-Saharan Africa.7 By working in different cities for a long time in West Africa, she has acquired good knowledge and skills and created strong connections with big clients like CEOs, ministers, politicians, and musicians. In 2007, an emigrant Malian living in the United States invited her studio to participate in a fashion exposition tour in Lyon, Miami, and Dubai. She has thus expanded her client network across different continents. She proudly claims that her overseas sales are now greater than her domestic sales. Although this form of intra-regional business by Malian women has been observed earlier, it has now become more prominent, having been stimulated by the Protocol on Free Movement of Persons of ECOWAS.8 Free entry without visa for 90 days was ratified by all member states in 1980. Furthermore, these women make the best use of the Malian diaspora network in West Africa and all over the world to travel or to make new connections for their business.

Transregional Trade I interviewed seven women engaged in more transregional and large-scale commerce. They are involved in informal trans-regional trade dealing with tissues, cosmetics, cloth, and accessories in Dubai (UAE) or Guangzhou (China). All these women began their business after 2000. They entered into a sector that had been dominated by male merchants. In the late 1990s, many Sub-Saharan individual dealers began to travel to Guangzhou, one of the largest international commercial centres of China. The number of Sub-Saharan

7 ‘The Middle of the Pyramid; Dynamics of the Middle Class in Africa,’ 2011, http://www.afdb.org/fileadmin/ uploads/afdb/Documents/Publications/The%20Middle%20of%20the%20Pyramid_The%20Middle%20of%20the %20Pyramid.pdf (Last access date: 4 February 2018). According to the market brief of AfDB (), the percentage of the middle class increased from 24% in 1990 to 33% in 2008 in Sub-Saharan Africa. This brief uses a definition of per capita daily consumption of $2-$20 to characterise the middle class in Africa. 8 ECOWAS was formed in 1975 to encourage, foster, and accelerate the economic and social development of the member states. Now ECOWAS consists of 15 states (Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d’Ivoire, , Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo). Vending in Market, Travelling the World: Dynamics of Malian Women’s Economic Activities ITO Miku Table Miku Ito Changing Malian Women’s Economic Activities 73

the manufacturing of Malian dresses, which includes importing the cloth, dyeing, designing, Age Ethnicity Father’s Occupation Term (years) in Instruction Main destination Main merchandise the business and stitching, and the selling of the finished dresses. One of the women, Adina Sanougou, is 1 29 Fulbé local official 7 university Dubai, China interior decorations, fabrics, accessories in her fifties. She is the manager of her own fashion studio called ‘Adina Couture’. She 2 40's Songhay - 10 high school China fabrics, sanitary napkins started her career when she was in her thirties and initially travelled with some co-workers 3 30's Soninké government official 9 university Dubai, China building tiles to neighbouring countries and opened temporary studios in many West African cities such as 4 43 Bozo state-run enterprise (textile 13 high school Dubai, China furniture, fabrics, accessories, sanitary Bamako, Dakar, Lagos, Cotonou, Lomé, and Niamey. Finally, two years ago, she returned to company) employee napkins Mali and opened a big, unique studio there with 12 employees. 5 38 - bank clerk 9 university Dubai furniture, interior decorations, fabrics In Mali, tailoring is generally considered a man’s profession. Dress designing is also 6 44 Songhay - 14 college Dubai, China cosmetics, fabrics, baby diapers typically done by a tailor. She analysed the success of her business like this. ‘I succeeded, of 7 43 Songhay grocery shop manager 10 primary school Dubai, China furniture, building tiles, fabrics course thanks to Allah, but also because I am a woman. When I was a child, there were only men tailors, even though it’s women who know women’s taste in fashion.’ Table 2: SummaryTable 2: Summary of ofinformation information of 7 ofMalian se venwomen Malian merchants women(February-March merchants 2014, February (February-March 2015) Her clients are the new middle-class, which is rising powerfully in Sub-Saharan Africa.7 2014, February 2015) By working in different cities for a long time in West Africa, she has acquired good knowledge and skills and created strong connections with big clients like CEOs, ministers, According to one of the woman merchants, the number of Malian women travelling to China politicians, and musicians. In 2007, an emigrant Malian living in the United States invited also increased exponentially around 2000. At the same time, Malians also began to travel to her studio to participate in a fashion exposition tour in Lyon, Miami, and Dubai. She has Dubai with the gold produced in their country, to sell it and purchase industrial thus expanded her client network across different continents. She proudly claims that her commodities.9 These two cities are still the major and most frequent destinations for Malian overseas sales are now greater than her domestic sales. women merchants. Although this form of intra-regional business by Malian women has been observed earlier, Table 2 is a summary of the information of the seven Malian women merchants I it has now become more prominent, having been stimulated by the Protocol on Free interviewed. Movement of Persons of ECOWAS.8 Free entry without visa for 90 days was ratified by all The general process of the trade is as follows. They send the funds for purchase through member states in 1980. Furthermore, these women make the best use of the Malian money transfer institutions in Bamako. Then, they take a flight to Dubai in UAE or diaspora network in West Africa and all over the world to travel or to make new connections Guangzhou in China. They stay at the destination for about 10 days. As they cannot speak for their business. English, , or Chinese, they hire a Malian living there as a guide and interpreter for their first few trips. These Malian guides work as interpreters, agents of diverse procedures, Transregional Trade and security guards. When the women become accustomed to the business after several I interviewed seven women engaged in more transregional and large-scale commerce. visits, they begin to work on their own, without a guide. After purchasing the merchandise, They are involved in informal trans-regional trade dealing with tissues, cosmetics, cloth, and they have to carry out the necessary procedures for shipping. In these cities, brokers help accessories in Dubai (UAE) or Guangzhou (China). All these women began their business them carry out customs and shipping procedures on their behalf. After the procedures, they after 2000. They entered into a sector that had been dominated by male merchants. return to Bamako. It takes two or three months to receive the merchandise. They go to the In the late 1990s, many Sub-Saharan individual dealers began to travel to Guangzhou, customs office themselves to receive the goods. Although the customs tariff is fixed for the one of the largest international commercial centres of China. The number of Sub-Saharan article, according to the women, this is ‘changeable by negotiation’. After passing the customs, they sell the merchandise at home or in a warehouse. Sidibé 10 (merchant 1 in Table 2) is a merchant in the gold trade. She inherited the

7 ‘The Middle of the Pyramid; Dynamics of the Middle Class in Africa,’ 2011, http://www.afdb.org/fileadmin/ business around 2008 after her mother’s retirement. At that time, she was still a university uploads/afdb/Documents/Publications/The%20Middle%20of%20the%20Pyramid_The%20Middle%20of%20the %20Pyramid.pdf (Last access date: 4 February 2018). 9 Mali is Africa's third largest gold producer after and Ghana. Mali exported 67.4 tons of gold in According to the market brief of AfDB (African Development Bank), the percentage of the middle class 2013. About 70% of the output was produced by private companies (Reuters, ‘Mali's gold exports down 21 pct increased from 24% in 1990 to 33% in 2008 in Sub-Saharan Africa. This brief uses a definition of per capita in 2014 on drop in artisanal ’, 9 April 2015, http://www.reuters.com/article/mali-gold-exports- daily consumption of $2-$20 to characterise the middle class in Africa. idUSL5N0X53FU20150408 (Accessed on 17 August 2017)). However, artisanal mining still comprises a 8 ECOWAS was formed in 1975 to encourage, foster, and accelerate the economic and social development of significant portion of gold mining in Mali. The merchants can buy gold directly from such artisanal miners. the member states. Now ECOWAS consists of 15 states (Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d’Ivoire, The 10 This is a fictitious name. She did not want me to use her real name in my article. She explained that she Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo). was afraid of provoking the evil eye of others who envied her success. 74 Miku Ito student. For the trade, she buys gold, usually a few kilograms, in Mali and takes it to Dubai by herself. She sells the gold at the gold market in Dubai, and with this profit, which is about 1,000 to 1,500 CFA Francs per gram, according to her, she buys commodities like carpets, flower vases, watches, etc. These commodities are sent by shipping containers to a port in Senegal or Benin and then transported to Bamako. She started selling them at her home and warehouse, but as the scale of business began to grow, she finally opened her own shop in one of Bamako’s rich districts. She encounters many difficulties in her business, but the most complicated is ‘her husband’s jealousy’. Her husband gives a reluctant consent to her trips to Dubai because UAE is ‘a country of Muslims, the same faith as ours’. Another businesswoman, Touré, also spoke of ‘husband’s jealousy’ when I asked her about the difficulties Malian women faced in conducting their business. The husbands feel uneasy that their wives work with men abroad, beyond their eyes and their control. They are also anxious that their wives’ income exceeds that of theirs because it might cause a change of power balance in the household. Touré said, looking at the wedding picture showing her with her husband,

I’m lucky because my husband is not jealous. He understands my business. A friend of mine, who did the trade like me, had to stop after she got married because her husband was so jealous. He wanted to go with her all the way to Dubai! That husband doesn’t understand what the business is.

Despite the complications of her husband’s jealousy, Sidibé has plans to expand her business. When I met her for the first time, she had just returned from her first trip to China. She said it was to expand her business connections in Asian countries. Some Malians living in China had introduced her to Chinese and Indonesian merchants there. Now, she plans to sell gold and buy used cars there. These women merchants share some common features. First, all of them were born in the cities and brought up in middle-class families. Their parents were government officials, bank clerks, or employees of state-run enterprises. Although it is estimated that over 80 per cent of the working population is in the primary sector in Mali, among the merchants I interviewed, no one was from a peasant family. Second, they have a relatively higher educational background than the Malian average. According to a UNICEF survey, the net enrolment ratio for secondary school (2008-2011) is 67.2% in Mali. Considering these low figures, the level of the women merchants’ educational background is quite high. Third, they all revealed that they use the income for their own purposes and do not give it to their husbands. They spend the income for the next purchase of goods for their business, a friend's wedding, shopping, etc. Generally, in Mali, the head of the family (father or husband) controls the family budget and the wife asks him for daily expenses. In sharp contrast, the women merchants keep their money apart from the family budget. Miku Ito Changing Malian Women’s Economic Activities 75 student. For the trade, she buys gold, usually a few kilograms, in Mali and takes it to Dubai They vary in age from their late twenties to their forties but all of them started their by herself. She sells the gold at the gold market in Dubai, and with this profit, which is business after 2000. Their destinations are mainly Dubai and China. Some of them had about 1,000 to 1,500 CFA Francs per gram, according to her, she buys commodities like made short trips to Indonesia and India for further expansion of their business. They deal in carpets, flower vases, watches, etc. These commodities are sent by shipping containers to a interior decorations like tablemats, flower vases, and artificial flowers as well as sanitary port in Senegal or Benin and then transported to Bamako. She started selling them at her napkins and baby diapers. Such merchandise has become popular in Mali and seen home and warehouse, but as the scale of business began to grow, she finally opened her own increasing demand in recent years. On the other hand, male Malian merchants deal mainly shop in one of Bamako’s rich districts. in electric devices such as mobile phones and home appliances. As women entered later in She encounters many difficulties in her business, but the most complicated is ‘her this sector, they have tried to differentiate themselves from male merchants by dealing in husband’s jealousy’. Her husband gives a reluctant consent to her trips to Dubai because goods that escape notice or are generally not bought by male merchants. UAE is ‘a country of Muslims, the same faith as ours’. Another businesswoman, Touré, also Despite the large scale of their trade, their businesses are mostly informal. An ILO spoke of ‘husband’s jealousy’ when I asked her about the difficulties Malian women faced in (International Labour Organization) study showed that trade was the most important source conducting their business. The husbands feel uneasy that their wives work with men abroad, of employment among self-employed women of Sub-Saharan Africa. According to the beyond their eyes and their control. They are also anxious that their wives’ income exceeds research, Malian women are more likely than men to be engaged in the informal sector (ILO that of theirs because it might cause a change of power balance in the household. Touré said, 2003:11). Furthermore, the contribution of women informal traders to the national GDP is looking at the wedding picture showing her with her husband, estimated to be 46.1% of the value added in trade in Mali (Charmes 2000 cited in Xaba et al. 2002). I’m lucky because my husband is not jealous. He understands my business. A friend of mine, who did the trade like me, had to stop after she got married because her husband Conclusion was so jealous. He wanted to go with her all the way to Dubai! That husband doesn’t understand what the business is. There have been abundant studies on Malian women’s economic activities, but most of them concern farming, commercial gardening, and manufacturing. A considerable Despite the complications of her husband’s jealousy, Sidibé has plans to expand her number of articles have appeared on small-scale businesses carried on in rural areas with business. When I met her for the first time, she had just returned from her first trip to the financial and technical support of foreign NGOs (Jigging 1989; Bingen et al. 2003; Sidibé China. She said it was to expand her business connections in Asian countries. Some Malians 2014; Turrittin 1988; Naughton et al. 2017). These studies and projects tended to depict living in China had introduced her to Chinese and Indonesian merchants there. Now, she Malian women collectively as people in need of support to gain personal empowerment. plans to sell gold and buy used cars there. However, my case studies in Djenné and Bamako show that Malian women’s economic These women merchants share some common features. First, all of them were born in the activities are more varied than previous studies have suggested. cities and brought up in middle-class families. Their parents were government officials, bank Women vendors in Djenné generally sell commodities that the other members of the clerks, or employees of state-run enterprises. Although it is estimated that over 80 per cent family produce. Their vending in the market is to support their household. When they of the working population is in the primary sector in Mali, among the merchants I purchase products for selling, they buy them from a member of the same ethnic group. In interviewed, no one was from a peasant family. Second, they have a relatively higher this sense, their activities are embedded in the traditional family and ethnic structure that educational background than the Malian average. According to a UNICEF survey, the net has constituted the base of rural society and economy. enrolment ratio for secondary school (2008-2011) is 67.2% in Mali. Considering these low In contrast, women merchants engaging in transnational trade deal with industrial figures, the level of the women merchants’ educational background is quite high. Third, they products made in foreign countries. As these products are free of the traditional system of all revealed that they use the income for their own purposes and do not give it to their production and are accessible to anyone, a buyer should be attentive and sensitive when husbands. They spend the income for the next purchase of goods for their business, a friend's choosing items for buying, places from where they can buy, and the customers to whom they wedding, shopping, etc. Generally, in Mali, the head of the family (father or husband) want to sell it. Malian women transnational merchants are engaging in domains that are not controls the family budget and the wife asks him for daily expenses. In sharp contrast, the exclusive to women. So, they also need to seek a ‘niche’ to establish their own positions in women merchants keep their money apart from the family budget. the business. 76 Miku Ito

Although commerce is open to merchants of both genders, we distinguish some unique features of Malian women merchants. No ethnic biases were observed among women merchants. They started their business by following their friend, mother, aunt, or neighbour. Compared to male merchants, like the male Soninké, there is no strong obligation to carry on the family occupation. This openness concerning the choice of occupation contributes to the vigour and rapid development of women’s economic activities. Differences can also be found in their commodities. Most of them deal with goods designed primarily for women, like cosmetics and sanitary goods. The women merchants I interviewed emphasise the importance of sensitivity to trends and ‘women’s taste’ when choosing the commodities. Recently, with the increase in the number of African women engaging in trans-national trade, some studies on the phenomenon have appeared (Desai 2009; Huynh 2016). However, these articles focus on their novelty and on economic aspects. They pay less attention to the social and psychological aspects of such activities, for example, the women’s life history, personal narratives, and possible impacts of their activities on Malian society. We do not have the exact statistics on the number of Malian women merchants or on the total profits of their activities because their activities are individual and informal. However, it is incontestable that these women merchants have made a significant impact on the economy of Mali and that their innovative approach to business is welcomed by other women who wish to ameliorate their living conditions.11 The women merchants I met emphasised and were proud of their individuality and independence from their family, especially from their husbands. However, this does not mean they are completely detached from their family. They are embedded within their family in a different way from the women in Djenné market. Many women complained about their ‘husband’s jealousy’ as one of the factors that prevents their further success. Support from family is essential for them to travel abroad because they have to leave their children at home. Many women merchants inherit networks and start-up funds from their parents, especially from the mother. Some want their children to carry on the trade. Over 15 years after the increase in Malian trans-national traders, their trading activities are now becoming a new ‘family occupation’.

11 In 2009, an amendment of the 1962 Malian Family Law (le Code des personnes et de la famille), was proposed in the Parliament. This precipitated protracted discussion and protest. One of the changes focused on women’s rights such as marriage and rights of inheritance. A change concerning female merchants was also proposed at that time, namely, the deletion of one sentence: ‘A married woman cannot do business without the permission of her spouse’. Miku Ito Changing Malian Women’s Economic Activities 77

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